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Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, May 19, 1826, Image 2

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Daily Paper, $8— Country Paper, 85, per annum.
FRIDAY, MAY^ 19, 1826.__
Messrs. Snowden <5j* Thamton—I should not
notice a statement made in theJ“National Jom
nal” of the 16th inst. (said to be a rumor) re
specting the steamboat party which lauded a
Mount Varnon on Sunday last, if it were not
to correct two misrepresentations contained in
it, which, I am persuaded, could not have re
ceived the countenance of either of the respect
able and honorable gentlemen who composed,
■what is styled, “the committee.” 1 he first is,
thal “the committee was not treated with com
mon politeness.”
I should feel much mortified if I could sup
pose that my conduct was so understood by
the members of that body; but if it was, 1 beg
them to believe, that as 1 had no cause, so, un
doubtedly, I had no intention, to treat them o
therwise than with respect, after being assur
ed bv th« m that they were ignorant of the pro
hibition to visit Mount Vernon on that day,
and in that mode; and this declaration, I trust,
they will accept, not as an apology, but as an
avowal of the feelings which influenced my con
duct towards them during our short interview.
That I felt some irritation against the Captain
of the boat, who, with the subjoined letter, per
haps, in his pocket at the time, could, from sor
did motives,expose his passengers to disappoint
ment, and me to the unpleasant dilemma of
. either refusing them permission to visit the
' place, or by making an exception in the parti
cular case, to rescind, in effect, the prohibi
tion altogether, I acknowledge. That my dc
Eortment may have indicated this feeling, is
ignly probable. Towards those who had been
designedly kept in ignorance of a material fact
known to the Captain, it was impossible to en
tertain other than the most respectful feelings,
with which I had hoped my behavior entirely
Tiie other misrepresentation to be corrected i
is, that “the refusal was accompanied by threats !
of instituting suits, See.”
Y\ hut threats are to i>e understood as com
prised under the Sfc, I know not Afte» stating
to the gentlemen, that the commander* of aii
the steamboats on the ri\er had been long since
warned not to bring parties to Mount Vernon,
I stated that I should certainly sue the Captain
of ‘his boat for his present conduct. I express
ed no other threat—i intended nothing beyond
it. 'A he* those gentlemen expressed their re- j
gret that the Captain should be in this prt di-j
camrri, aiu, aiiergivmie their nanie»» -- *
ed that I would consider \b«n, »*e ,,»po«si
ble persons 1 repudiated the proposition; and ;
this was confirmed by my fririid, Mr. Herbert, j
to tbe persons who afterwards assembled at the j
tomb, and who insisted upon sending me their
The threat against the Captain of the Sur
prise, I am determined to execute, whenever 1
may have the opportunity; although, I can
scarcely hope, that a resort to legal proceedings
against the commanders of these boats, will
contribute to protect my rights, if their passen
gers should think proper to indemnify them a
gainst the consequences of their violating
If the best efforts I can make to protect this
spot from those intrusions which many painful
and mortifying circumstances have constrained
me publicly to forbid, nothing will remain for
me but to abandon it altogether. I claim no
particular privilege as attached to the place, or
to the name of him from whose bounty I re
ceived it. 1 a ked to be protected in those pri
vileges only, which are the birth right of the
humblest citizen of Virginia.
jMount Vernon, 18/A May, 1826.
"The feelings of Mrs Washington ancl myself, have
been so much wounded by some late occurrences at
this place, that I am compelled to give this Public No
tice,that permission will not in future he granted to
Steam-Boat Parties, to enter the Gardens, or to walk
over the grounds, nor will l consent that Mount Ver
non, much less the I .awn, shall be the place at which
eating, drinking and dancing parties may assemble
"It is not my wish, by a particular recital of the un
pleasant circumstances which have l«d to this notice,
to give offence to any person; but 1 may be permitted
to state generally, as my wpimon, that a stranger who
had accidentally stopped here upon many of ihe occa
sions alluded to, not knowing to whom the place had
belonged, would hardly have taken it for the residence
of a private gentleman.
"The respect which I owe to the memory of my re
vered unde, and that which I claim for myself, forbid
my longer submitting to similar indignities. Respecta
ble strangers and others, be their condition in life
what it may, who may be led by curiosity to visit this
place, will at all times, (Sundays always excepted)
receive the same attention which has heretofore been
uniformly and cheerfully show n such characters.
" „ », 1822.”
“Sir—The above notice was published in Mr.
Snowden’s paper and in the National Intelli
gencer, in July, 1822; notwithstanding, parties
have since been brought to this place by some
Steam Boats, particularly during my absence
from home. My object in sending you this
letter, is to apprize you of my determination to
sue the commanders of those Steamboats, in
which parties mav hereafter be conveyed to
Mount Vernon. Your humble servant,
"To ■-, Matter of the Steamboat ——. ”
To the Jmor> of Ihe Phtmx Oo.ttie.
I have attempted briefly to point out »ome
few of the Srs we are liable to, it, common
with all other governments that defend "P
,he Will ofthe peo^for
which^we'are peculiarly subject, before I pro
ceed to shew that some of them are impending
“Thave heretofore spoken of the excitements
, Which as a people, we are naturally subject,
and*very' concisely* pointed a. the horrors m
*hich they result. But it is not in excrement
alone that we aee to dread the destruction of
our liberties; it is not from the reckless fury of
a people transported beyond themselves, by the
well directed efforts of a man, powerful bv bis
nularitv and dangerous from his unprinct
p|«| ainbiiion; or from the fuel which Ins mi
nions and incendiaries disseminate through ll
country. No—there is another, and more dan
gerous, because more treacherous evil, strik
ing at the bases upon .which society rests—a.
the stronghold of f rcedom, in the action, in
telligence, and spirit of the people. H is
that strange apathy, approaching to aruu\,
which arises chiefly from too great confidence,
oopresseS the intellect, and subdues ihe fer
int^—it is that indifference to the events winch
every day brings forth—that which blinds us
either in ignorance or in prejudice,—whilst we
are daily approaching nearer and nearer to the
fate that we dread, but do not anticipate, f i on»
whatever cause it may proceed, however, there
is nothing more insidiously dangerous to the
stability of our institutions, and the preserva
tion of our liberties. It comes upon us bv de
grees—in silence—with a steadily increasing
power, till it becomes resistless in its mighty
progress, and we fall it* willing, unresisting,vic
tims. We may start; but we look in vain for
its origin—*e dare not unveil futurity and di',
close its horrors to our mmas.
1 have said that we are peculiarly subject to
this danger as a people. Is it de»y,ed? Look
around you. Is there now a^y thing but secu
rity either in the virtu*1 ut1d patriotism of a few
individual*, tv hr have formed themseives into
a hand o* naming patriots, and under the sem
bl'.Tice of ardent iove of country, and deep tlevo
i lion to the constitution, are plotting the des
truction of both? Does any one whisper a sus
picion of the object the leader of this hand has
fixed his eye upon, and moves on Steadily to ob
tain? Not a breath is heard. We hear him
called ambitions—unprincipled—intriguing—
able ami daring: but no man basset the limits
to his ambition, or defined his daring hopes
Under these professions, patriotism and re
verence for the constitution under which we ex
ist, thrown out with all the allurements which
i ingenuity and talent devoted to sejf aggran
j disement can conceive or produce, a masked
I traitor, risen to elevation by the confidence of
! the people, perpetrates more villainy than an
I open and avowed enemy coming with physical,
j backed by moral" power.—-He may by these
! means throw an impenetrable veil over the de
signs which lie fosters, till they are ripe for
execution—till he has gathered together his
strength, and bursts upon our fancied security
with an overwhelming power, lie may thus
wrap us in a blind reliance upon his virtue—
alienate our affections and our duties from the
government and principles—while we, slum
bering in indolence, or oppressed with indiffer
ence, or blinded by prejudice, silently yielding
up, by degrees, our dearest rights, prepare the
way for his march to poorer.
Our constitution^ admin^f --
for the truths it contains, for the rig.’:*s 11 9e‘
cures, for the principles upon which A *cs,s;
magnificent from the vast extent 8c comprehen
siveness of its plan; grand from its origin and
its integral morality—has pointed out a mode
for the election of a President, which stood the
test of time, which has not, and cannot, be re
medied. Acting strictly within the limits pre
scribed by this instrument, according to the
dictates of their judgments, the Representatives
of the People of the United States, upon whom
the duty devolved, made the election. Is there
any thing in this to raise the passions of the
people against the Administration? Is any prin
ciple violated? And can it he believed that this
has been the fruitful source of an opposition, in
the bosom of the government, as base in its de
signs as it is heartless in its professions? Yet
the people slumber over this glaring outrage
upon humanity, and listen to the faithless de
clarations and unmeaning cries of those who
have committed it. They will not think for
»hemse!ves, when, under the eye of the Vice
President of the United States, under his/hror
ing eye—in the midst of the most dignified as
sembly on the earth—before the whole world,—
this constitution, which we revere, has been
called a fanfaronade—a jumble of unmeaning
phrases. Thty cannot he loused, when they
see the President of the Senate of the United
States heading the band that opposes every
measure ot the Administration, ana is pledged
to use every means to destroy it—when they
see him courting, and flattering, and pretend
ing to admire, the ruins of a man once ah ac*
- live and efficient member from Virginia—and
urging him on to the utmost virulence, obsce
nity, and disgusting exhibitions—virulence a
gainst the administration, obscenity in lan
guage, disgusting exhibitions of human cha
, racter. We rest in apathy—we are infatuated
j with the belief that all this can do no harm.
| Fellow citizens, it degrades us in the estimation
1 of the world—it detracts from the respect we
i should feel for ourselves—it blunts our finest
feelings—it strikes at the fountain of our pros
perity and happiness, in accustoming our cars
and our minds to the abuse and ridicule of the
principles of our government.
I may have written too long already: hut
you must excuse me. I fed w hat I say—I write
what my judgment approves.
It is the natural effect of “frequency of repe
tition to destroy liveliness of impression,” as it
is for familiarity with scenes of vice to destroy
the principles ot virtue in the human mind.—
And I, forone, cannot look hack upon the scenes
exhibited in our Senate during the last winter,
without loathing their actors, and dreading
their consequences. We have found that no
thing is good or virtuous in government—that
the administration is the council of an usurper
that we have an apostate and a villain for our
President—a mean, despicable, narrow-minded
wretch for a Secretary of State-a recreant for
a Secretary at War—a fool and hardened up-1
start for a Secretary of the Nary—that one of
our Presidents, whose virtues, whose excellence
of head and heart we were taught to revere, is
. - —; the Declaration of Independence a
fanlaronule—the Constitution of the United
States athing for fools and children, and mad
men and villains to sport with. And yet we
have loosed on calmly. These sentiments have
hem prtmulged by a Senator; approved of by
a Vice Resident, sanctioned, if not improved
upon, byother Senators; and yet we believe all.
these met to be the firm, undeviating, immova
ble, ardeit friends, supporters and advocates
of the vry principles they tints contemn and
ridicule-*Are we blind or infatuated?
Be thi^s it may, I will not, I cannot sit an
idle spectttor,a dreamer, in the catastrophe of
which m fate and that of millions is concern- j
ed, whenlt has already gone t': rough the first
act, and developed the characters and the plot.
Mv fattilic] I say? Perhaps not; but if not mine,
that of nose who come after me—my children,
and my hildren’s children. v
L< t bese sentiments spread abroad in the
country-improved upon by every gale of pre
judice-carrying the weight o» such high au
thority dth them;—let them be Repeated over
and o\eagain—anil the shock, which we feel in
witnessig such depravity r.\ mind, will soon
lie lost—:he abhorrence •'.e cannot but entertain
for the ian who can make such an attack up
on men ml measures, aye, and principles, will
scon lieon«cr*l(.{j into indifference, and then
begins tl.^*,K„ of jassion, violence, and tenor.
Hot’s of Representatives, May 12.
Mr. WTRS l'ER, from the Committee on the
Judiciary,oade the following Report:—
The Comijttee on the Judiciary, to whom was
referred be message from the Senate, de
clining ip conference which has been asked
by the Hnse on the subject of the disagree
ing voteiof the two Houses, on the amend
ment proosed by the Senate to the bill to
amend th Judicial system of the Un ted
States,has had thesame under consideration,
and now iporh
The comijttee cannot but think it matter of
deep regret,|iat a measure, acknowledged to
he of great pblic importance, should be lost by
any final disareemenl of the two Houses, on
its parMculaiprovisions; and they esteem it
j'ist ground c satisfaction, that the House, on
Miis occdsionjhas not failed to apply itself to
every itjeasuj which principle or usage sanc
tions, in oi’dci to bring about an ultimate con
currence in ojnion between itself and the Sen
ate. The ciilimstances of the case may re
quire a brief narration of the progress of the
| hill, and of th amendment, and a short view oi
the points of difference existing between the
two Houses.
The Hmi3e>assed the bill on the 26th of
January, and jent it to the Senate. On the
15th of April,it was informed that the Senate
had passed it rith an amendment. The House,
on the 28thda; of April, disagreed to this a
mendment; anion the third day of May, the
Senate adhercd'Xo its amendment, without hav
ing asked any conference on the subject. On
the 5th day of alay, the House itsell asked a
conference with the Senate, on the subject ol
the disagree ing votes; and this conference the
Senate has non declined. It cannot be denied,
that the Senate has a right to refuse such con
ference; but the Committee think it equally
clear, that such is not tlie usual and ordinary
^rtri xiiC ovirnmnee cTo not le.<rn, that any in
stance has lie fore occurred in the history of the
government in which a conference, requested
pne House, has been declined by the other
1’his oeiii* *«*<!, by them, to he the first exam
ple of such refusal; and although the commit
tee would not recommefiu !.*V*t ihr public inter
est should be postponed, to any consideration
of matters of form or ceremony in the
course of the two Houses of Congress, yet they
do not think that the practice of free confer
ence, on occasions ol difference, or other pro
per occasions, is mere matter of form. They
regard such conferences, on the contrary, as the
established and long approved mode ofconduct
ing the mutual intercourse of the two Houses;
they are impressed with the belief that it might
lead to inconvenient and unforeseen consequen
ces, either to depart from the practice altoge
ther, or to abridge i', or to refuse it in cases in
which it has heretobre been ordinarily resort
ed to.
Although it is still in the power of the House
to agree to the amendments of the Senate, yet
the Committee are ol opinion, that »f there be
substantial objections to those amendments,
the House ought notlo assent to them merely
because lIk oilier H<use has not only adhered
to its amendments without having asked the
usual confidence, hut has also declined the con
ference, when asked by the House of Represen
tatives. I: ought not to be, and cannot he, the
effect of such a proceeding, to place the respon
sibility of’osing the measure on the House.
'I hat responsibility, in the opinion of the Com
mittee, necessarily attaches itself wherever
there has been » departure from those accus
tomed aid approved modes of proceeding,
which havt been established for 'he purpose of
bringing t\e Houses to a concurrence in cases
of disagreeing votes.
And the Committee think that there are sub
stantial objections to the amendments proposed
by the Senae; and. in order to present theejnes
lions fully t> the House, they deem it necessa
ry to state, ihortly, what the original bill was,
and w hat ae the amendments proposed.
The orignal bill,as it passed this House, con
sisted of th ee sections—
By the first, it was declared, that three addi
tional Associate Justices of the Supreme Court
should he appointed, with like powers and duties
as the other .Associate Justices of that Court.
The second section provided, that the seventh
Judicial Circuit should hereafter consist of the
Districts of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois; that
Kentucky and Missouri should form an eighth
Circuit; Tennessee and Alabama a ninth; and
Louisiana and Mississippi a tenth; and the same
section then proceeded to declare, that the
Judge now allotted to the seventh Circuit,^now
composed of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio,)
should, until the next term of the Supreme
Court, anti until a new allotment should he
made, be assigned to the eighth Circuit,(to be
composed of Kentucky and Missouri,) and that
the thwe new Justices should be assigned,by the
President, to the seventh, ninth, and tenth Cir
cuits, until the next term of the Supreme Court,
and when it was made the duty of the Judges
to allot themselves to the several Circuits, and
make record thereof according to law, as in
other cases.
The third section repealed all such laws as
vested Circuit Court powers in the several Dis
trict Courts, and enacted that the Circuit Courts,
in such Districts, should be holden by the Jus
tice of the Supreme Court allotted to the Cir
cuit, and the District Judge of the District, at
the times and places now established by law for
District Courts therein, exercising the jurisdic
tion of District Courts. The Committee need
hardly remind the House, that the Judges of
the Supreme Coiirt are appointed and commis
sioned as Judges of that Court only, and have no
other appointment or commission whatever.—
The new appointed Judges are, of course, by
the first section of the bill, to oossess the like
pcrcrs and duties as the other Judges: that is, they
are to be appointed Justices of the Supreme
Court, and nothing more.
The House also needs not to be informed,that
by the act of April, 1802, it was provided, that
on every appointment of a Judge of the Su
preme Court, the Judges should allot them
selves among the Circuits* as they should see
fit, and enter such allotment on record; and on
the appointment of a Judge, the President was
authorised to make the allotments, which should
lie binding until the next session ol the Court,
or until the Court should make a new allotment.
These provisions apply to the Court, and to all
vacancies occurring, as it was constituted bv
that act. The present bill, as it passed this
House, applied the same provision to the Judg
es about to be appointed. They were to t>e ap
pointed as Justices of the Supreme Court; they
were to he allotted by the President until the
meeting of the Court, when a new allotment was
to be made and recorded. All this, the Com
mittee trust, is plain and intelligible; and it is
according to the Constitution Sc standing Laws.
The amendment of the Senate is as follows:
“Strike out the second section, and, in lieu
thereof, insert the following:
“That the seventh Judicial Circuit of the U
nited States shall hereafter consist of the Dis
tricts of Ohio and Kentucky; and that the Dis
tricts of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, shall
form tne eighth circuit; the Districts of Ten
nessee and Alabama shall iorm the ninth cir*
cuit; and the Districts of Mississippi and Loui
siana shall form the tenth circuit; and the Jus
tice of the Supreme Court,appointed for each of
said seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth Circuits,
shall reside therein.”
This amendment consists of two distinct
parts, and it is necessary to stale them sepa
rately. f .
The first proposes a new arrangement ol the
Districts intoCircuits;the material change in this
respect, being this: By the bill, as it passed the
House, Kentucky and Missouri formed a Cir
cuit, and Ohio,' Illinois, and Indiana another
Circuit; and by the amendment adopted in the
Senate, Kentucky and Ohio form a Circuit, and
Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, a Circuit.
The Committee cannot but regard this change
as very' important and material It ought not,
in their judgment, to be regarded as a mere
matter of detail, because it bears directly and
strongly on the leading and essential objects ol
the whole bill. The great reason urged in ine
House for the passage of the bill, was the accu
mulation of Circuit business in the Western
situiefc. .ToJlve..crtfV''OTl thWiirwere*,1’ as they
ought to have been, directly aimed. Accor
dingly, in arranging the Districts into Circuits,
it was an object tp place the larger States in
different Circuits, so that no one Circuit should
he overloaded with business. In executing this
purpose, am! for no other purpose, Kentucky
aud Ohio, much the largest S’alcs, and hav
ing much the greatest accumulation of causes,
j were theotm into different Circuits..
It did not occur to any single individual of
this Committee, in preparing the bill, that these
two States ought to be united, or could pro
perly be united in the same circuit; nor did any
member of the House make any suggestion to
that effect, during the long time that the bill
was under discussion here. It is a fact that
cannot, as the Committee believe, he disputed,
that the two States of Kentucky and Ohio con
tain more than a majority of the people of all
the western states, and much more than half of
all the judicial business in the United States’
Courts of these States. By the provisions of
the bill there are to be four western circuits;
and yet, if the Senate’s amendment be adopted,
this single circuit will comprehend more peo
ple, and more business, than all the three o
thers, if put together. Kentucky and Ohio are
represented on the floor of this House by twen
ty-six representatives, and it is statid to the
Committee, that there are twelve hundred suits
brought in the circuit courts, in those States, a
year In the seven other western States, in
cluding Tennessee, there are but twenty-one re
presentatives, and there are stated to be eight
hundred and fifty suits brought In a year. Nine
of these representatives are from Tennessee, Sc
five hundred of the suits are in the Circuit Court
in that Slate. From Indiana, Illinois, and Mis
souri, there are hut five representatives, and at
the utmost, not more than one hundred and six
ty suits brought in a year.
Now, when it is remembered that the main
argument for passing the bill, and for creating
so great a number of new Judges as three, was,
that no less number would he sufficient, in or
der to a proper discharge of the circuit business
of the Western States, it seems extremely diffi
cult to admit the propriet) of an amendment
which throws more than half of that business
on a single Judge. The Committee, indeed,
are constrained to say, that if it he true that
the circuit business of Kentucky and Ohio can
be properly discharged by one Judge, there is,
in their judgment, no ground on which so large
an increase of the number of Judges as the bill
proposes can be justified.
If such grounds do exist, the Committee
cannot but regret that they have not been made
known, or explained to the House.
The Committee now advert to the second
branch of the Senate’s amendment. By this it
is provided “that the Justice appointed for each
of said seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth cir
cuits, shall reside therein.” Now the Commit
tea would observe, in the first place, that the
bill provides for thru, not /our, new Judges; the
Judge for the eighth Circuit being already on
the Bench.
And in the second place, they would remark,
that neither by this act, nor by any other law,
can Judges be appointed for these Circuits or for
any Circuit. There is no such thing known to
our laws as appointing a Judge for a particular
Circuit. The Committee h?s already stated that
the Judges are appointed only as Justices of the'
Supreme Court; and that legal provisions are
made for their allotments to the Circuits from
time to time. This part of the amendment, if
it could have any effect, would, as it seems to
the Committee, create an eniire anomaly, and
an inequality among the judges on me same
Bene i, which the Committee suppose it could
not have been intended to int'-oduce The bill,
as amended, seems to the Committee incongru
ous and inconsistent. The first section pro
vides that the new Judges shall possess the
same powers and duties as the exis ing Judges;
but this amendment supposes that the near
Judges are to be appointed Judges for particular
Circuits; which would be giving them other
and different powers, and imposing other and
different duties, than pertain to the existing
Judges. Nor is this all. While the amend
ment of the Senate proposes to strike out the
whole of the second section of the original
bill, it does not seem to provide jmy substitute
for all that it thus strikes out.
It makes no provision for ulloting the Judg
es to the Circuits; and the Committee do not
at present see how many Circuit Courts could
lawfully be holden by these Judges, if the bill
should pass.
These objections to the amendments of the
Senate, the House will observe, do not respect
the residence of the new Judges within their
circuits, as is proposed by the Senate. Tne
Committee do not think that pmiision a useful
amendment of the hill; and, indeed, it might
be, in their opinion, in some measure improper
to make such a provision, a* applicable to some
Judges, while it is not applicable to others.—
This particular point, however, is not one
on which, if ihrrc were no other objections, the.
Committee would put the fate of the bill.
Upon the whole, the Committee feel obliged
to recommend to the House the adoption of the
following resolution:
llcsolved, That the House do adhere to its
disagreement to the amendment of the Senate
to the bill entitled “An art further to amend the
Judicial Svstem of the United Slates.”
SUBSCRIBERS to the Lafayette Fee Uou«e arc re
gpeclfully informed, that the delivery of ice will
commence this morning, at the corner o) Pr.nce ami
Fairfax streets, and at their respective dwellings when
required. Nonsuhscribers wifi be furnished with any
quantity they want » n reasonable terms,
may 15—3t*w3w MATTHEW ROBINSON.
Great iVaturat Gurtosit}.
JVow Exhibiting at the House opposite the Mecha
nic’ Bank. Alexandria.
Admittance 25 ( ants—Children hat* price.
Hardware and Cutlery
REUBEN W. HORNER has just received (at hit
> store three doors south of tig-street) by late ar
rivals from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, an
additional suppb of
which renders his assortment complete, consisting in
part of the following:
Gram, grass and bramble scythes, trace chains
~ : » ui-.iHo. sad an«l halters’ irons, Gilpin’s trowels
Uench and moulding planes, cutting and draw ing
knives °
Carpenter’s and cooper’s adzes, hammers &. hatchets
Augers, chissels,gimblets, files, rasps and sand paper
Shoe thread, pincers, Hammers, aw Is and tacks *
Bed caps and screws, brass paw, iron and wood cas
Glass and brass commode knobs, brass candlesticks
I in d iron tea kettles and sauce pans, frying pans
Plated, Britannia metal and till’d iron spoons
Princis metal bridle bitts and stirnif irons
Plated gig mounting, coach and dash handles
Plated bridle and harness buckles, martingale books
Saddle bag fasteners and locks, saddletrees
Mill, cross cut, pit, hand, web and compass saws
Mariners’ compasses, binaclc lamps, iron weights
Bell metal kettles, brass wash kettles, snuffers &. travs
Scissors and razors, tea boards and waiters, knives
and forks
Pen, pocket, shoe and butcher’s knives, hilling and
weeding lines
Iron rim, stock, pad, horse, cupboard, till ami chest
Shovels and spades and ditching shovels
English wagon boxes, pot metal, and Sweedisb steel
m:t.v *7_6t
waving lUmds.
JAMES A. WATERS lias just received and is now
opening, at his new store, south-east corner of
King and Fairfax streets, a general assortment of
Seaso\nib\e Ov^ Uoods.
Consisting in part of the following articles—
Sheppard’s superfine blue and black cloths
Claret, green, olive and grey do
Blue, black and drab cassimeres
4 cases ladies’ parasols, 1 case gentlemen’s umbrellas
Long and short piccesyeilow nankeens
Itlack and drab Denmark satteen, striped florentine
Itlack twill’d Circassians, linen cambrics
Plain and figured black silks, linen cambric bilks
Do do do coloured do, fig’rd and plain book muslins
Cotton cambrics, jaconet cambrics, 5-4 'wiss cravats
Plain and fig’rd silk hrikts, 6-4 cross barred do
Flag, bandanno and Madras bdkfs
Plain and ribbed silk half hose, raw silk do do
Ladies black and white silk hose, do do do cotton do
Men’s white, black and colored cotton socks
Illue, pink, white ati^ black Italian crape
1 case 7-8 and 1 case 4-4 Irish linens, long lawns
Black and brown Hollands, Irish dowlas
Plain it striped drillings, Russia drillings unblcacl c<f
Ticklcnburgs burlaps and Scotch oznaburgs
Men’s thread from 10 to 30, Bolivar stripes '
Calicoes and ginghams, black mandarine robes
Colored Nankin crapes, black & colored Canton do
Canton crape shawls, white and colored Marseilles
Cotton cassimere, ladies’white, blk A col’d kid gloves
Angola caswmere for gentlemen’s coats
Bleached and unbleached Russia sheetings
Ravens duck diapers, 3 4, 7-4, 4-4, and 5-4 bleached
and unbleached domestic cotton, colored do
o-4, 4-4, and 5-4checks, cotton yarn from No. 4 to 16
One Case L»eg\u)rn Bonnets.
W ith a great variety of other articles too numerous to
particularise, which will be sold low for Cash,
may 17
OaaYi \n Market.
THE subscriber wishes to purchase twenty-five or
thirty SLAVES, between the ages of 12 and 25, of
both sexes, for which the highest cash price will begi
ven. Information to be had either from John W. Smith,
or myself, Southern Hotel.
Alexandria, May 16 SMITH C. FRANKLIN

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