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Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, July 03, 1827, Image 2

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DAILY,
BY SSTO vTDBU Sc THORvITON.
AID (>OR TH-: W CUTRT.I O
XT’USD AYS, THURSDAYS AND SATURDAYS.
CIBSSS OT r*IID'AX4TRII1' **> HUNTTItX’ 4LIST.
Daily Paper, S3—tCou.ifry Paper, 85, per annum
TUESDAY, JULY J, 182f*
Frorn the liurfon Patriot
C OLO N1A L* T R A DK.—1 -ettv h X.
To THK Right Hojj. George Canning, First
l/JRD <»t THK I'rKaSURY, £SC.
«$in_Vuu observed in >ouT letter to Mr. Gal
latin, that
“The onlv t fi' ct of this suspension [viz. the
omission of uli the British Colonial authorities
to apply the act of Parliament to the commerce
of the Unhid States! was the continuance of
t!i«* benefits of the then exisring state of things
to the United States for nearly a twelvemonth
longer than they would otherwise have enjoyed
it.”
I have shown you, in my last letter, that this
rrrnaik was altogether irrelevant to the matter
in hand. The question is not whether the con
tinuance of this state of things was beneficial
or n»>t to the United States, hut whether they
were not fully authorised to infer from the fact,
that none of the Bri’ish colonial authorities un
derstood the act of July 1&23 to apply to the
United States, that it really was not intended to
apply to them.
V* . _ T..U T,t n,.n/Ii, l ho tsclr nt cltnw.
1 UU » I I ¥ JMV»»v IWM ' — ' ’ -
ing that tli* was not a fair inference. Ins'e-ad
of doing ilitst you say,
“That continuance was permitted lay the Bri
tish Government, niainlv in consideration of the
tlien pendency in the Legislature of the United
States, of the resolution hereinbefore mention
ed, for conforming to the conditions the act
Of 1825.”
I have become weary of charging you with
vfc*. ddxct. mislaiement of important tacts. I
beg to repeat, that 1 ascribe it merely to the
haste in which your despatch must have been
written, and to a sort of proud and genteel dis
dain of patient investigation.
You say ihe British Government sanctioned
the conduct of the colonial governments in per
mitting the trade to remain open, on account of
“ihe pendency of the resolution hereinbefore
meini^cd.”
I have shown you that no such resolution as
you describe w.«s ever moved in either House of
Cong!ess: but I let that pass.
. iff,lT.,affi|iwn|iig*|ii uMiiiauufF,tu .in. Kiftrirj
report, or Gen. Smith’s bill. I might insist
that you refer to the last, because that is the
<>uly on* of the three to which the word “rrjec
ti.in,’’ in any .vr.-rre, .’pi.lies, and ti at bill was re
ported as late as Ap.il 19th.
But 1 will adopt the supposition, most favor
able to you, that when you speak of the ‘•reso
lution rejected’* you refer to Mr Cambreleng’s,
widen, however, was not rejected, but adopted
Without opposition His resolution was not
moved tdl January 23t'i. You c^uld nof well
have heard of it till February 251!i. Your or
ders, in cons- quencc, could not hate rea'lied
A nenca till March ‘25th, and in allowing but
six y days for the exchange of intelligent e in
mu! winter, involving & deliberation of your go
vernment upon it, I certainly make an allow
aiice most libeiul toward you.
Now, on the 23d of January, in oilier words,
more than two months before orders c«.uld pos
sibly have come from England, founded on Mr.
Cambrrleng’s resolution, tiro days before that rc
solution teas mured at Washington, the Council
at Halifax, on the representation of the British In
spector General, revoked the order txcluding our
commerce I’toin that pon!
Anu yet you leave it to he interred that this
revocation took place in consequence of the
pendency of the resolution!
Here 1 must make a long extract from your
letter, but my comments on it shall be propbr
ticnably short:
“Immediately upon the receipt of authentic
intelligence of these proceedings at Washing
' ion, an instruction was sent out to Mr Vaughan,
grounded on the belief of the British Govern
ment, that Congress would no* separate with
out adopting the resolution then under their
consideration. In that case, aod upoji receiv
ing an assurance from the American Govern
ment that the restrictions and changes on Bii
tish shipping and British colonial produce,
would be withdrawn.by the United Slates, Mr.
Vaughan was authorised to deliver a note to the
American Secretary of State, declaring—that
the discriminating duties in.posed upon Ante
rican ships and their cargoes in the Wot In
dies should immediate!) tease. Mr. Vaughan j
was actually in possession of this instruction, j
when the resolution, on the assumed adoption j
o! which the instruction to Mr Vaughan had |
been founded, was rejected. It was no part of j
Mr. Vaughan’s duty to make any coininunica- [
tion upon the subject to the American govern- I
meat, before the result of the discussion was!
ascertained. After the result wholly (uiu<pect- j
ed in this country) any such communication ,
would have been -not only useless, but might j
perhaps have been considered as an improper 1
appeal against the formal decision of the Ante- :
rican Legislature.”
So subtly 13 the web of argumentation woven,
that nothing but the closest attention will suf
fice to unfold it. The reader, who will but
yield me this atteniion, will not, I tiust, regret
H- ]
On hearing that there was a bill before the
Senate to repeal the discriminating duty, (for
that is what you refer to, though you confound
it with a resolution which was moved in the ;
house three months before) the British Govern- j
men! seems) came to the belief that Con
Rless would not separate without passing that
bill. “In that case,” you go on, “ail instruction
was sepi out to \Ir. Vaughan ” to do what?
To aflmit us in general term* to the privileges
of the act or 1825? No. To give us the right
therein conceded of trading from the colonies
to all other place* (the mother country except
ed)? No such thing Mr. Vaughan was simp
ly instructed to say, “in that case,” “that the
discriminating duties imposed upon American
ships and their cargoes in the West Incites
' should Immediately cease.”
I beg your careful attention to this, because
vour partizan presses in England, and ours in
America, have vehemently maintained that the
passage of Clen. Smith’s bill would have ad
mitted us to the benefits of the act of 1825.—
Vour positive statement here shows that it
would have done no such thing.
But this is not all Even the withdrawing of
your discriminating duties was not to be bought
simply by the repttal of ours. Yon demanded
much mote, evert for that concession. I ear
nestly beg the attention of my countrymen to
this fact; that if (Jen. Smith’s bill had passed,
it would not even have procured the removal o!
your discriminating duties. W hat is your lan
guage ?
1 “In that case,” (viz: that Congress had pass
1 cd the bill for the repeal of the discriminating
I duties,) and, upon receiving an assurance from
I the American Government that the restrictions
1 and charges on British shipping ami Biitish
- colonial produce should be withdrawn bv the
j United States,” then, Mr.'Vaughan was in
structed to promise that your discriminating
i duties should he repealed.
I Now, among tin se11 restrictions” vou express
! Iv represent (in a former letter to Mr. Gallatin)
, that the reduction cn the circuitous voyage is the
: most offensive and injurious; although in 1824
j you atqui«r-ced in it^in the negotiation with Mr.
: Rush. This therefore was, of course, among
! the restrictions, the removal of which (in addi
; tion to ihe repeal of our discriminating duties)
j ivsi to procure is, not the benefits <>f the art of
i July 1825, but inertly the repeal of your discrimv
• nnt-nc duties!
j Even this poor “booh” was not to accrue to
us as a matter of course; another proof that you
j did not yoursell intend to apply to the United
States the law of July 1825. No, Mr. Vaugh
! an was b>/ special instructions, *.o inform the Sc
! cretary of State, that these discriminating du
; ties would tease.
It is scurely credible (though plain matter of
fact) that you should through two-thirds of a
loyg letier have*argued, that the act of l’ailia
:m nt of 1825 ofT ied, on certain conditions, to
the United States, tfie lepca! of ali discriminat
ing duties in your coJomes, and n Vrato: 'ova*
ti.ose colonics to all the rest oT .he world; that
you should maintain that those conditions were
so understood hy Congress; that you should
speaK of an omission to pass Gen Smith’s bil
(proposing only a r< peal of our duties) as a re
rejection ol those conditions; and yet say, in the
same letter, that if ue had passed that bill, ant!
if, besides this, we had promised to admit the cir
cuilous voyage, tbt-n Mj\ \ anghan would have
delivered a note to Mr. Clay, informing hin:
ihat TIC should br.no/ entitled to the benefits ol
Ionian willioiil i'i -Tim mid mg t utirs. -
For wl-at cartbly purpose did you instruct
Mr. Vaughan to deliver such a non-?
.. It could not have been, by way of communi
cating ;o our goverimicni/he provisions ofyoui
act of July 1825 on the lulfiaiu nt of the condi
tions on which they were tendered, because (you
know) “it is not the habit of the two govern
ments to communicate to each other acts oi
their respective Legislatures;” and because (you
know also) “the simplest course was to allow
the provisions of the act to find their way to
general knowledge through the usual channels
of eont oercial information.”
What 'hen was the meaning of these new
special in- ructions to Mr. Vaughan?
This is the meaning; that when you si-nt them,
the id< a had nor yet occurred to you, that the
act of July 1825 was to break up the negotiation
with this country. This was an after thought
dtxterously caught up by yon, to soothe the
clamors of your shipping inteicst.
So far from breaking up the negotiation, so
far from taking the matter, or supposing it u,k
t-n. out ofth.e subsLimf*(though suspended) ne
gotiuiion, you instructed Mr Vaughan to re
sume that negotiation You tell us what those
instructions were. You say, in ease we repeal
ed the discriminating duties, .Mr Vaughan was
to write the Secretary of State a note, telling
him that, if the Government of the U. States
would farther assure you, that the other restric
tions should he removd, that then your discri
minating duties should cease. -
And yet, a.few lines farther on, you find the
countenance to say, you are
“At a loss to underatand on what ground it
was assumed at Washington, that there would
be at all times, an unabated disposition, on the
part of the British Government, to make the
trade of its West India colonies the subject of a
diplomatic arrangement.”
Why, sir, you must have- wriitfn this sentence
with tin* same pen-ful of ink with which you
wrote the sentence a little preceding this, tell
ing u* that you yourself, at this very stage of
the controversy, gave Mr. Vaughan new in
structions “for a diplomatic arrangement” of
the trade 1
I>e pleased to arcrpt the assurances, Sec.
AN AMERICAN CITIZEN.
Front the Philadelphia Democratic Prcrs.
TRESIUKN I'lAi. ELEC 1 ION— No. III.
In 1794, Mr. Admits was appointed resident
Minisiei to the IPa^ue, and in 1797, minisier
plenipotemiaiy to the court of Lisbon; before
however, h*- »ft the Hague on this mission,
President Adams rame into office, and Ihe des
ti»aii< n of his son «as changed u> the Court
of 13 r in. ne remained at B> rlin until after
the inauguration of Mr Jefferson, hat ing been
recalled i>v his father at the close of his adrtt
nistration, and he arrived in this country in tlit
autumn of l3oi. It was during the absence of
Mr Ad ms that the two parlies assumed their
distinctive characters. Being removed far from
their scene of action he had no motive to com- j
mingle in their strife Had lie been at home, j
motives of delicacy might have restrained him.
For by mixing with the putty that supported
his father, he would be considered acting
from selfish and talerested motives, and by join
ing with those who opposed him iy would be
justly liable to the charge of ingratitude to his
parent. He was there to re fo r»un a iely removed
from the scene of party strife. Resides which,
every American who is abroad, looks upon his
: country from an elevation; her character is not
. then obstructed by the fog3 which flout on the
low lands, they see her through the clear fftoun
j tain air, which no party mists obscure. WhaJ,
| ever party a man is of here, whenever he gets
: into the atmosphere of the European monarch
I ies, he is truly and purely an American. No
, evidence then has been adduced or ran be ad
| duct'd, to show, that Mr. Adams took part in
party politics, until after his return in the au
tumn of 1 801. In the summer of 1809, he was
sent abroad by Mr. Madison, as minister to
Russia, where he remained until he terminated
tIk.' war at Ghent, in u manner equally honora
ble to himself and country, with his able asso
ciates, Clay, Bayard and Gallatin
lie then was appointed minister to London,
where he remained until he was recalled by Mr.
Monroe to assume the first place in his cabinet.
Since that period no one has questioned his
principles.
1 he only period then, that rrmates to oe ex
! amined, was the period belweeh his return in
the autumn of 1801, and hiv again leaving the
•j country in the autumn of 1809, or during the
presidency of Mr Ji ff rson, the time assigned
as the period of his political apostacy.
i When Mr. Adams returned front Rerlin in
i 1801, the parties we it* fiesh from the recent
presidential contest. The federalists received
him with open arms a* .me of themselves and
j proffered hint the highest honors in their gift,
whilst'the republicans looked upon him with
coldness, jealousy and distrust. It was from
j this circumstance alone that lte was termed and
considered a federalist in the party-since, not
} from his own conduct hut from the conduct ol
.others towards him In the progress of our
1 examination it will he •.e«m how wludly mbtak
cn tho-e were who enrolled him in the ranks of
either party We will now proceed to the exa
mination of his public conduct, from his return
in 1801, and shew that his motives of action
were always higher man party grounds Pro
ceeding in the older of time, we will examine
those three or four equivocal acts which hare
been adduced as evidence—the only evidence
: there can he produced to give any color to the
I pietenre of his acting with the federalists a
! gainst the republican put ty. The acts to-vhich
we allude are, his having attended two federal
caucuses, and written ajampoon on Air. JefFtr
sott. l lie charges brought forward hy the re
doubtable (Jen Smyth, werc^o completely an
swered by Mr. A'dam*-»n hit reply, that it would
Ive ^vtesMjxt^iioo in us to a Id any tnitig on this
subject, as his arrows fell as hauiless as those
of Jonathan Russel. We repeat that Mr. A
I dams on liis return in 18<M from Europe, was
I received bv the republicans as an enemy whose
. powers they dreaded,and whom by early attacks
: they meant to weaken; In therefore experirnc
J ed the enmity of the republican press; how u •>
1 terly causeless tjtrse attack.', were, will sooi: ap
i prar. Had he been ever so miir.li inclined to
throw him elf into the arms of the republicans,
", lie could not under*, he c'.. pit hi they gave him.
j llV^t bppoituiuty iVliiovv aiim mumr, and'on llie
fust of April, 1802, six months after hi*return,
he was elected hy them a Senator from the
county ol Suffolk^ As soon as the legislature
convened, the federal party having then the as
cendanc.v in ail the branches of the legislature
ol Massachusetts held a caucus to agree on nine
persons to compose the Executive Council,
j Air Adams was invited to atttnd this caucus,
; and lie accepted the invitation. This, it will be
j said, is presumptive proof that lie was a fedr
I ralist; there is no doubt he was so considered,
; but let us look at his conduct at that cauc us,
■ and see il it does not at completely negative
i such presumption. The federalists had large
j majorities hi each branch of the legislature,
1 and the C ouncil had always been composed ex
clusively of the dominant party. Rut Mr.
‘ Adams proposed that root of the nine should
| be selected from the REnnuc.v.v party One
of the Roston Representatives, who was pre
i sent, and who was then and ever after their most
; efficient E.tdet% started at this proposition, und
saul ol Mr. Adams, “'.bis man is not for tis. but
against us ”—Instead -if “being our friend, he
iwiii prove our DEADLIEST FOE.” This
was the first political act of Mr. Adam* after
his return from Europe!!! Tjiis was thr prophe-'
cy concerning that acti! Has not the propheev
hern accomplished, and the prediction verified?
Does Mr. Adams’ ait-ndance at this caucus
therefore prove either his federalism or his hos
tility to the Republican party or Republican
principles? Ear otherwise. Such was the fe
deralism of Mr. Adams. SIDNEY.
From the New—York National Advocate.
A\ lien Mr Jefferson cann* into office he found
; his political opponents.™copying almost exclu
sively every valuable office under the govern
ment. He had the justice and boldness to r.ay
m once, “I shall comet the procedure ” He
did not ask his enemies if it would he popular
to do so, but adopting the pi inciplc that a gov
ernment which will wit support its friends can
not expect its friends to support it, lie removed
without ceremony such holders of office us used
the influence and pal.ovage of their stations a
gainst him, and appoii ted his friends. This is
the t:ue ground, and common sense dictates
:hr justice and necessity of it. What was the
effect of these measures? The federalists com
plained, denounced and harped upon them, and
yet were conquered.
*’*• • /\uam.-> is now pursuing measurably the
same plan, and it would have been better for
him to have done it from the first. We now
see it charged upon Mr. Adams a3 in former
times, that the appointments of the gover; ment
are the result of favoritism and a reward for
friendship. We wish the charge were more
true, and wc hope to hear it sounded through
the Union hereafter with entire truth—“the ad
ministration is careful to appoint only such
persons to office r.s are friendly to it, as lake an i
interest in the success of its measures, and who I
will use all lawful means to uphold it.” Not i
long since the opposition papers seriously at* j
tacked Mr. Clay foi giving the office of Collec- j
tor at Norfolk, Virginia, all things equal, to a
friend ol the administration. This has been the
standing tricked opposition ever 6ince lhe,wprld
' began, ami we doubt not it will remain a charge
against all governments ant! men in authority,
while it is fashionable, just and natural, for a
man to rc-gatd first his own household, and to
benefit those who have benefited him. This is
what wp call “backing one’s frit mis ”
In reviving these old doctrines of the ancient
and honorable fraternity of Democrats of the
Old School, we mo,t respectfully suggest to
certain officers whom a breath has made—and
can again anmnkc—that we have no particular
allusion to them “at^all at-all-amost.”
From the hume.
GEN. JACKSON’S DUELLING, No 1.
The Jackson presses throughout the land, as :
1 thc^baWle waxes warmer and the horrible deeds :
of the “man of blood” are paraded before the
country, begin to cry out to spare him. 1 hey
cannot stand tire of this soit. They appeal to
our magnanimity, they address our patriotism,
and even rite New York Evening Post, has the
impudence to talk of decency in exposing the
General’s claims to the favor of his country
men for a civil office. Wccan tcil these minc
ing gentlemen that the out-posts only have as
yet been attacked; we have only driven in £ few
pickets: a large Held is yet to be rcconnoitcred,
and wc hope they will keep as cool as possible
during the painful process. Gen Jackson is a
great General, and we delight in saying s«, and
if he has any other good quality under Heaven,
essential to a President of the United States,
we-mean to find it out. We shall keep tip a
diiligent search, and we shall tiot be turned
from our scrutiny by any reproaches or croca
dile tears that we may encounter. Let those
who have put him before the public for a sta
tion for which he has no one important qualifi
cation, visit on themselves all the responsibility
of these investigations. If Gen. Jackson had
fought he New Orleans battle alone, or any o
ther battle, had he never been any thing hut a
good and peaceable and quiet and virtuous
man all his life, a"d yet committed the deed we
record below, he should not have our support,
and lie would not have the support of ;uiy con
scieucious man for the high staiion of Froai
d ut. The General has an active committc en
gaged in excusing, and as far as they can dis
proving everv thing that obstructs his passage
to powi r. We shall be glad to hear from
them on the matter. Anonymous contradic
tion will not do.
From the Wclhncnd JVbig of lie 2 2d in at.
“The affair of honour in which the General |
deliberately shot Charles Dickerson, took place ;
in the summer, cf 1S06. The ivcord of that
bloody transaction h.is been for many years in
our possession We heard it also in 1816, at
I Pluttsburg, when we were there in company
J with I)r J. Ramsay, of ( hardeston^) from the
mouth of an officer oT the U tilted ’States Engi
neer Corps, then at that station, with ad its
pm ticuhrs lie stated, that Chntles Dickerson
threw envoy his fire, that General Jackson then
advanced, and presented the pistol to the man’s
head at d with an oath, hid him mak • conces
sions, or die! Dickerson relumed; Jackson took :
down his pistol, picked .the flint, and present-j
ed it a second ’inn*, with similar remaiks, and ;
with the like effect; and after repeating this
several times, finally shnt the man dead on the j
- Several gentlemen in this city have j
heuTuaWearner'Tccrry thr W«-rt ■— all*
tlie eircums*anccs attrriding it, front two weal ;
ihv, intelligent, and respect, hie gcntlenu n na-1
tives of New Jerey, \vh • now live in Nashville
and have long lived there ”
Appalling as this statement is, we have aeir
cumstance to add to it, which made our inform
ant’s “blood mn cold” when he heard it, as well I
it might- -. Soon after the duel
Jackson wrote a letter to Ssm Pryor, a noted j
Homester, and a crouy of the General, then resid
ing in this state, giving him an account of it In
the letter the 1IE1U) expressed himself to this j
effect. 1 reserved •ny fire and ivhen / did shoot !
him, you may be assured I left the damned
rascal weltering in his blood ” It is many years
since our informant heard the letter read. Hut
the expression, he says, and we can readily be
lieve if, made an impression upon his mind
which lime cunuot obliterate while memory en
dures. -
The following jcu J'esprit exhibits the free
and humorous severity with which tlie Engli.'.li
seteders are treated by the London Press.
DREADFUL SUICIDE—CORONER’S INQUEST.
From I he London Morning Chronicle.
An inquest was held lu^t week on the bodies
of the six unhappy gentlemen, whose rash art
lias been the subject of wonder and surpise for
days past. The jury assembled at' the sign of
The Hand in Pocket, in Westminster, and Mr.
J Hull ptesided as coroner. 'The bad odour
from the subjects *as intolerable, and not with*
standing the afflicting nature of the spectacle,
more handkerchiefs were applied to the noses
I than to the eyes.
Thr first body viewed by the jury was that of
j Lord Eldon It bore sinking marks of decay,
| and the suipuse is that nature had not dismiss*
! cd it 10 its home long before the fatal deed of
[ violence was committed. Nothing remained
of the heart but a mere sue, or bag of leather,
resembling a purse; the liver was of singular
whiteness; the head discovered indications ol
it .-^having been long past set vice, but the hands
seemed to have retained their faculty of grasp
ing in an extraordinary perfection to the last
Indeed all persons thought it singular that a
man should have perished by a fall who was so
remarkable for the tenacity of bis hold.
i'he first witness examined was his Lord
ship's factotum, Mr. II.
A juror: ‘Do you recognise that bodv, Mr.
II?’
Mt. H.: ‘Yes, gentlemen, (bursting into tears)
these are the remains of the defunct Chancel
lor.*
Juror: ‘Can you give us any information how
the departed Minister came to his end?’
Mr. 11 ‘Alack, alack, that I should have to
tell tlie tale! He jumped out of his office win
dow on the evening of the 12th of M.ty.'
Juror; ‘Had you observed any tuing extraor
dinary in his manner—any symptoms of des
pondency or distress of mind?’
. Mr II:‘Not in particular, gentlemen. My
Lord was always in great distress aboitf money,
lor he could not gel as much as he wished for,
poor gentleman, and often talked of coining to
want, but he was not worse in this way imme
diately before his demise than formerly,’
Juror: -Did he never speak of resigning?’
Mr. II : * Yes, he certainly did, very frequent
ly; but Lord bless me, gentlemen, I always
thought that he was resigned to his office/
Juror: ‘How do you account then for his
|umping out of the window?’
Mr H.: ‘Why my lord used often to say, that
when liberality came in at the door, it was time
for orthodoxy to fly out of the window; and as
he could never abide 3$r. Canning, he had a no
tion, that if he in his wig and robes, together
with half a dozen more, were seen jumping out
of the window when Mr. Canning’mounted the
cabinet stairs, the neighbors would suppose that
the Stadt-hbuse was on fire—in short, that the
world was at an end—and that there would be
a rare alarm and consternation in the country
Juror- ‘But did he not reckon on breaking
his neck?’
Mr. H : ‘No, sir; to tell you the truth, as 1 m
in a manner bound to do, bring upon oaih, he
intended to throw himself down upon his ma
jesty, and counted upon finding him as soft us a
feather tied; but Lord, gentlemen! he proved as
fn m as a 1 ock, and as hai tl as oak, and my poor
Lord was dashed to pieces as you see.’
The Coroner; ‘Gentlemen, I think it unneces
sary to go further into this rase It is. plain
that tiie deceased destroyed himself, under the
delusion thtit he was a1.out to do a wrong to oth
ers; and as his purpos; wai criminal, it should
affect his art; you wilt, there fore, do well in re
turning a v e I'd let of ftt'o dc sc, and the remain-;
shall be deposited, with e»« ry i itcuinstance of
ignominy, in the cross road.’ .
Mr..H. (in great diitressr) ‘Fti Heaven's
sake, giMUiemeit, lake rare that there is no turn
pike near ihe* cross ro.icl, for the cry of ‘two
pence’ in the neighborhood, would raise my
L »i d front his grav e.’
'Hr.? Itext burly viewed was that of Mr. Peel.
11 is head looked as if it had takt n lire. The
prrson foitnerly so fair, was covered witli the
livid murks of mortili ation. It was given In
evidence that the defunct had an insuperable
awrsion to Mr. Canning ns a Premier, as he
suspected him of an intention of smuggling '.he
Pope into the tommy. On the day of the rash
act he had been reading The Upholsterer, and
the following parts were blistered with tears,
and underlined in pencil;—
lJ!(tsor: .1 say, Mr. Quidnune, I can’t sleep in
my htd for thinking what will come of the Pro
testants if the Papists should get the better.’
4Quidnune* I’ll tell you—the geographer of
our coffee-house was saying the other day, and
there is an huge tract of land about, [Note, in
the unhappy gentleman's handwriting—\Vc have
sent Part y to find it out,] where the Protestants
may retire, and that the Papists will never be
able to beat them out, if the northern powers
hold together, atid the Grand Turk makes a
<iivccv.cui uv liveiv favor.*
‘liazo>•: That makes me easy. I’m glad the
Protestants will know where logo if the Pa»
pists should get the better.”
The jury, in order to prevent the forfeiture
of the (h fit net’s high eharac ter, were charitably
induced to return a verdict of Insanity.
The Duke ol Wellington was next viewed.
The hero w ho had triumphed in so many
pitched battles, had perished, it appeared,' by
breaking his own head, just by way of experi
ment of his *p nrers. Witnesses were railed
rK." ll«*» his grace had discovered great
it i liability on the appointment of Mr. Canning,
ami declared that he saw no reason why he
should be content with bring Chesar alone, and
that he would be also Caesar and lirst Lord of
the treasury, chancellor of the exchequer, and
ol the Duchy ol Lancaster, lord high chancel
lor of Lngalnd, and Ins \ ice too, master of the
rolls, and of the horse, and master exttaordina
ty in chancery, aut nulhu On receiving Mr!
Canning’s notes, and finding that it was not
probable that lit could occupy all these stations
lie resolved on falling, not like a Roman on his
sword, but on his head. The melancholy ca
tastrophe is known lo all. An attempt was
made to shovy that this brave soldier was terri
bly afraid of the Pope, and disordered in intel
lect oy this apprehension, but the jury treated
it with contempt, and returned a verdict ol felo
ue se. * J
I lie carcases oi l.ords Westmoreland, Ba
thurst, and Melville, were then viewed, and the
jury were for returning verdicts of suicide in
fits of temporary insanity, hut were remined by
the Coroner that there was no evidence before
the world that the two former noble individuals
had ever been’possessed of reason, and that
probably the act under consideration, unnatural
as it was, was the wisest thing they ever did in
their lives. The jury so directed brought in
a verdict of suicide in a lucid interval Lord
Melville s acl they however, without a mo
ment’s hesitation, declared insanity, saying that
no Scotchman ever jumped out of a good thing
who was not in a condition to jump into a mad
house.
A person begged to be recommended hy the
Court to the Huniafie Suciety, for having re
stored the seventh party in (bis lover’s leap,
namt ly, L id Bexley, to political existence*
The court however, sharply reprimanded him
for his officiousness, and desired him to be
more careful in future how he meddled with
apparent!y defunct Ministers, who cannot lie
buried too speedily f >r rhe repose of the coun
u »,oi forgotten too soon with a view to the
character of their fame. “Lie still if you’re
wise,” being their best epitaph.
Singular Escape'—\ rusriihc that by which
Madame Levalcltr freed her husband from the *
dung ons of Louis, ha> it seems been employed
ni Plattsburgh, to cheat justice of its due. The
Kecsyille (F.ss<x CountyJHcrald, sues:—
“ i he companion in iniquity of Houghton,
confined in Plattsburgh gaolon suspicion of be
ing an accomplice in the murder ofher[iJlcgiti
matcj child, made her escape front prison on^(|
Satu’day last. Her sister arrived front ChazVy
on a horse and side saddle anti was granted
permission to visit her in prison They chang
ed clothes, the prisoner came out unsuspected
and, after paying for the horse keeping, rode,
oft at her leisure. The next day the supposed
prisoner requested to come out, and on bein^
informed that that was impossible, she replied
that he had no accusation against her, and un
less she was immediately released she would
prosecute him for false imprisonment. On a
closer examination the gaoler discovered that it
was “verily so,” and she was of course dis
charged.”

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