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>ss deceptions, sticli tntire perversion of guage, and such utter contempt of that jople whom you attempt to court, no less than i deceive. From the recollection of the cou nts of your letter, from repeated persuals I in hardly call to mind a single paragraph, hich is fail ly stated, and in which you do not pervert the sense; and jrour witnesses are such ^ us would not be admitted to urstify even in the Odd Bailey, or a Vice Admiralty Cu^it Ik the cause oi your candidate iir such my inent’hazard in Pennsylvania,that von must rc ^ sort to such desperateattempts to save it? will not truth and candor^sa'Ve him2 Are your on ly hopes baseJ on'deeming, duping, and mis leadingjhe peopled Success which must thus - be gained by such means is nouwonh the pur t-( 'suit. It *legratles the individual who setks it and debases the community. I cawnot consent, in answer to vour ‘‘'er/JO ti/iM;'* to spirt out us you hate done, eleven ,» ponderous cojunts, nor- to notice all your fri volous charges. Your “exposition” may fairly \ be divide 1 into two heads. First an attack on the character of the late Jonn Adams, imputing to him notions of government repugnant to our National Constitution, and favoring a:is tocratic and monarchical views. Secondly, on his son John Quincy Adam*, with sundry char ges, prove that he apostatized from the federal to the republican party for sinister purposes. We shall first shew that John Adams never entertained such notions as you have imputed to him, and lit at his son never acted with the federal against the republican party, that he never acted as a partizan, but always as a re publican. We shall afterwards notice some of the minor misrepresentations of thisexposition or manifesto. Before I enter on this task, however, 1 can not withhold a remark on* the extraordinary nature of this “manifesto ’ of the Jackson par ty. First, the general committee of the party concert the measure, and then to give it its full effect, address their circular to a member or Congress, to give it the authoiity of his name. A paper, therefore, issued with such solemnity must necessarialy be considered as embodying all the substantial objections that this parly can rai^e against the president: if these are shown to he c uloundetl,all objections must be consideted as removed. In an “exposi'ion,” • l.__ ..,4 .. K mnd l.n »l«n c f «\»v 11: It tYl Oflt of the reader to find that in a paper directly ai med at John Quincy Adams, of nine columns, seven are aimed against his futhrr, one against the Ceminel and scarcely one against the di rect object of the it.u k. And do you, sir, and the Jackson party then confess that Mr. J Q. Adams character, is so immaculare that you rnust attack him "ho in him»clfis invulnera ble, through others. Do the violent opposers of herednary rights, contend that the son should be judged by. the father. That his vir tues may not be imputed to him, but that his demerits should be laid at the door of bis off spring. Ate they aware what high rucomi um they thus pass on John Quincy Adams that they must go to a past generation to find aught to bring against him. Your Gist attack which I shall notice, is that of the late John Adams. That 1 may not misrepresent you 1 will give your own words, “Miv Adams the elder, was amongst the mo narchical party, he had labored with great and persevering industry to establish independence, ar.d in the dawn of that indepr ^drnce with no less zeal and ability to inculcate monarchical principles. For that purpose he hod written several volumes of labored papers, sometimes insidious!? disguised occasionally open and unequivocal.” Such sir, is your charge against John Adams, which, through columns j or misrepresentations and disingeni ius quota tions, you hate endeavored toestablish. As Mr. Jtfferson is probably as high authority in Penn . sylvama as voursvlf, 1 will call your attention fust to what he says of the man whom you dharge “with insiduous disguise.” “Gentlemen, (says Mr. Jefferson,) y ou do not know that man: there is not upon this earth a more perfecly honest man than John Adams ilanctaJatenf is no oart of his character; of that • • • never issuedftom the hands of hit'Crtat or.' Such sir was Mr. Jefferson's opinion of ihe .man ^om tpp-charge-with insidious disguise." 1 I now come to your garbled extracts*. I cannot examine them Yu detail without writing more coluvus than you hive, nor is it necessa ry that 1 should, to confute you. They are, as you use them jn uttei perversion of the whole i 1,400 page#toaavo from which you have sc- j 1 lected them. Mr. Adams’ object in writing them wrfS 'o produce what he did produce, just such a-go xpt'nmmt as we now have^and h^, it Jn reality the father not,the enemy: of uur present Mnstitation. The friend of a repub lic net oTa monarchy dr aristocracy.'*' >lr. Ad ams in his great work a defence j>f our state i Constitutions as they existed previous to the | federal constitution, and on othei qccayons ! uses many words particularly monarch, mon Hirchy, aristocracy* &f . not in thek common or popular sense, but in a more correct and tech nical fense. It has been a base perversion of Ms obvious meaning which has led to all the charges against mm, of maintaining monarch ical and aristocratic a I opinions. Thu$ he says “by kings and kingly power, is meant bqth by our author and me, the executive pow er in a single person" as in the government of WhiX state and of the United Statrs. He also speaks of the two classes into which so ieties are naturally divided. '1 hose wfio possess grfeat: wealth, talents and superior education mrnx.on<T class, those who pursue mere labo rious avocations the othfgt, The first as dis tinguished -frons the (icorninon people" he calls “genlera^n.” He says “by the aristociatical part of the community we will understand the gentlemen.” I sir have ever been a democrat, and every quotation you haveroadc from Mr. Adams in, ttye sense in which he used them, and in *tjye connection, are unquestionable twthi,though propped of their sense'and iso lated they present a formitjUible array. Hut ijrj 1 shaft not examine these extracts in de tail, buf $hqw what Mr. Adams has done to establish constitutions in this country and whit was the occasion of his writing the book of which you are not *even the thousandth , slanderer aid perverter. You, sir, have al Iouot Mr. Adams, ?« al in the revolution and csAfolish'ng independence; we will Shew it $#s equal in founding our present system of government. On the 6th of May l'&ftj^Mr. Adams moved the resolution (the n al^Becla ration of Independence) for establishing go vernments over the stb’es independent of the crown of Cireat liutain. Ftcviius thereto ms i compatriots in other states had called on him j to devise for them models of government, as : his treatise on the Cannon and Feudal law and I Xovanglus had evinced such profound learning j on t \# su *#ct '1 he first model of anv^of ollr | constitutions is one which contains the sub stance ol all and is contained in the following letter: _ Philadelphia, Nov, 15th 1775. Dear Sir—The course of events naturally turns the thoughts of gentlemen to the sub* ji cts of legislation and jurisprudencc^ind it is a cruious problem, what form of government is most readily and eastly adopted by a colony ; upon a sudden emergency. Nature and-rxpe rience have already pointed out the solution of j this problem in the choice of conventions and ! committees of safety. Nothing is wanting in addition to these to make a complete govern 1 ment, hut the appointment, of magistrates for ! the due administration of justice. Taking nature and experience for my guide I have made the following sketch, which may be varied in any one particular an infinite num ber of ways so as to accomodate it to the dif ferent geniuses, temper, principles and even prejudices of different people. A legislative, an executive and a judicial power comprehend the whole of what is meant and understood by government. It is by bal ancing each of these powers against ihe other two, that the effort in human nature nrwards tyranny can alone lie checked dp restrained and any degree of freedom pieservtd in the constitution. Let a full and free representation be chosen lor a house of commons. Let the house choose by ballot twelve, sixteen, twenty four or twenty eight persons, either inembeis of the house or from the people at farge as the electors phase, for a council. Let the house and council hy joint ballot, choose a governor annually, trieni ally or septenialiy, as you w ill. Lei the gover nor, council and house, be each a distinct and independent branch of the legtslaure and have a negative on all laws. Let the Lieut. Governor, secretary, treasur er, commissary, attorney general, and solicitor general be chosen annually, by joint ballot of | both houses. Let the governor with seven counsellors be a quorum Let all officers and magistrates,civ il ai;d military be nominated and appointed by the governor by and wjih the ad vice and consent of his council. Let no officers be appointed but at a general council, and let notice be given to all the counsellors, seven days, at least, before a general council. Let the judges at least of the Supreme Court, be incapacitated, by law, from bolding any share of legislative power; let their commissions be during good behaviour, and their salaries as certained and established by faw. Let the go vernor have command of the army, militia, forts, See. Let the colony h3ve a seal and affix i'. to all commissions. In this way a single month is sufficient,with out the least convulsion, or even animosity,to accomplish a total revolution in the govern ment of a colony. If it is thought moie benefi cial, a law may be made by this new legislature, leaving to the people, at large, the privilege of choosing their governor and counsellors annu ally, *as soon as affairs get into a more quiet course. In adopting a plan in some resprets similar to this, human nature would appear in its pro per glory, asserting its now real dignity, pull ing down tyrannies at a single exertion and erecting such new fabrics, as it thinks best cal culated to promoie its happiness. As you were last evening polite enough to ask me for this model, if such a trifle will be of any service to you, or any gratification to your curiosity, here you have it, from sir your friend and humble servant, JOHN ADAMS. Richard Henry Ixe, Esq. Present. In January 1776 Chancellor Wythe the in structor of Jefferson called on Mr. Adams for a model of a constitution which he gave him more at length, whith was then published ano nymously, and then and afterwards asetibed to Mr. Jefferson It is too long for insertion here, but may be found in Niles’ Register, May 10th, , 1817, and attached to the biography of Mr. Adams in the lives’bf the signers of the Decla ration of Independence. Although we cannot copy the whole we will present a lew extracts: “ Fear is the foundation of most governments, but it is a-sordid and brutal passion, and ren ders mtn in whose breasts it predominates, so stupid and miserable, that Americans will not be likely 10 approve of any political constitu tion which is founded on it. “ Honor is truly sacred, but holds a lower ^•ank m the scale of moral excellence than vir tue. Indeed the fqrnter is but part of the lai |ier, and consequently has mi equal pretensions to suppott a frame of government productive ofhumtn happiness.** “The foundation'of every government is some principle or passion in the minds of the people. Ime ndblesi principles and most ge nerous affections in Pur nature then, have the fairest clfance to support the noblest and most ne rous^mod el s mf govern me nt ” “ ThPy will coni ince every candid min'd, that the it is no good government but ivhat is re publican.” to The vi ry definition of a republic Is‘an'empi/e ofbivs atid not of rntMt.’ "1 hence ^republic % the best of governments, -o that particular'urrungement ofthe powers of socie ty, or in otjH*r words that form ol government, which is hastxoutriv;d to seruie an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of republics.” “The principal difficulty lien and the great est care should be employed in constituting the representative assembly, h should be in mini ature, an exact portrait ofthe people at large. It should think, feel, reason and act like them. That it may be the interest of ibis as.« mbly to Ylo slrict justice at all limes, it should be an equal representation, or jn other words, equal interestsamong the people should have equal interests in it. (Irmi rare should be taken to effect thi%ftnd to prevent unfair, partial, and corrupt selections.” “If lie fctlie governor) is anmtal’y elective, us lie ought Unit.'*— These and all other elections, especially of .. ........ nil VI I: A* 1 1 f tS C llAII LI llA 'I IS — tmaU there not being in the whole circle of the sciences, a maxim more infallible than this,— “ whe>£t»unual elections end there slavery be gins.** 4*J-a^s for the liberal education of youth, ^spcciallyof ihe lower class of people, are so extremely wise and useful, that to a humane and generous mind, no expense for this pur pos»j would be thought extravagant.” ‘•fru gality is a great jcvenue, besides curing us of vanities, levities and fopperies, which are real antidotes to all gieat, manly and warlike vir tues ” ■ a A constitution framed on these principles, introduces knowledge among the people, and inspires them with a conscious dignity becom ing freemen. A general emulation takrs place which causes good humor, sociability, good manners and good morals to he general. 1 he elevation of sentiment inspired by sound gov ernment makes the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition which is inspired I by it mak*’s them sober, industrious and frugal. I You will find among them some elegance per j lups, but more solidity; a little pleasure but a j great deal of business; some politeness but I more riviliry. If you compare such a country | with the regions of domination, whether mo narchi'-al or aristocratical, you will find y.our I selves in Arcadia or Elysium ** “If a continen tal convtit ution should be formed, its authority should sacredly be confined to the cases, viz. war, trade, disputes between colony and colony, ■ the post cilice, and unappropriated lands.”— ‘ These colonies under such forms of govern I men', would be titiconrj nr ruble by all the mu* ! narchies of Europe ” Thus you see, sir, that I at the period wh**n you charge John Adams with laboring with zeal and ability to inculcate monarchical principles, he was drafting the models on vv hich all our constitutions are form ed and was consulted for that purpose by the Wythe* and I„«*es,4he sages and patriots of the revolution. Hut from theories we proceed to practical facts. In 1779 John Adams vras called upon and se!e< led lo draft a constitution for his native state. The constitution of Massachusetts is his draft, and a more republican constitution is not extant. It has served-in its leading features as a nioiiti 10 many oi me oilier states ana ;o me United State3. T his fact is sufficient to me«t more columns of sophistry than you can array in twelve months. But you will answer that subsequent to this Mr. Adams changed his opi nions, and that his great work contains the evi dence of the change. That work was intended to defend that constitution, and t>:hers like it, against the attacks which they then sustained; and most miserably must Mr Adams have been deceived if he was demolishing the work of his own hands,and ovei turning what he intended to suppo"t. Wc will now examine the book from which you have extracted so copiously, and tell the occasion on which it was written, and this will fully confute the impression you make by these quotations The state of Pennsylvania, under the influence of our Franklin, had adopt ed a constitution by which the whole legislative power was vested in one assembly, and the ex ecutive in a plural council of one from each county. Georgia had adopted a constitution somewhat similar. These constitutions Doctor Franklin had carried to Fiance, and had an edi tion ol them printed there. The effect of this was afterwards to produce in France the direc tory of five and the assembly of five hundred. A single legislative body and a plural execu tive. This constitution of Franklin’s became very popular with the patriots and republicans in Europe,and produced an attack on our ba lanced constitutions from Dr. Price, Mr. Jur gat, and the Abby de Mably, and conventions were liolden in some of the states to depose the Governors and Senators as useless and expen sive brandies of the government, and to leave the whole power, legislative and executive, in ore assembly. Todelendour consiitutions a gainst these attacks, at a period* of peculiar danger, at the moment when the constitution of the United States was forming, was the object of Mr. Adams. In this elaborate work he re views all the governments ef past times, and j»hews that there is no safety in any simple gov ernment, whether that government be a monar chy, an aiistocracy, or a democracy. That the only safe government is the mixture of the three, as it exists iu our constitution, balan cing each other, that as a senate, an assembly and a single executive, each having a negative on the other in the passage,of laws. He re presents that a government of laws is the only government which will insure the Imppiuess of the people, that a simple unbalanced govern ment, whether in the hands of one, the few or the many, would be a government of men and not of laws, and of course arbitrary and tyran nical. There was no danger at the time of a monarchy or aiistocracy, for every one’s mind was set enough against tl^em, the danger was from a simple democracy or the concentration of all power in one assembly, hence the neces sity of a vivid and strong representation of this danger, which t'lis work exhibits throughout. He demonstrates that an aristocracy inevitably results from a democracy, and a monarchy afterwards. The first volume was sent to (his country before the framing of our constitution, and Mr.Adams corresponded with Roger Sher man, of Connecticut,(one of the five who report ed the declaration of independent e) on this sub ject. No one was more competent to form an opinion of a constitution than Judge Sherman, I and being asked before the publication of the constitution by a friend what sort ofrons'itu tion they had formed, his reply was, have adopted John Adams’ plan or notions.” Such then was the opinion of Roger Sherman, that Mi- Adams’ book was really in favor of a u public, hut if he had hat! your desire, sir, be might have seen in it the hideous forms of monarchy and aristocracy. But according to ; your n ti nts Mr. JefTcreon also would he an ; aristociai and a monarchist, for he hasrxpresv I ed himself in terms nearly similar io Mr Ad t ams. We quote him. “The Senate [of Vir I ginia] is too homegenvos as they are chosen i by the people at the same time as the rep re j aentjtives and out of the same subjects. The I choice falls of course on men of the same tie ' scription. The purpose of establishing differ ent houses of the legislature is to introduce ' different interests and diffetentprinciples. In some j of the states one branch represents-persons & ! i !,« nili.t- hi-mii'i'lv n.it with us Wf-rillh anr! - » • , wisdom have equal chance of admission into both houses. We do not therefore from :t separation derive those benefits which a prop r complication of principles is cnpuble of jiroduc *ing, and these which alone can compensate tne I evils which may In- produced by their di>sen i tion. AII the powers of government, legisla ■ live and judicial, result to the legislative body. The concentrating theme in the same hands is | precisely the definition of a despo'ic govern ' men'. It will be no alleviation that thc:C pow ers will be exercised by a plurality of hands S; not by a single one. One hundred and seven ty-three despots would surely be as oppressive as one. Let those who doubt it look to Ve ' nice. As little will it avail us that they are ; chosen by ourselves. An ilective despotism [ was not the government we fought fok, but 1 one which should no' only be founded on free . principles; bu' in which the powers of govern 1 ment should be so divided and balanced among j several bodies of magistracy, as that no one j could trans< end their legal limits without be ing effectually checked and .restrained by the ! others.’ Such being the opinions of Mr Jef ferson we suppose, you will brand him also, to ! preserve your consistency, as an aristocrat, as aiming at distinct classes in society & wishing l to introduce different orders and a monied ar isiociacy and as speaking treason against the wisdom and virtue of the people. Every sen tence you have quoted to prove Mr Adams being in favour of monarchy and aiistocracy Ive cited to show the clanger of their being in troduced by a single legislative assembly in which a?e concentrated all the powers of go vernment executive, legislative and judicial.— Even a government Mr. Jefferson pronounces a tyranny, and that the election of fresh tyran ny is no alleviation of it. The evidence you adduce from the testimo ny of the Cuningliam’s wi ether father or son, 1 shall pa-»s over with the contempt it merits You would not dare to carry a cause before a jury with such witnesses. A distant relative of the late piesidenl, he sought (at a lime when the public press t.emed with slanders of the grossest character against John Adams, of which your exposition is but the thousandth repetition,) to worm out of the late presidents confidence, by every art of flattery and exaspe ration. At the same time that he was pouting the oil of flattery so grateful to all men of ad vanced age, into one ear he was distilling in t K /* nt Iviii* t Ivn elfin/lniir »i. ! I h tii L i e Iv the press then teemed. Is it wonderful -that under such stimulents, nettled to the quick,an old man of seventy five should in unguarded 8c unsuspec ting confidence,say many hasty things without much thought, and which in cooler moments he would never utter. And what did Cunnigham extract, literally nothing, but the prattle of talkative age. He then proceeded to threaten the publication unless he was recom mended to Mr. Madison, for an office of which he was utterly unworthy as he was of all. In his life he issued two publications, and after his death, his son completed the deed of infa my. Mr. Harris pursued the same course of threatening to suppress tr«e testimony of John Q. Adams, but armed with conscious integrity, threats had as little influence with him, as with his parent. The Cunningham’s, however, now are arrived at a degiee of credit they never could expert, they are sustained by Mr. Harris and Gov. Giles, in breaches of confidence, and are summoned as the witnesses of the hon. Mr Ingham. In replying to your attack on J. Q Adams I might well have passed by your attack on John Adams as wholly irrelevant. I thought best to demolish it and answer you in your own way. When I commenced I had no idea of continu ing my remarks to such length and must post pone my further remarks to a future letter. I will finish however in this what relates to John Adams and I think no candid mind after read ing this can value your quotations or authority as of any avail. Many of your remarks in rela tion to J. Adams my space prevents my reply ing to, I have already said more than enough, and I shall only notice your charge that he promoted his own sen J. Q. Adams during his Presidency. You well know, sir, that although he was the ablest minister of ult C0lin, met with no promotion f.om his fal|,Pi only promotion from his being Residr„; J.hc .sit r at the Hu'gue to being Minister P|,J' tentlary ul Lisbon, was the act of W^. ^ 5«t?;itbnJ AdamS- He me-'y Chan^:;^ . At ^ *9m* <ime lh*< you are misr. Pre,er. mg and slandering the character of J.I n ams you load that of Washington wi,h e.. um. I suppose therefore that you will ■»'' to Washington, a know ledge of men and tbit* Hits very Washington consults Hie sbni Adams op every inportant measure , ' e,w thirty mi-’es to give his vote for hint ’as DrI:' dent and gave dis decided approbation of tJ! measures of his administration in nhicv took part and ultr.h you so vehemently dentn. And Jefferson whom you also hucu the heavens spoke in the most indignant u'i v of the infamous conduct of your witnesses* Cunninghams and ol the utter insignificance evidence from their testimony Believe me sir, with dub trsprrt. A GERMAN IWRMpn - —— t-e r —- __ _ • Grand State Lottery of R. /. \0 o0 Will be drawn in Providence To morrow l)tf HIGHEST PRIZE 830 000. Tickets Halves 2, Quartern 50 et*utj. Virginia Stale Rotten/, 10/A For the benefit of the DFrnat Swamp (U ml Comply will be nrawn at Richmond* 12tli ZArdunber *1, '' bers-8 bHilots. * ,c,m HIGHEST TRIZE gifi.OOO. Tickets $5; Halves 2 50; Quaiters 1 25. Grand Consolidated Lottery Second Class—60 numbers—9 drawn ballots—w’r be drawn in the City of IVu'hin^ton on Wednesd*; 12th December. “ • ‘ HIGHEST PRIZE 820,000. Tickets $5; Halves 2 50; Quarters 1 25. Maryland Literature Lottery, 2it Clast Will be drawn in the City of Halt I mitre on wt<Ji,t» day, I9lh December, Duty lO.OUO Ticket# HIGHEST PRIZE g 10,000 Tickets #5; Halves 2 50; Quarters 1 25; EirltiU 62 j cents. For sale at LOTTERY Sc EXCHANGE OFFICE, King-St reel, 2 doors West of Hfyal-Slrtt^Mi: 25 22 42 27 7 3.! hi--.* the drawn numbers in the New-Y* rk Consolidate : Lottery, No. 10. One pr'co of 80, one of 150, and one of 30 dollars were sold at COF.SKS Fortunate (it •ice.___ der 3 On Wednesday Next. Virginia Slate Lottery, No. 2^—To be drawn in Uicb>uoiul <>» Wcdnesdtt 5lli December. SCHEME: I 816,000,4,000.2,500, 1,750,1,500, 1,086 4 of 1,000, Etc. Sec. Whole Tickets $5. Halves 2 50; Quarters 1 25 On Heditr Jjy, 12ih Dt\.tmlcr, Grand Consolidated Lottery, Aw. 2, w ill be drawn in Washington City. scheme: 820,000, 4,000, 1,600. 1,225. 5 of 1,000. !.u,f - *300. 20 of 150, 40 of 100, 5 of 600, 5! of 80, 51 of 70, 51 of 60, 51 of 50, 5J of 40. 102 of 30, ter. bcr. Tickets 5; //.dves 2 50; Quarters 1 25; in a £::v variety numbers at KVtfXELiiV /.ucky Lottery Oflice, King-street, Mexandrla. Where lufe been sold several prizes of <10,000,5,000, 2,500, 2,000, 500, 400, 300, Sic. Etc. amounting to a larger sum than at any other office in the Dbtr.c?, for the same numbers of tickets vended. (£/■ All orders, as heretofore, will be prompt)’»' tended to__ll0V SpenAiA LuUerj, With only 10,000 Tickets at f 5 each. Second Clue* of the Maryland Grand Literature Lottery, tube drawn on Wednesday the 19th of December,mi the City of Uallimore—all in one day. HIGHEST PRIZE 810,000. 1 prize of J$!(\0Cr 1 prizes * 5,000 I do 3,000 t do 2,000 . do I/M 3 do 500 10 do I®1 20 do 5\ 50 do : J. H.WxNKLLS, King Sh eet, .dkxnndrin, I). C Where tickets and share* can lie had in the gre-" variety of numbers at $5; Halves 2 50; Quarter.' 1 Eighths 62$ cents. , Orders from a distance promptly altered. u ? dressed to J. H. KUNNKI.LS, K:ig-strci», AltX'-t dria, 1). C._ . ._i!2LL \*aA\es’ Patent P\ateA Manufactured solely by the inved r If ilham .'i.nric Shejjiell, England. MANY complaints having been madeof n*t m » | dies A’teel Busks, w hich iron mould | besides their liability to attract_ lighti n P» “ “ _ whalebone losing its shape and being ir.« l-- r -- patent plated r.u'ks will not only piovc *'■ l( stich objections, but, from tli* -r nci«t>i*ss • - T‘ and not needing leather covering, will he | 1 ticularly advantageous as regards warn " * f They have numerous other recomm* i • j ^ ties, the knowledge of w hich must en toe the most unbounded patronage , , The Subscribed; (agent for the pot« r.*f«. the attention of the Corsetmakcs in ^'i'! • • this superior article, now generally used *ut . . [ pal cities. ' , . v, A constant supply will be kept on hand a- ! ( in Washington and A'esaiulria, assorted, • • f quisitc length, width and cors e, and sold to l-,c by tlie groce or dozen, at the manufactory Pr- ' nov 29—eo3t_A. T. Yot1>;t DoWnirs HrAS stolen from the livery stable ! If ston, (colored man) In the City ot W I on Sunday niglit last, the 25th inst. a very ha' m. GREY HOUSE, ,,, (rather inclining to white,) 1 V ‘fi. bridle and martingal. The' V., teen hands three incheshigh, ^ ^ [ switch tad; trots, paces and canters finely, '"S’ *jj( ed, and moves very gracefully; six y ear' '> • ^)nf. sul lie was covered with buckskin, quiltei, » . vvli.it worn, with plated stirrups; a double with black leather reins—the snaffle bit *' . |rt. longer cliceks than usual—the martingal ot n':j| (>e ther, with plated hooks. The above re#a ^ given for the delivery of the horse, and tme e subscriber—or twenty dollars for horse, ssuw , and martingal. /Sty WALTER //. JENIFER, Wa*mgton nov 27—twd