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ALEXAXDaXA GAZETTE.! PUBLISHED AND EDITED BY EDGAR SNOWDEN, Fairfax Street. (opposite the Post Office.) TEH vis — Daily p«pef eight dollar* per annum, pny able half yearly Country paper dollnm per annum A Ivertiaement* inserted at the rate of one dollar fur the first three iiuertioitt, and twenty five cents for every subsequent insertion._ REPLY of the Richmond fFhig to Mr. Faulk• ner'$ Letter. We are too well satisfied of the friendly tem per in which Mr. Faulkners letter to the Senior Editor of this paper orignated, to be offended at its freedom, aud too well convinced of the rec titude of our own course, to display any portion . of the resentment which disagreeable truths are I sure to provoke. In looking back to the •• short month” of which he speaks, we find nothing to . i egret, except the feebleness with which we have sustained the convictions of our understanding, and no »entiment which, “dying, we would de sire to retract.” We confess the surprise which his letter occa sioned, and looking at the cause alleged for its having been written, we should be compelled to suppose that it was but a pretence for bringing himself before the Public, if, from intimate ac- { quamtance, we did not perfectly know his abso lute good faith and genuine modesty. That cause is a supposed attack made by us on the Clay party in the House of Delegates, in refer ence to their vote for Mr. Brown’s substitute: supposed, we say; for that, in point of fact, we nude anv such reflections-as the Gentleman iina mucs, any that could justly give “ pain” to the most sensitive, we wholly disclaim and deny.— (u proof of this, let nur language on the occa sion mentioned, speak. On Thursday we said: *» We confess our surprise that the Clay p»r *. ty—if, indeed, Jack-mo has not absorbed them .* — should have voted for this substitute in pre ference to the resolutions of the Committee— “ metaphysical as it (the substitute; is, to unin o telligibility—contradictory in positions—vow • • ing * undtminished < onfidencc’ in Gen. Jack ••s>u; and as is the general persuasion, urigin • * aiinir in the Vicar-of Brav suirit of the times! "Their confidence in Gen. Jackson! When had they any confidence, either to be enlarged •• or diminished? Or do they generally interpret “ the phrase as an ingenious member of that par " tv is said to do; that as they never had any “ confidence, they may truly say, their confi •• dence is undinmiished?” This is all we said; and weighing the words one hv one, and altogether, we are incapable of f»er ceivtng anv just cause nf offence in them to the Clay party, or tite smallest occasion for the dis play of the eloquent warmth in which the gentle man from Berkley, has been pleased to indulge. Where is the •‘denunciation** which he says, we have not spared? Where the “ reflections” on the motives or conduct of the party which he h»s seen with “pain:” Where the justification in the couteat, ol his intima’mn that ive ha\e ie pmached the party as “ less pure and patriotic” than formerly ? Is the gentleman exactly inge nuous—nay, is he not positively unjust, when he pretends to suppose us to have taxed the Clay oar tv with being •• impregnated*’ with th'e Vicar of Brayspiiitof the times? Must he not confess that the remark had exclusive reference to the origin of the substitute? Did it originate with him or with any Clay man? and in travelling 90 far out of the way to take to himself what it plea ses him to consttue as an offensive imputation, does he not betray a consciousness which if we were so disposed, we might plausibly turn into an accu-ei? No—the gentleman from Berkley is too good a dialectician, and too well under stands the state of parties, not to know that the remark in question was limited to a small divi sion in the House of Delegates, professed State Righst men, win, every observer in Kichmond knows, or at lea»t strongly believes, have been at work since the first reference of Gen. Broad nax's enquire, lo accommodate principle to ex pediency, and the declaration of the General As sembly, to the palate of Gen. Jackson. W e do not mean to embrace only, the very distinguish ed gentleman from Petersburg, nor to relied per sonally, upon him or any other mao. Karh and ail a rc-respoU'ible fot their course; and no doubt all have pursued the course which their judg ments suggested, and in seeking to avert any col lision with the doctrines of the Proclamation ami Gen. Jackson, have patriotically acted up to the liivliiu t\i lhi>ir min rh \V p hnwwvnr to charge, ami do charge, that to this division i« owing the delay, fatal as it may prove, in Vir ginia's announcing her views of Jhe crisis; that to them is owing the small majority, destructive of her firat influence, by which any principle has been asserted; and that upon tlieir shoulders ought to devolve the responsibility of Virginia’s not acting sooner, and the virtual defeat ol Vir ginia principle' in the result ot the late discus sion; for defeated they substantially are. since the mere adoption of the resolutions of ’98, with the glossary of the day, resolving them into the bare right to talk, to resolve and to protest, amounts to defeat, and is an idle mockery of grave matters. Does the gentleman from Berkley now under stand us? Perhaps a more pertinent enquiry would be. did he not understand us before? We hope he perceives that he jumped before he was spurred, and has been gratuitously eloquent. Is the gentleman so much offended then, at the distant suggestion, that the Clay party has been •» absorbed” by Jackson? Do not facts au thorise us to have used much more unqualified and emphatic language? Should we not have been justified in making the broad allegation?— Webster wave* high theJackson flag in the North, i Two hundred Clay presses teem with approval | and panegyric. In Virginia, the mass of the Clay party is consolidated by the Proclamation with the thick and thin supporters of the admi- j nistration. Iu the House of Delegates the par- j ty almost or quite to a man, uniformly in the re- j cent struggles, voted for every proposition con- j ceived in pure Jacksonism. Many ol that party boast of their Jacksonism, have sent in their for mal adhesion, and have tendered their arms and their purses to sustain the administration in the present high emergency. The gentleman from Berkley himself, if we understand aright, ffter many throes, and much severe mental exercise and tribulation, ha» emerged a thorough Proela- ' matinnist! We accuse not him or the rest, of i deserting to Gen. Jackson; perhaps Geu. Jack- ' son has deserted to them; but surely the facts I justify the intimation that Jackson has •‘absorb ed” the Clay party. As long as they approve the course of the President, they are bound to support him, and we cannot be mistaken in the ( supposition, that the bulk of the Clay party do : approve, and have loudly proclaimed their ap- j proval. We meant no shadow of disrespect by the cx- j pression. It is not in the power of the Gentle-1 man, eloquent as he mav be, to teach us any ^ thing now ol the late Clay party in Virginia, or bv any possibility to exalt the estimation in which j we hold them.' Their disinterestedness and j constancy have been tested by years of hopeless j conflict with an invincible party. They have gi-, ven the highest evidence of having acted from pure patriotism, and honest conviction, and to ^ have indulged in ** harsh reflections” upon them, would not only have been most unwarranted by j 1 the history of the last 8 years, but most ungrate-, . ful. We wish the Gentleman, before he prefer-1 red a charge which casts the odium ol ingratitude, had examined more critically the evidence upon which he founds it. Even if the Clay party i* “ absorbed,” we do not see that it follows of ne cessity, that the “Spoils” which Office can con- j fer, have been the inducement to obtain their ! consent to the absorption. We certainly have j neither imputed, insinuated, nor dreamed any j such thing, and we respectfully suggest, that it ( is neither compatible with justice tor the gentle-1 man to coin his facts as he proceeds, nor with | the personal friendship he professes, so to color the invention of his fancy as to fix upon us an ; uncommitted and unimagined offence. Worn wc set out we proposed to do nothing : more, thaH vindicate ourselves against the charge j of having reflected injuriously on the Clay party; and we know that every member of that party, unless the imaginative Gentleman from Berkley himself prove an exception, will admit the com plete success with which we have done so.— 1 Other things he imputes, not less easily suscepti ble of refutation, and which should instantly meet it, if we acknowledged his jurisdiction over us, and if it were not unpardonable towards our readers, when subjects involving the destinies of mankind demanded all the room we have, to usurp any portion of it for our persona1 concerns. Suffice it to sav, that what the gentleman calls ••shifting of convictions,” is nothing more than the adaption of primiples always entertained, to new circumstances. If our “sympathy ’ for S. Carolina is recent, we may at all events, triumph in its sincerity and disinterestedness, since she has too few friends to subject them to the impu tation of designing motives. Nor do we admit either -he right of the gentleman to exercise his prurient imagination in fancying the motives which have swayed our course, or receive as just and merited, the homily he is so condescend ing as to read us, unmi the unauthorised assump tion that enmitv to Gen. Jackson lias dictated it. In the acknowledgment that we have always been friends of .‘■date Rights, l.e has himself made ail the defence for us, which tne case retjuiics, or that we desire. That in the imminence and immensity of the crisis, all men. the wisest and most experienced, | have felt great difficulty in shaping their etulea I vors to promote the great ends uf Peace, Liberty 1 and Union, we well know, and so we think, docs j the gentleman Irom Bwkely. Ilow square his I present convictions with those experienced by ; him, five weeks ago? How many convictions has he “shifted” widiin the term of a “short” five week'? What agency has the popular voice from beyond the Mountains, exert i'cd in revolution izing his sentiments, (or some of them) and ; quickening his conclusions? Will the gentle i man deny that he has been most sadly perplexed ! bv th»* high crisis in which we find ourselves, and has only safely got through after a painful and protracted travail? II then we should confess l that we too have been beset by difficulties, and ‘ have only 9een our way as through a glass dark 1\; if moreover, in that course which wfc have : adapted to the existing extraordinary emergency, | something may have appeared seemingly to the gentleman from Berkeley, incompatible with former o|>inioris, we should rather command his sympathy than deserve his repiehension. From the New York Mirror. COQUETRY From the Desk of a Quiet Man. »• |f of her*..II the will not love, Notion., will make uer— 'I he l>rvil taki h r!” | My dear sir—I am going to make a confes sion for tint benefit ol mankind. I will relate a plain tale Clagnn ami grief will lend me words. Wlirn 1 lelt the university, some time since, tome demon possessed me with an ardent desire to encounter a coquette. .Among oilier blessings, heaven had gitted me with a pasdtblv good opinion of myself. I « as tall, well-built enough, and with a countenance which has not been considered particularly disagreeable by those fair judges who have had it under review. M»• education (I considered) wav i omple(e,mv ac complishments not a few. | had a tongue in mt head and knew how to use it,and to back these,I haii tflirtv five thousand dollars in the United States bank, which stood as high in every body’s ‘ estimation? as I did. As for women, (I might Hatter mvselt.) but 1 did suspect 1 knew the sex. Bnvhood had not parsed away altogether unim proved and I thought should a coquette cross my J path,»he should nave roqueting to her heart’s con- i ' tent. AYilh these juvenile views of my own j j powers, 1 took apartments in the village of B-, and here “ heaven soon granted what • f the town denied.” No one spoke of the society i of the place without naming Miss——, She was the theme ol every longue. Her beauty, her ! j wit, her voice, her eloquence, her education and i j accomplishments, her fortune, and above all, j her desperate flirtations, her audacious conquests ! her craelty, her—“Oh,” said one of my inform ! ants, stopping a moment for breath, and breaking ' ! • chain of descriptive substantives which I be j gan to think endless, »• such a tyrant was never ! I before seen. No man approaches her but he I goes awav with a deadly arrow cleaving to his ! side, and she laughing at' his anguish.” “By the blood of the Mtrables,” I thought, as I drew on my las t pump over a silk stocking, and shook ambrosial fragrance into my snowy kerchief, which I prepared the next evening te attend alittle/etey where I knew I should see this dangerous siicn, •• by the blood of the^Mi-V rables, by the guardian genius who never yet de serted me upon an emergency, I will teach this haughty and cruel tyrant what it is to maltreat my sex. A parcel of illiterate country dunces, have been swelling her triumphs with a list of unmeaning and dishonorable captives, and hence her fame. Doubtless she is some little, smooth faced doll, some pert forward miss, lull of airs, ana smelling of boarding school and bread and better* Proud of a bright complexion and a lit tle money, spoiled by flattery and the want ot competition, a creature that would be eclipsed, burnt up in the biaze of a city soiree. As 1 atn a man 1 will attack her. !• will revenge the wrongs of her victims, 1 will teach her a lesson. My arm, * more lucky than the rest,’ shall reach her heart, ‘and free the world from bondage.’” 1 gave the finishing brush to my whiskers. I laid astray curl an inch aside from my high white fore-head, 1 turned the tip of my collar inward, about half the breadth of a hair. The board mirror reflected mv person. Mv eyes are large and dark. I thought them just then particularly brilliant. •‘ ttuiul belles should not be too saucy,” mur muted I, as 1 rang the bell at my friend's seat. A few moments ui"re found me sitting by the side of a sweet, modest girl, to whom, in the confusion of a crowd, much more numerous and dazzling than 1 had expected, some one had in troduced me iu so huriied a manner as to leave each one ignorant of the other's name. 1 look ell |)er—«he was a Venus, 1 danced with her— [she was a sylph, l heard her sing—she was an j angel. 1 absolutely forgot Caroline B. The | village coquette had passed utterly from my mind, in the seducing loveliness—the simple, j modest grace—the exquisite air of elegance and ■ propriety, which mv charming acquaintance ex hibited. At length 1 remembered. 1 took my gaze from her countenance, and looked around Tor the object of my former curiosity. A su perbly dressed girl was dancing near us; all fea thers, flounces, jewels—blazing,rustling—laugh ing aloud—with a headdress like a tower. She smiled on this gentleman—she whispered to that —she suffered a third to hold her hand, and a fourth to tie her shoe. “ Yes,” said I, to myself, *• this is Caroline B. This is the terror of otir country swains.— ’ Ah, what mistaken ideas of beauty. Ah, what I . ..... i .. Tkuu kata nav.p c*i.n n-l III ( 111 ir ami staluarv. They have never read pnetrv.— They are ignorant of true beauty.” I withdrew my gaie—I rested niy eves again on the face of my charming fnend. Her dress was simple white—beautiful, unspotted, snowy white. No decorations—no tinsel — no gaudy vulgar solicitations for the crowd’s atteniionjbut rather a studied reserve, a classic simplicity, a natural grace At refinement of soul, ha I taught her those true elements of beaut* which painters spend their lives in learning. Her rich hair was parted with a seveie absence of ornament, on a head (by far the most chastely beautiful in the rooin)hermodest ev»"l beamed with a tender feeling which made the heart tremble;& the subdued and thoughtful expression visible in her countenance, resembled the melancholy smile of nn autumnal morning, which falls upon the still eaith through a silver mist, at once as pleasing as happiness, and as sad as sorrow. A creature so beautiful 1 never saw before. From that moment 1, too, be | fieved in broken hearts. Here was Siiakspeare’s Juliet, but where the Romeo? The thought made me turn in my Chair as if I had trodden on ati adder A moment after w^ were called to (lie dance. “ Dance with me!” 1 said. • “ I have refused three already,” she replied. “ I said I wa< engaged. ” Our eves met. If love ever flashed in a glance I had kindled in the bosom of this angelic crea ture a flame like that which wa* every moment burning more ardently in mine. Our eves met again. Wonderful, wonderful orbs, to bp the source of such delight—to he the windows through which so much heavenly bliss can be poured in upon the soul. 1 took her hand as it laid upon her knee. It was small, anil white, and soft—like nothing else in nature. Not to press it slightly was as itnpos sible as lor the thirsty pilgrim not to drink — The pressure was retm ned. A Hood of rapture rolled along my nerves. Surely some heavpnly power led iny 9teps over enchanted ground.— Every look was language. Every motion delight —everv touch eloquence—happiness—love, »» You will not refuse me/’’ I drew hergen tlv as Zephyr kisses the half opened flowers, and even as they, with bashful reluctance, unfold their leaves,'and blush to meet the light, so this radiant creature yielded to my impulse, and I led her through a dance that seemed a dream, only it was too delicious The opportunity was not neglected, 1 whispered in her e*ar. I grew bold and saucy, and her fine eyes flashed up to mine with a perfect satisfaction, which told me mv conquest was complete. The dance was over—an engagement with a friend hurried me away. •• [ wilt see you to morrow,” I whispered, and ; bade her adieu. I strode along the floor like an emperor, and 1 in the height and glow of my triumph, encoun tered the gentleman who had given me so fl;;m ing an account of the village coquette “ Well, my boy,” I exclaimed; “ I have hi therto neglected to be introduced to your won derful Miss B ; but I think I could meet her without danger.” “ Meet her!” replied he, with a look of gur piise. “ W hy, you have been bending over her —entranced—an hour—by the clock. Two or three here havp been watening you all the time!” The truth flashed upon me—I was all amaze ment—fear—horror. As I looked around, I saw twenty people grinning at me with the malice of fiends. “ Here,” said mv friend some time after ward*, ,41 have a lesson for you.” He guided me to another apartment. I went like a lamb to the sacrifice. Miss Ca roline B. was sitting with a handsom* fellow. ‘4 He’s from the city!” said my friend—then the rascals all laughed. 44 He’s just out of the university!” said ano ther—then they all laughed again. By a curious coincidence, I even heard the gentleman ask her to dance, 44 I have refused six,” said she. 44 But vou will dance with me.?” and off they went sore enough. The next morning they were married. What treatment ia bad enough, Mr. Sedley, for J such wmmcu?- l*a»h them, if you love your sex; I expose them, and make me your friend forever. Yours, sincerely, .?>» injured Young Man. CONGRESS. In the Senate on Monday, the BiU reported by the Judiciary Committee coming op— Mr. Wilkins lose in support of the bill. The position, he said, in which you, Mr. President, have placed ine, in relation to this body, imposes on ine the dutv of introducing the prpsent bill to the Senate, and of explaining its provisions In my mode of discharging this duty, 1 do not consider myself as the representative of other gentlemen on the Committee; those gentlemen possess a competence, far beyond mine, to ex plain and defend the power of the General Gov ernment to carry into effect its constitutional laws. The bill is founded upon a message from the President, communicated on the 16th instant, and proposes to sustain the constitutionality of the doctrines laid down in tiiat admired State paper. In the outset of the discussion, it is ad mitted that the bill points to an afflicting state of tilings existing in a Southern State of the Union; it is not to be disguised that it points to the State of South Carolina. It is not in the contemplation of the Committee who reported this bill to make it assume in any way, an invi dious character. W hen the gentleman from S. Carolina threw out the suggestion, that the bill was invidious, he certainly did not intend to im pute to the Committee a design to give it such a character. So far from being invidious, the bill was made goneral and sw eeping, in its terms and application, for the reason that this course was thought tube more delicate in regard to the State concerned. The provisions of the bill were made general, for the purpose of enforcing eve ry wheie the cnlloction laws of the Union. The bill presents three very important and momentous consideration**. Is there any thing in the circumstances of ihe country calling fur le gislation on the subject of the revenue laws? Is the due administration of those laws threatened with impede ments.and is this bill suited to such an emergency? He proposed to consider these points, but in a desultory manner. He never sh uuk from any nmial or political responsibility, but he had no disposition (to use the words of the Senator from North Carolina) to *• drum on pub lic sensibility.” Neither lie, nor the Slate which lie represented, had any inyueoc* in bringing up these questions, but 1 am prepared to meet the Crl'is ov my vines. It is "time, continued Mr. \Y\, that the piinii ple9 on which the Union depends wreie discussed. It is time that Congress expre-scd an opinion up on them. It is time that the People should bring their judgment to bear on this subject, ami settle it forever. The authority of Congress and of the People must settle this question one day or other. There were many enlightened men in I lie country, men whose integrity and patriotism no body doubts, who had arrived at opinions in this matter, very different from his own. The Sena tor from South Carolina knows, said Mr. W., the respect in whi< h I hold him; but I am unwil ling to take his judgment on lliis question as the guide of mine; and I will not agree that the Uni on depends on the principles which he ha* ad vanced. He has offered a document as a plea in bar; if it be established, then a bar is interposed between the powers of the Government and the acts of S. Carolina. 'I'lie bill is of great importance, nut on account of its particular provisions, but of iheir applica tion to a rapidly approaching crisis, which they wer* intended to meet. That crisis was in the control of this body, not of any branch of the Government- He would ask the Senator frotrf Mississippi (Mr. Poindexter) what authority he had to say that the passage of any bill reducing the Tariff would avert the enforcement of the Ordinance of South Carolina? lie was unwil ling to consider that Senator as the representa tive of the unlimited authority and sovereignty claimed by the State of South Carolina, lie would now present to the Senate a view of the position in which South Carolina had placed herself, in order to justify the Committee in re porting the bill unrler consideration. It was not, sir, for the put pose ol establishing a military despotism, nor o( cieating an ariueil Diclaloi, nor of sending into South Carolina military bands to “rut the throats of women and cltil tlren,” that the Committee framed the bill. If any thing can ever establish a military despotism in this country, it is the anarchy and confusion which the principles contended for bv the Sena tor from South Carolina will produce. II we keep together, not *• ten years,” nor tens ol thou sands of years will ever bring the country under the dominion of military despotism.- Hut adopt the principles of South Carolina, break the Union into fragments—some chieftain may bring the j fragments together—but it will be under a niili (Arj tirspotmii. Ilf wuuiu Util j»ht mat ouuiu Carolina contemplated this result, but he did say that her principles would lead t» if. South Car olina, not being able longer to bear the burden of an oppressive law, had determined on resist - ! auce. I The exciteoient raised in the Stale, gave to ; the part? a majority in the legislature ol the ! State, and a convention was called, under the ' provision of the State constitution, authorising its amendment. The convention met, and pas sed what is called the Oidinance, establishing new and fundamental principles. Without re peating it, he would call the attention of the senate to some lew of its provisions. It over threw the whole revpnue system. It was not limited to the acts of 18-28 or 1832, but ended, with a solemn declaration that, in that state, no taxes should be collected. The addresses of the convention to the people of the United States and of the state of S >utli Carolina, used a tone and language not to he misunderstood. They tell you it is necessary for some one state to bring the tpiestion to issue—that Carolina will do it—that Carolina had thrown herself into the breach, and would stand foremost in resistance to the laws of the Union, and they solemnly call upon the citizens of the state to stand by the principles of the Ordinance, for it is determined that no taxes shall be collected in that state. Toe ordinance gives the legislature the power to carry into execution this determination. It con tains within itself no seeds of dissolution:—it is unlimited as to time; contains no restrictions as to application; provides no means for its amend* ment. modification or repeal. In their private, individual capacity, some members of the con vention held out the idea which had been advanc* ed by some members of this House, that if £, Tariff law was made less oppressive, the ord;' nance would not be enforced. Mr. Poindexter here remarked, that he that any new Tariff law, even if more oppress, than the law of 1832 were passed, the ortlmanc? would not apply to it.J | If the terms of the ordinance are considered I continued Mr. YV., there is no possible inode ^t arresting it; so sure as time rolls on, and f0(lt davs pass oyer oor heads, the ordinance and the laws emanating from it will lead to the empl0r ment of physical force, by the citizens of Carolina, against tor enforcement of the rever,»j« laws. Although many of the most influen'ial ci:i zens of Carolina protested against the idea thj any but moral force would be resorted to. jet thj excitement and determined spirit of the p.op!« would, in hn opinion, lead speedily to the er4. plovment of physical force. He did not dmibt that the Senator Irom South Carolina abhorred the id**a of force; no doubt Ins excellent heart would ble»*il at the scene which it would produce, but he would refer to a passage in the OrJ;nail(( to prove that it was the intention of its farnju to resort to force. Mr. \Yr. here read the u»rj paragraph of the Ordinance ! Does the shadow follow the sun? F.vr- ( surely will force follow the attempt to d.:i , the laws of South Carolina. In the last jUu ; graph of the Ordinance is this passage; I »• Determined to support this Ordinance r ' every hazard,”—and this declaration is made by a courageous and chivalrous people—vre •• Jj further declare that we will not submit to the application ul force, on the pail of the Feeler*! Government, to reduce this S'ate to obedience" ! This attempt, said Mr. YV'. is not made by this bill, or by any one. ** But that we will consider , the passage, by Congress, id any act aut ion: i ins the employment of a military or naval f^ct 1 against the State of South Carolina, her consti j tuted authorities or cilizensor any act ab.ili»lun; | or closing the ports of this State, or any of thoac | or otherwise obstructing the tree ingress am; ! egress oi vessels to and limn the said ports, « any other act on the part ol the Fedeial Guvtrr, ment, to coerce the State, shut uplu-r purls, itr> troy or harrass her commerce, or to enforce the 1 acts heiebv declared to be null and void, ulhtr j wise than through the civil tiibunals of theiuun try, as inconsistent with the longer cnntinitabM ol South Carolina in the L niuii. ! Force must inevitably be used in case any at- j i tempt is made by the Federal Government u ’ j enforce the acts which have been dedaied i.u" I | and void. The Ordinance clearly eMabbcil Nullification as the law ol the land. [Mr. Miller: Will the Senator read a lilt.c | furllierrj Mr. Wilkins finished the paragraph, at U- J lows: j •• And that the people of this State will thence ■ forth hold themselves absolved from all lur'h« j obligation to maintainor preserve their politini ! connexion vviih the people of the other States, and will forthwith proceed to organize a srparitt ! Government, and do all other acts and ttnngs 1 which sovereign and independent Statesman! right do.” 'They stop with nullification; but one step fur Hut mi the part of the Government brings dv»& secession and Revolution, j [ Mr. Calhoun: It is not intended to use inf f.nce, except against force. We shall not *t»p the proceedings of the United States Courts; tat ; maintain the authority of our own judiciary.J Mr. Wilkins—how can the ordinance refer to ’ any laws of the United Slates, when they are ex eluded from any operation within the lioiitmf the State? Why do the law* nod ordinances! South Carolina shut out the United State* Cram from appellate jurisdiction? Why do they slut Hie door* of the S‘ate Courts against any inqii Mtion from ftie United States Courts? They in tend that there shall be no jurisdiction over ilw j ' subject, except through their own court*. Twt cut off Hie federal judiciary from all authoriijn that State, and biing back the state ol tbmx* which existed piior to tlie formation ol the ffd< ral constitution. line nullification i* disclaimed, on one Haiti.. unless we abolish our revenue system. Men: seotitig to «Io this they remain quiet. II t d •* go a hair’s breadth toward** enfoi i ing that »y*'ra thev present secession. M e have secession * one hand, and nullification on the other, lb Senator Irom South Carolina admitted the "t'-tr day that no such thing as constitutional «ion could exist. .Then civil war, di*unu*n, 3;. anarchy must accompany secession. Nu uncut nics the right of levolution. That is a nrw* indefeasible, inherent right—a n^lit wlum *•' have exercised and held out, by our exan,p!f* ‘ the civilized world. Who denies it. I ",l have revolution by force, not constitutional *«»« sion. i nai violence must come dv - certain. Another law passed by the I.egi»>*! i; ;] of South Carolina, is entitled a 11 II to pc'*1 f - I for the safely of the people of South Carolm- I It advises them to put on their armor. It l '’l them m military army; and for what pui})'»c j* 1 for the ti*e of force? I he provisions of t|Y laws are infinitely worse than those of the N" system, so far as they apply to the citin'1'^" Carolina, lint with its operations on tl*|r citizens, he had nothing to do. Resistance ‘ just as inevitable as the arrival of the day "n calendar. In addition to these docutuei*'* " ilid rumor say? Iluimir, which ohm b *'■ but sometimes utter* truth. If we judgeb*11 'j paper and other reports, more men w -re no* «ly to take up arms in Carolina than ■ were during the revolutionary struggle whole State was at this moment in arm*. an'i ’ citizens are ready to be embattled the “ any attempt was made to enforce the rev.RJc lawg. The city of Charleston wore the app' ance of a military depot As a further pf'*1 ' the necessity of this bill, he would reail » |'M _ ed paper which might pass for what it was rt" Mr. Calhoun. What paper is it? Ha*lt J,» nature? Mr. Wilkins. It is a circular but not »iv>4 Mr. \V ilkios then read the paper as follows: “ (Circular.) Ch\hlestos—January. ISJJ Sin:—You will on receiving this letter it1' - diately take the proper measures for the p,jrP!' of ascertaining at what points, Urpiti of ' visions, say of corn, fodder, and bacon, can established on the main roads leading tKr»'4‘ yoiir District, at suitable stations, >ay fr°m ty to forty miles apart. Looking to the even’, a possible call for Troops of every dp«crtp"0^ and especially of mounted men, in a snd'Jtn W