Phenix gazette. [volume], March 19, 1833, Image 2

About Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833

Image provided by: Library of Virginia; Richmond, VA

                
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ALEXIUS) ;1A GIZETTF,*
PUBLISH KD AND EDITRD BY
EDGAR SNOWDEN,
Fairfax Stree', (opposite the Post Office.)
TEttl'* —Daily psper eight dollars per annum, pay
able half \ early Country paper five dollars per
annum. Advertisements inserted at the rate of one
dollar for the first three insertions, and twenty five
centa for every >ui>i«quent insertion
[/l>r the Alexandria (lazette ]
THE W ANDERER’3 LAMENT.
Away! awav! through the trackless West,
I wander afar with heart oppresf,
Fi nn mv blest and *vappv home I stray.
To the land of the stranger, away! away!
O! hills of my youth, ye are sunny and fair!
I’ve roam’d o’er your summits and breath’d the
suit air;
I’ve stood on vo*r brows and gazed around,
\V ith my view by the distant horizon crowned;
\
And have thought that if nature in clime afar,
W here change is unknown,' anti the frozen car
Of winter, borne on the northern blast,
O’er vallies of verdure has never passed,
Could shew a more lovely or beautiful scene.
Than the vales of my youth in their brightest
green,
As, with wondering eyes, I gazed on them then,
Or a sweeter spot than my owu native glen:—
Which, stretch’d beneath in the calm, glad fight
Of a summer eve, lay all glowing and bright:
That angels of heav’n, growing envious of man.
Would descend from above and inhabit this land.
And shall I O! ever re-visit the spot
Of peace and contentment, the lowly thatch’d
cot,
Where the days of my childhood were spent in
_.1 •
And 1 frolick’d a sportive and light-hearted boy.
But, thoughts or the past, ye but madden my
brain—
Away 1 — 1 will muse on ye never again,
•* Bui siill wander onward in sorrow and care,
Mv bosom the seat of dark, hopeless despair.
Aldie, Va. A. L. B.
[communicated. J
To Nathanih. Tyler. Esq.:
Perceiving, by certain handbills purporting to
be published bv your authority, that you are real
ly a candidate for the suffrages of the people of
the Congressional District composed of the Coun
ties of Loudoun, Fauquier and Fairfax, I shall
take the liberty of proposing to you a few ques
tion* with regard to your politics.
I make this catechism in no spirit of party ran
cor or personal hostility to you. Our beloved
Union is but just recovering from a shock
which forced her on the very brink of destruc
tion; and even now, while the patriot, wearied
with Ins long efforts to maintain the freedom of
his countiy, in false security indulges in trea
- eherous repose, another active struggle is com
menced by one division o» the political school in
which you have been edu ated. What the re
sult of this second national contest may be, (
cannot divine: suffice it to say, that the times
are fraught with evil, and that the Constitution
is still menaced by a faction. Here are the
questions:
1st. Are you a supporter of Nullification as
attempted to be practised by John C. Calhoun
and his p irty?
2d. If not, what do you thiuk of it in the ab
stract?
3 J. Do you approve of the Enforcement Bill
passed at the late session of Congress?
4th. Are you for, or against, re-chartering the
Bank of the United States?
An-earlv answer to the above interrogatories is
desired by A FREEHOLDER.
Fairfax County, Va. March 1G, 1833.
MR WEBSTER’S SPEECH,
hi reply to Mr. Calhoun, on the ilcvenuc Col
lection Bill.—Concluded.
The honorable gentleman, sir, from South Ca
rolina, has referred to two incidents connected
with the proceedings of the Convention at Phila
delphia, which he thinks are evidence to show
that the power of protecting manufactures, by
laying duties, and bv commercial regulations,
was not intended to be given to Congress. The
first it, as he says, that a power to protect manu
factures was expressly proposed,but not granted.
1 think, sir, the gentleman is quite mistaken in
relation to this part of the proceedings of the
Convention. The whole history of the occur
rence to which he alludes is simply this: To
wards the conclusion of the Convention, after the
provisions of the constitution had been mainly
agreed upon, after the power to lay duties and
the power to regulate commerce had both been
granted, a long list of propositions was made,
and relerred to the committee, containing various
miscellaneous powers, some or all of which it
was thought might be properly vested in Con
gress. Among these, was a power to establish a
university; to grant charters of incorporation; to
regulate stage coaches on the post roads; and al
so the power to which the gentleman refers, and
which is expressed in these words: “ To esta
blish public institutions, rewards, and immuni
ties, for the promotion of agriculture, commerce,
trades, and manufactures.” The committee
made no report on this or varioui other proposi
tions in the same list. But the only inference
from this omission is, that neither the' committee
nor the Convention thought it proper to autho
rize Congress “ to establish public institutions,
reward* and immunities” for the promotion of
manufactures, and other interests. The Con
vention supposed it had done enough, at any
rate it had done all it intended, when it had
given to Congress, in general terms, the pow
er to lay imposts and the power to regulate
trade, it is not to be argued, from its omis
sion to give more, that it meant to take back what
it had already given. It had given the impost
p:»wi*r; it had given the regulation of trade; and
it did not deem it necessary to give the further
and distinct power of establishing public institu
tions.
The other fact, air, on which the gentleman re -»
lies, IS the declaration of Mr Martin, to to** Le
gislature of Maryland. The gentleman suppo
se* Mr. Martin, to hare urged against the consti
tution that it did not contain the power of protec
tion. But. if the gentleman will look again at
what Mr Martin said, he will find, I think, that
what Mr. Martin complained of was, that the
constitution, bi its prohibitions on the States,
had taken away from the States themselves the
power of protecting their own - manufactures by
duties on imports. This is undoubtedly true;
but I find no expression of Mr. Martin intimat
ing that the constitution had not conferred on Con
gress the same power which it had thus taken
from the States.
But, sir, let us go to the first Congress; let us
look in upon this and the other House, at the first,
session of their organization. |
We see in both Houses men distinguished
amon* the framers, friends, and advocates, of the ,
constitution. * VVe see in both, those who had
drawn, discussed, and matured the instrument
in the Convention, explained an<l defended it be
fore the people, and were now elected members ;
of Congress to put the new Government into mo*;
tion. and to carry the powers of the constitution
iuto beneficial execution. .
At the head of the Government was Washing
ton himself, who had been President of the Con
vention, and in his cabinet were others most tho
roughly acquainted with the history of the con
atitution, and distinguished for the part taken in
its discossion
If these persons were not acquainted with the
meaning of the constitution; if they did not un
derstand the work of their own hands, who can
understand it, or who shall now interpret it to
us?
Sir, the volume which records the proreedings
and debates of the first session of the House of
Representatives,*lie* before me. 1 open it, and
I find that, having provided for the administra
tion of the necessary oaths, the very first mea
sure proposed for consideration is, the laying of
imposts; and in the verv first Committee of the
Whole into which the House ol Representatives
ever resolved itself, ou this its earliest subject,
ana in urn us nrst ueoaie, me uuiy ut bo laying
the imposts as to encourage manufactures was
advanced, and enlarged upon by almost every
speaker; and doubted or denied by none. 1 he
first gentleman who suggests this as the clear du
ty of Congress, and as an object necessary to be
attended to, is Mr. FttZ'iinons, of Pennsylvania,
the second Mr White, of Vihginta; the third
Mr Tucker, of South Cabolina.
But the great leader, sir, on this occasion,
was Mr. Madison. Was he likely to know the
intentions of the convention and the people?—
Was he likely to understand the constitution?
At the second sitting ot the committee, Mr.
[ Madison explained his own opinions of the duty
I of Congress, fully ami explicitly. I must not
i detain you, sir, with more than a few short ex
tracts from these opinions, but they are such as
are claftl intelligible, and decisive.
“The States,’’ says he, ‘‘that are most ad
vanced in population, and ripe for manufactures,
! ought to have their particular interest attended
! to, in some degree. While these Stafea retained
! the power of making regulations ot trade, they
had the power to cherish such institutions. By
! adopting the present constitution, they have
i thrown die exercise of this power into other hands;
: they must have done this with an expectation
, that those interests would not be neglected" here.”
i In another report of the same speech, Mr.
Madison is represented a* using still stronger
language; as saving that the constitution, having
taken this power awa) from the States, and con
I ferred it on Congress, it would be a fraud on the
States ami r.n the people, were Congress to re
fuse to exercise it.
) Mr. Madison argues, sir, on this early and in
teresting occasion, very jos'ly and liberally in
; favour of the general principles of unrestricted
commerce. Hut he argues also, with equal
, force and clearness, for certain important excep
tions to these general piinciples.
The first, sir, respects those manufactures
which had been brought forward under encour
agement bv the State Governments “ It would
be-cruel,”" says Mr. Madison, “toneglect them,
and to divert their industry into other channels,
for it i» not pusrible for the hand of man to shift
I from one employment to another without being
j injured by the change. ” Again: “There may
be Home manufactures which, being once formed,
j can advance towards perfection without any ad
ventitious aid; while others, for want of the fus
: tering hand of Government, will be unable to go
on at ail. Legislative provision, therefore, will
be necessary to tolled the proper objects for
this purpose; and this will form another exc<*p
tion to my general principle.” And again: “The
| next exception that occurs is one on which great
: stress is laid by some well informed men, and
' this with great plausibility; that each nation
should have, within itself, the means of defence,
; independent ul foreign supplies; that,in whatever !
| relates fh the operations of war, no State ought
: to depend upon a precarious supply from anv
part of the world. There mav be some truth in
this remark, and therefore it is proper for legis
lative attention.”
In the same debate, sir, Mr. Burk, from j
South Carolina, supported a duty on hemp, for
the express purpose ol enrnuragmg its growth on
! the strong land* of South Carolina. ••Cotton,”
'he and, ‘‘ was also in'contemplation among
them, and if good seed could be procured, he .
'hoped might succeed.” Afterwards, sir, the!
: cotton seed was obtained, its culture was protec-;
ted, and it did succeed. Mr. Smith, a very dis-.
tlnguished member from the same Stated obser
ved: “It has been said, and justly, that the
States which adopted this constitution expected
its administration would be conducted with a
favourable hand. The manufacturing States
wished the encouragement of manufactures; the ,
maritime States the encouragement of shipbuil-1
ding; and the agricultural States the encour-,
agement or agriculture.” i
Sir, I will detain the Senate by reading no
more extracts from these debates. I have alrea- ;
dy shown a majority of the members of South
Carolina, in this very first semton, acknowledge!
ing this power of protection, voting for its exer
cise, and proposing its extension to their own j
products. Similar propositions came from Virgi
nia; and, indeed, sir, in the whole debate, at!
whatever page you open the volume, you find
the power admitted, and you find it applied to
the protection of particular articles, or not ap
plied, according to the discretion of Congress.—
No man denied the power—no man doubted il;
the only questions were, in regard to the several
articles proposed to be taxed, whether they were
fit subject* for protection, and what, the amount
of that protection ought to be. Will gentlemen,
sir, now answer the argument-drawn from these
proceedings of the first Congress?. Will they
undertake to deny that that Congress did act
on the avowed principle of protection. Or, it
they admit it, will they tell us how those who
framed the constitution fell, thus early, into this
great mistake about its meaning? W ill they tel
us how it should happen that they had so soon
forgotten their own sentiments, and their o\vn
purposes? I confess I have seen no answer to
this argument, nor any respectable attempt to
answer it. And. sir. how did this debate termi
nate? What law was passed? There it stands,
sir, among the statutes, the second law in the
book. It has a preamble. and that preamble ex
pressly recites, that the duties which it imposes
are laid u lor the support of Government, for
the discharge of the debts of the United States,
and the encouragement and protection of manu
factured’ Until, sir.'tliis earjy legislation, thus
coeval with the constitution itsell, thus lull and
explicit, can be explained away, no man can
doubt of the meaning of that instrument.
Mr. President, this power of dincrimination,
thus admitted, avowed, and practised upon, in
the first revenue act, has never been denied or
doubled until within a few years past. It was
not at ail doubted, in 1816, when it became ne
cessarv to adjust the revenue to a state of peace.
On the cnnfrarv, the power was then exercised,
not without opposition as to its expediency, but,
as far as I remember, or have understood, with
out the slightest opposition founded on any sup
posed want of constitutional authority. Cer
tainly, S. Carolina did not doubt it. The tarifl
of 1816 was introduced, carried through, and
establisned, under the lead of South Carolina.—
Even the minimum policy is of South Carolina
origin. The honorable gentleman himself sup
ported, and ablv supported, the tariff of 1816.
He has informed 09, sir, that his 'speech on that
..... ..i.l.l.n ,ml iiH" hand, he k'irio raf
led up by the request of a friend. 1 am sure
the gentleman so remembers it, and that it was
so; but there is, nevertheless, much method, ar
rangement, and clear exposition, in that extem
pore speech. It is very able, very, very much
to the point, and very decisive. And in another
speech, delivered two months earlier, on the pro
position to repeal the internal taxes, the honora
ble gentleman had touched the 9ame subject and
had declared, "that a certain encouragement
ought to be extended, at least, to ovr woollen and
cotton manufactures ” I do not quote thesp
speeches, sir, for the purpose of showing that the
honorable gentleman has changed his opinion;
mv object is other, and higher. I do it for ihe
sake of saying, that that cannot be so plainly and
palpably unconstitutional, as to warrant resist
ance to law, nullification, and revolution, which
the honorable gentleman and his friends have
heretofore agreed to, and acted upon, without
doubt and without hesitation. Sir, it 19 no an
swer to say, tnat the tariff of 1816 was a reve
nue bill. So are they all revenue bills. P'e
point is, and the truth is, that the tariff of 1816.
iike the rest, did discriminate; it did distinguish
one article from another; H did I iy duties foi
protection. L «ok to the case of course cottons,
under the minimum calculation; die duly on
these was sixty to eighty per cent Something
besides revenue certainly was intended in this;
and, in fact, the law rut up our whole commerce
with India in that article. It is sir, only within
a lew years that Carolina has denied the ctm«ri
tutionalitv of these protective laws. The gen
tleman himself has narrated to us ihe true hi**to
ry of her proceedings on this point, ile sa\9
that, after the parsing of the law of 18 28, des
pairing then of be'ng abie to abolish liie system
of protection, political men went forth among the
people, and set up the doctrine that Hje s^tein
was unconstitutional. %i*indthe People, .says
the honorable gentleman. “received I he doctrine."
This, 1 believe, is true, sir. Ihe people did
then receive the doctrine; they had never enter
tained it before. Down to that period, the con
stitutionality of these laws had been no more
doubted in South Carolina than elsewhere. And
I suspect it is true, «ir, and I deem it a great mis
fortune, that, to the present moment, a great
portion of the people of that State have never yet
seen more than one sine or me argument, i ue
lieve that thousands of honest men are involved
in scenes now passing, led away by one aided
views of the question,, and following their lead
ers by the impulse of an unlimited confidence.
D-ppnd upon it, sir, if we can avoid the shock
of arms, a day for re consideration and reflection
will come; truth and reason will ait with their
accustomed force, snd the public opinion of South
Carolina will be restored to its usual constitution
al and patriotic tone.
But, sir, I hold South Carolina to her ancipnt,
her cool, her uninfluenced, her deliberate opin
ions. I hold her to her own admissions, nay, to
her own claims and pretensions, in 1789, in the
first Congress, and to her acknowledgements and
avowed sentiments through a long series of suc
ceeding vears I hold her to the principles on
which she led Congress to act in 1816; or if she
has changed her own opinions, 1 claim some res
pect for those who still retain the same opinions,
j say she is precluded from asserting that doc
trines w hich she has herself so long ami so ably
sustained, are pi tin, palpable, and dangeious
violations of the constitution.
Mr Piesident, if the friends of nullification
should be able to propagate their opinions, and
give them practical effect, they would, in my
judgment, prove themselves the most skilful
“architects of ruin,” the most effectual extin
guishers of high raised expectation, the greatest
blasters of human hopes, which any age has pro
duced. They would stand up to proclaim in
tones which would pierce the ears of half the hu
man race, that the last great experiment of rep
resentative government had failed. They would
send forth sounds, at the hearing of which the
doctrine of the divine right of kings would feel,
even in its grave, a returning sensation of vitali
ty and resuscitation. Millions of eyes, of those
who now feed their inherent love of liberty on
the success of the* American example, would
turn away from beholding our dismemberment,
and find no place on earth whereon to rest their
gratified sight. Amidst the incantations and or
gies of nullification, secession, disunion, and
revolution, would be celebrated the funeral rites
of constitutional and republican liberty.
But, sir, if the Government do its duty; if it
*
act with firmness and with moderation, these
opinions cannot prevail. Be assured, sir, be as
sured, that, atnoog the political sentiments of
this people, the love of union is Still uppermost.
They will stand fast bv the constitution, and by
those who defend it. 1 rely on no temporary ex
pedients—on no political combination—but I re
ly on the true Amcricnn feeling, 'he genuine pa
triotism of the people, and the imperative decis
ion of the public voice Disorder and confusion
indeed, may arise; scenes of commotion and con
tf*t are threatened, and perhaps may come.—
With mv whole heart, I pray for the continuance
of the domestic peace and quiet of the country.
I desire most ardytSy the restoration of affection
ami harmony to ali its parts. 1 desire that every
citizen of the whole country may look to this
Government with no other sentiments but those
of grateful respect and attachment. But I can
not yield, even to kind feelings, the cause of the
constitution, the true glory of the country, and
the great trust whieb we hold in our hands for
succeeding ages. If the constitution cannot be
maintained without meeting these scenes of com
motion and contest, however unwelcome, they
must come. We cannot, we must not, we dare
not omit to do that which, in our judgment, toe
safety of the ITnion requires. Not regardless of
consequences, we mu*t yet meet consequences;
seeing the hazards which surround the discharge
of public duty, it must yet be discharged. For
mvself, sir, l shun no responsibility jusilv devol
ving on me, here or elsewhere, in attempting to
maintain the cause. I am tied to it by indisso
luble bands of affection and duty, and I shall
cheerfully partake in its fortunes and its fate.—
I am ready to perform my own appropriate part
whenever and wherever the occasion ma v call on
me, and to take my chance among those upon
whom blows may lull first and fall thickest. I
shall exert every laculty 1 possess in aiding tn
prevent the constitution from being nullified, de
stroyed, or impaired; and even should I see il
tall, 1 will still, with a voice, feeble perhaps,
but earnest as ever issued from human lips, and
with fid.-litv and zed. which nothing shall extin
guish, call on the PEOPLE to come to its res
cue.
The following hints, in time, are taken from
the Norfolk Herald, and we request attention to
them on the part of our citizens:—*
KEEP CLEAN.
We invite the attention of the inhabitants to
the Inspector’s notice in this day’s paper. Clean
liness is the best preservative of Health, and now
i9 the proper season to commence the work of pu
rification; if left tili warm weather it may be too
late; for if the atmosphere should chance, as it
sometime* does in summer, to possess the pecu
liarity of imbibing and converting to poison the
effluvia arising from filthy matter, and should be
come thoroughly charged with it, infectious dis
eases must be tire consequence. The atmosphere
which we breathe,% may be perfectly pure and
wholesome, when, by bringing or generating any
corrupt or off-naive matter within the sphere of
its circulation it is converted into poison, delete
rious in proportion to the nature of the constitu
tions on which it acts, harmless to some and fatal
to others. We sometimes hear of malignant fe
j vers, such as are supposed to be peculiar only to
sea port towns in Southern latitudes, making
dreadful ravages among the inhabitants of the
most healthy regions, even on the mountains; this
is not owing to the inherent unwholcsomeness of
the prevailing atmosphere, but to its adaptation,
by certain peculiarities of ihe weather, or proba
bly from'planetary influence*, to be acted on by
the miasma arising from fens, marshes and stag
nant water, as well vs animal and vegetable pu
tr* factum This stale of rt.e atmosphere, should
be provided for bv the removal from its contact
of the causes which experience teaches us are li
able to infect and render it pestilential. W hy
the atmosphere is moreHiable at one season than
another to become thus infected and pestilential,
bv such contact, is only conjectural; it is there
fore the part »f wisdom and prudence, to leave
nothing in iis wav that has a tendency to corrupt
its native puntv, and atm it with a death-dealing
power. We sav then, to our citizens, begin now
to inspect your lots and premises.—remove vnur
piles of filth, and, every other thv, agreeably to
the Ordinance, sweep all clean, and deposit your
litter, offal, or other unwholesome substances, in
i the middle of the street, to he token acvav ov the
! carts provided for the purpose—«*r. if convenient
burn them. White wash and ventilate your cel
lars, and begin to use vour chloride of lime tn
places that ofljend the nostras
4 ---
A THRILLING'INCIDENT.
From the Rochester Daily Advertiser of Thurs
da, last.
The following interesting account of the res
cue of several persons from almost certain de
struction. has been furnished to us bv a friend:
Sometime during last Friday night, a few men
in Niagara, Upper Canada, perceived that a boat
was m^the river adrift.* They immediately took
another boat and went alter it- I bey soon, with
both boat*, became inextricably fastened in by
the ice, which was floating down the river in
large quantities. They were carried into the ed
dy,’about half a mile from Fort Niagara. The
wind at this time was very high, and the cold ex
cessive; the waves running eight or ten feet high,
dashing and jambing the i< e " ilh great force.
A» about 7 o’clock in the morning, it was per
j ceived that these men must inevitably perish,
from the severity of the cold, unless speedily de
livered from their perilous situation—for they
had toiled in endeavoring to effect their way
through the ice, until their energies were entirely
exhausted, and they were chilled past the free
use of (heir limbs.
At this juncture, a boat was despatched from
Fort Niagara, with a number>»f soldiers, to as
sist them. In a short time, however, it was dis
covered bv those who gazed from the shore, with
intense anxiety, that this last boat was itself in a
more imminently dangerous condition than the
other; and that the crews of both must, even if
the boats were not crushed and sunk by the fu
rious action of the ice, soon freeze to death.—
For two or three hours the painfully excited
spectators were vainly endeavoring to devise
schemes for their deliverance.
Before yielding them up to inevitable death, it
was determined to make one more attempt to save
them; accordingly, soma of the officers, soldiers
and citizeos, took boards, and, notwithstanding
the uncertain support of the dashing ice, laid
them from cake to cake, and by having persona
stationed along the line, replaced and he’d th
boards in their places Two complete tine, Wf'*
thus laid, one to each boat, and the a|.n,„t ('J
zen crew* were lilted out, one by one, and »aff|
conducted to the shore bv their magtuuirauio
Iiverer9 5 *
The boat from the Fort was out three hour*
i Some of the men were so frozen th.it they coqM
have existed but a littl- longer. Some of th
j intrepid men who went to their re»cu«-, ,*
i between the ice cakes several times, so thatlh
clothes became like sheets of ire. A I, howr,r
were safely landed, much to the relief of the ai
, most agonizing spectators NVe understand ti. *
all the men who were out, were more or |tSi ^
zen
j There were many persons who exerted thfln
selves to the iHmoV, whose name, wehmno*
heard mentioned. Sergeant Ribinson may |#
named as the first and foremost in this almo»t
unparalleled act of deliverance. It was after tcc
o’clock when the last man was landed.
CURIOUS DVERTiSEMKNT.
The following advertisemeiit appear* in th*
New York Coniier ami Enquirer:
JOHN C. NAZRO, Instructor of Bi'.ll-ni
Eloquence, will attend to his prof.*,i„n v
the rate of Two Thousand Dollar* per annu-r
N'> pupil will be received for le*s time than rD{
year; and the amount of one whole year’s tm^
nt'ist, in ev'-ry case, be brought in advance ..
Mr. Nazro deems it proper to Hate, that he tt
of the family of General Warren, nf Bonkr;
Hill. Governor Belcher, of Ma*sacliu*ptr*. u.
der the Crown, and Admiral Sir Isaac Colfin.0f
the Royal British Navy;—further, that the (»n.
nexions of his family are. tie believes, Coirmo.
dore Rodgers; Commodore ChautTrev;
dore Bsiubridge; the Rev. Dr Nott, of fuma
College; Rev. Dr. Elv, of Philadelphia; p#|
j Trask, of Springfield; Governor PoinJexier, J
i South Carolina; General ll.nrison, of the Norti
Western Army, and the Knickerbocker* of t t
I State of New York. Mr. Nazro will furni«!ithe
very highest recommendation* from the Kuuad
llill School, where he wa* Profes*or at mnetert
years of age,—from Amherst College, !<..«
Mount rleasant, trom no-ton. From .New Hi
ven, from Xavier de Medina, Fj*q. ('•in-uiGe*
neral of Columbia, and trom the Female Semini
ry, Trov, New York. Mr Na7.ro con-itlerr
also his duty to mention, that, when at fnurtwi
i years of age hewas a randidate lor iiCadetdup •
i the United States Military Academy, V.k
i Point, he was honored bv recommendation* fru
I Governor Clinton, General Van Rmssrlaer, Co
Hayne, General Swift General Brown, IIm.
Nathan Williams President of the »Hlagt cl
Utica, Hon John J Morgan of New York, II
Samuel L Mitchell, Henry Kemsen, Kmj. Ml
G Warren, K*q. Win H Robinson, K*q Gt
rardus Clark, K-q. Ilenrv Eikford. E-q. Mi
G Bogert, Ksq. Rus-tan Consul. Rev IHtw
Blattchford of Lansingb'irg. George III
man, K-q. Prolessor of Law in the Lniirfs
ty ol Maiyland. Hon John Quincy Ailami, Ge
j-neral Jackson, and twenty members of CmgreH:
! — nnd none but objects, and fools, and blind. n i
ha'ers of God. nnd villains, Hint hypocrit't, aai
liars, hove ever envied him, or injured him. cr
! slandered him, or dared to take liberties with hr
i name
j Communications, post paid, can be nude tie
the Public Post Office.
INAUGURATION BALL.
The Inauguration Ball, at Caiu»i’s, is thusr:
ofl'by the W ashingtun Correspondent of the P»d:
sylvanian:—
I)jniel Webster attended the ball, but did t.
dance His ta-te leads in another direction -
Several of the young charges, legation ircrru
nes, ami corps diplomatique, like the dwtr|
girls of Hindustan, did the dancing of the nit
ing. There were a b**auty froiti Alexandria. 1
couple from Baltimore, one in partu u!ar frt*
Philadelphia, and a dozen not in pat titular b’
unknown parts, who generally monopoii/ed •’
attention of the young Mirables ol the mm .
One beautiful girl, with auburn hair, had
rally hall a dozen engagements ahead. An
nette, in while satin, was tompelled t«eirp:»>i
secretary to record her transactions during *
Mvpninir* A flirt is a flu t, in a b dI room, a «•
tering place, the *ta**hure, or at ilm* 1 1
one of this description in a sort »f a I’'"* llf*'
and most finished bust, who had a word to*}
every person. She talked as vhe *!,‘ l-1, •
she thought at random. Precision ' •
mare of society; “all precise pc',|"‘* '-1,
belle, ‘ought to ne hung under the second >*•* u •
and really I begin to think »» I lie mem ■
is execrable; they keep bad time, ami Om"
motif is discord; but who care* for muse,
dancing is only made the vehicle of rfj’.n ' •
and fancy? . „ , • *,
Tne new Vice President and Secre 1'"’’ ^
a grand figure; but 1 did not like the « •
Virginia belle*. She was, it must be a*“|
brilliant waltzer, and that i* a great n,f
nineteenth century Nullification ,s"'| ^
Green wears crape on his left arm; a,H (0j*
these great events gave additional
gaiety of the evening The nullifi**"- F ^
did not appear af the ball. The) ha*** (<
home as fast as possible, intending' no ,i:
bold their dance in Charleston theatre. ^
leston circus, where their other *(>"'' ’ '
erally enacted. Several of the tan mr •
ever, made their appearance, and dop ; .
good deal of science in the “ Pot*,ry . .J(<J
Of Mr. Everett’s powers in a combo* *
very high opinion. He ^JP^'Vgirl H
classical genius with a dark blue e " , t£;
the west. I don’t, however. 1,ke h,‘ . p.»
he turns round rather heavily* ** hfp,,
1 born dances a cotillion very grace u .» ^
J in rather too much heroic work now an ^
I on the whole he is respectable. • *r- ® ^
been a good dancer in his day,but.
out now: when he does, he goes wi fl rtf
soul. But of dll waltzers commendi w
anti-masons from N. York and Pen ^
They beat Vestris at pxrouttte ,
round—cut somersets—stand on,,lie.JLuult
try thing wonderful—every thing | « fc||e#r
better than any other set of men I ^
It is said, however, that the null.fier. ca
them in standing on one foot. t*>
| One event took place in the ba,,‘ ,i(liK
is creating a reasonable quantity « P ^
the Vice*Pce.kient and Mr.
hands. This singular matter took pi*
i * j
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