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AltGJLiK DH1A GAZETTE.
C O N G HE S 8 . further extracts from Mr. M'D< fit's Speech on ine Removal of lhe lJejioaites. S . one of the reasons put forth by the Secre tary if true in point of fact, so far from being a reason to be listened to and received bv this H .use, i* of such a kind that the very present. ti .n of it ought tn excite the liveliest indignation. What is the English of all this? What does the President mean, when he says that the Bank must not thrust us hand into the public affairs of this country? Wha* dors he mean, when be de clares it a crime of the Bank to possess or to ex er.ise anv political influence or power? Sir, 1 will tell vou what he means. Does any man sup pose. if the Bank had consented to do whatever the Executive mandate had required it to do-if it had put out Jonathan and put in John—tliat we st.ou.d have ever heard a word of objection to its ol.tital power? Sir, the President s mean ng is perfectly plain. When the President says that officers of a Bank ought not to interfere with political elections, he means neither more nor less than this—You must become the tools, the crea'ures of this administration, or you must be displaced. That, sir, was the attempt made, I do not say bv the President, but by some who were near the Executive door, though not a part of his Cabinet; it was attempted to influence the B.uik to put out the President of one of its branches, who was confessedly competent to the discharge of all the duties of his station, purely on the ground of hts p-vittcal opinions. lhe Bank resisted the attempt, as it always has done. So far as the oar**ot Board is concerned* can not, of course, speak with certainty for all the Directors and officers of all the branches, though 1 believe it to be true of nearly all of them,) all its members have studiously abstained from all interference with political concerns—because it wav their interest to do so They even went fur ther than tnis; they made a desperate effort to conciliate the Administration. But jt was too late, lhe plans and purposes of certain indivi duals hail been thwarted, and the feelings of the President had been, and are still, so wrought up on. that now he thinks there is nothing on the face of the earth that so needs extermination as Sir, i» 1 could decide beforehand what should be the course of future events, l hold it desirable that every national Bank should, hereafter, be arrayed against the Executive power. It would be an admirable balance in the opposite scale.— That is not the evil to be dreaded. IV real evil is in the opposite direction. It is that the Exe> utiie should turn the Bank into a mere in stillment of his will, and should wield its power, which gentlemen have represented as so tremen T.m, in addition to that still more tremendous power which be derives from the vast patronage ot such a Government, and tliat overwhelming and irresistible t de of popularity which will ever folio v the man who distributes that patronage. But. sir, the Presid-nt seems to be * ery fully aware of the danger arising froin this meretn Clous combination between the banking powei ami the power of the Executive: ami lie very wisely says, “ It is the desire of the President that the control of the Bank and the currency shall, as far as possible, be entirely separated from the political power o* the country.” Ne ver was there uttered a wiser or moie patiiotic sentiment! Let me repeat it. “ It is the de siie of the President, that the control of the Bank and the currency shall, as far as possible, be entnely separated from the political power of the country ” Ye*, sir, the man w ho w ill act up to lb >t would be nchlv entuled to be a President of the Uni'ed Slates Well, sir, there is the precept. Now for the practice. I he i resident, it seems, is anxiously desirous that the control of the banks should be separated, as far as pos sible. from the political power of the country. And what has he done? He has, in effect, said, that because the official agents of the Bank of the Uni'ed States have dared to oppose his elec tion, the faith of the nation shall not for a mo ment stand in the way of their condign punish ment. Yet he is veiv anxious to separate all control of the banks from the Executive power. Well, Sir, what inoie has he done? He has not ! only putiiih- d l.e Bank ot the United States bv removing the DepoMtes. but he has held up these tn the highest bidder! Yes, sir. The President has done that which, ; if it be not arrest* d, will most certainly destroy the iiberties of this country. What, sir? By , \*uv of separating all control of the Bank and the'currencv Irom the political power of the coun try_t>v way of steering clear of all meretricious connexion between the banking power and the power ol the Executive, we are to give to the Piesident, or to Ins pliant instrument, (and. af ter wha* has pushed, he will never want a pliant instrument.) twenty four millions of public mo nev to b<* distributed among various local banks throughout the country, according to the com plexion of their political sentiments. Sir, this r* quires in* exaggeration. And I speak not the language of exaggeration when 1 say, as God is toy Judge, I I id lather trust even Andrew Jerk •oil with 50.000 mercenary soldiers, with the bin pa«sed a* the last session for his authority to use them, than permanently to clothe him with sacn a power as this. It would be impossible to resiM it. R-sotiDce will be out ol the question \V ith the twenty millions of our revenue, the President can get the absolute control over 40 or 50 banks judicoudy selected, i. e. with no le gard to any connexion with the political power of the country. G»d forbid!—oh no! But, sir, eve ry roan in the least acquainted with the princi pies of human nature, knows, must know, that the Banks selected would become just so many : political partisans of those in power. Sir, we J have some little light on this already. It is not quite two months emce certain banks were se lected to receive the deposites unlawfully remov ed from the United States Bank: and already we have seen two of their officers in the arena. ! A President of one of these Banks, in Balti more, is out in the pub-ic paper* vindicating the course of the Secretary. And there is another, j I understand, soinewhe-e in Virginia- I The President says t at the moment an officer of a Bank meddles with pditics, that momeut he must be turned out of « ftv e Sir, I have not heard of the turning out * f any of these officer* as 1 yet. But I have no doubt, had they dared to * sav one word againt the President, they would j before this time have received much such a hint as was given to a late Secretary of the Treasury. Sir, I should be more disposed to rely on the . declaration of the President concerning his anx-( ious desire to separate the Banking and Execu live power, were it not for the experience we have alreadv hod of the woeful discrepancy be tween professions and practice. I agree with a late distinguished memoer of the Cabinet (Mr. Duane) in at least one thing. 1 do not attribute this striking discrepancy to any thing tn the President like wilful duplicity. I believe that when he makes the profession he feels as ho ^ speaks, but I believe with that gentleman that the President “ has no fixed principles—that hr does not arrive at conclusions by the exercise of reason, but that impulses anti passions have ru- | led.” But what, in point of fact, has been the difference between the President’s professions an<l his practice? I had been told a little about the principles (l beg pardon for using the word, I believe it is nearly out of fashion) on which the President came into power: for I stood, then, in the verv midst of the brunt in the contest waging with principalities and powers} aye sir, when the t miserable svcophants, yt-s, when the miserable sycophants who have since then literally crawled in their own slime, to the footstool of Executive favor stood upon the side of those who still hold patronage and power. When, therefore, l speak of the principles on which the present Chief Ma gistrate was brought into office, I claim to know something about it. Well, sir, and what were they? Why we all had an idea that the officers of the Federal Government were somewhat toe* pragmatical and interfering in the political con tests sif the country; anti that, as a matter of principle, they ought to he restrained; anil the President, when he came into power, told the na tion that one ol the trying evils of those who had ; been his predecessors was the meddling of office holders in the politics of the country. Now, I put it to all men who ha»e eves and ears, whether ever there was a time, since the foundation of this Government, when all the ofil cers of the Executive Government, from the high est to the lowest, approached so nearly to an ar mv of mercenaries in the hand of the President Whv, sir, no man now can breathe the air that surrounds fhe palace of the President, who does not think precisely as the President thinks; anvJ who is not prepared to stretch himself at com mand on the bed of Procrustes, to have his poli tical sentiments docked or stretched to the true Executive dimensions. W hat is the meaning of all this change that appears? Oh, that is Reform. The Government has been reformed. Yes. sir, and the reform lias proceeded until the word has become synonymous with turning a man out of office. A reform is made when one man is turned out, and another man is put in. At d the rule on which the operation proceeds ceeins to he this— to turn out the man who has only his merit (o re commend him, and put in the man who will with the readiest obsequiousness adopt the Executive opinion', and b<nv to the Executive pleasure.— Every b»dv knows that the meddling of office holders hi politics has been reformed bv putting out every man who did not vote for the President, and putting in the most notorious open-mouthed partizans in their places. This is truth known to the whole world. When, therefore, the Pres ident tells me he is anxious to separate as far as possible the contio! of the banks and the curren cy from the political power of the country, I un derstand him to mean that he is exceedingly anx ious none shad have the control of any Hank who dares to oppose the present Administration. And now, sir, let me enquire wh.it will be the course of things, if we decide that the Public De posites shall remain in the State Hoiks, and it shall hereafter become a matter of bargain with the Executive who shall have them Sir, we all know the game that is going on. I deplore it as much as any man can tin, but there nevtr will be a time when the election of President will not be an all engrossing topic with the greater part of all politicians. And what, 1 again ask, is now going on? Why, sir, the feeling has insinuated itself into the Palace itself. The great question is this, who shall be the successor to the Presiden tial Chair? The contest now is for the socces sion, and all the powers of this Government are organized anil in action to secure the election of an heir apparent. Every body knows, out ol the House, what it is almost (reason to speak within it, that such is the fact. And what more do you want than the control of the State Banks, at once to settle tins question j\nu Him urm^ me 10 amuner pumi in mis e« quirv. It is here said by the President, and by his Secretary, that the great reason lor re moving the Deposit*'* at this time from the Hank ot the United Stales, was the expiration ot the Hank Charier in 1836. Now, ol all the rea sons that could have possibly been given, t>i* n emphaiica'ly the reason why he should have ab stained from removing them. The Bank, in the natural couim* ol things, and by the mere force of law, was about to cease from having anv farther influence. The D* posites, we are told, were removed from the Bank because the institu tion was of dangerous tendency, and the public nbeity was not safe so long as Ms powers con- j tmued There might have been some weight in these reasons, if the preriod had not been so near at hand when its powers of every kind were to have come to an end Indeed, al most every reason put forth by the President ami the Secretary are answered by the single tact that the Bank Charter is to expire in 1836. The Bank, we are told, was to destroy libeity, and overturn the Government; but can it do all this in two years! At that time it will cease to be, for the Secretary informs us, that the Peo ple have decided that the Bank shall never be re-chartered. How then, I ask, was its influ ence tubes** very deadly within the short space of two years? Why, sir, it is plain that there must be something about it which will operate on the election ot the next President. The • thing to which the Bank will be so very fatal, the thing which it is so certainly tn destroy, turns out to be—the election of the heir ap- i1 parent. Sir, the expiration of the Charter so i1 early in as 1836, is in itself conclusive proof that 11 the reasons given for the removal ot the Depos- 1 ites are not the true reasons. I now venture to : say, that, in two years from this time, if this ! •vsirm shall be suffered to be carried into effect, < the whole moneyed power of this country will < be concentrated wnerever the political power of l the country resides. All will go logether— « there wdl be a complete combination of the M Stale Banks from Maine to Louisiana*-* perfect understanding will prevail throughout the-wrhole. They will all be actuated by one spirit, and they will be in the-hand of one man. Fhev will ait, in the strictest sense of the term, be Govern ment Banks. You will then havemuar>v be (wentv millions of Government Deposites, bat, in addition to this, you will have more than a hundred million. «f Bank capital, all wedded aginst the public liberty. Sir, if there be a spec tacle which, more than another, is to be contem plated by a patriot with fear and horror, it is , the concentration of such a power as this. j While on this branch ol this subject, l will remark, that there could not have been selected a period for the exercise of this power more un fortunate for the country. The grounds alleged for the selection are the necessity of a gradual pre paration for the change which must accompany the expiration of the charter, and the distresses brought upon the commercial community by the Bank ol the United State, during the period from August to October. Now, sir, all who are in the least acquainted with the practical oprr a non of that Bank, must know, that the remov al of the deposites, at this time, will neither in crease nor diminish the pressure experienced at the winding up of its concerns. It is admitted on all|hnnd0. that the Bank is managed by intelli gent men, well acquainted with banking con cerns, and perfects awake to their own interests. Suppose the Bank should proceed with the pub lie deposites in vaults, will its Directors not view these deposites as a part of its debt to the public? And will they not, of course, make the same provision lor the payment ol this portion ol the public debt as they do with the other por tions of it? So that, whether the deposites are removed now or at a future time, can have no effect upon live settlement of its affairs. M hrj» then, remove them now? unless it be gratious | v to add at this time, a scene of unexampled distress to all that which must unavoidably take place at the expiration of the Bank churtei r But the Secretary has told us mat mis was ne cessary in order to enable the 1 rcasurv Depart ment to prepare for the country a new currency. .Now, sir, does any man here suppose that a cur rent j can be supplied to the exigencies ol tins community by the Secretary and his Slate Banks, eijual to that which exists at tins time? So long as the Bank of the United Stales exists, the bills nl the State Banks will be in good credit. We wish no better Can the Secretary add anj Hung to their credit? It 19 obvious he cannot; and what then does he mean, when he talks to us about his providing for the country a sobsiitule for that currency which he seeks to destroy? Not that lie will provide the country with local bills in good credit, but a currency for the whole Union. This, and this alone, can be a substitute. But have we any such promise? No, sir, nothing like it. What is it which the Stale Banks stipu late? It is this, th.it they will receive in pay ment of the debts to Government, the very same local bills which are now in good credit. Do they go any tuither? Do the deposite Bunks of Maine stipulate to receive the bills uf the depo site Bunks of Louisiana? Not a word of it, sir. Do you believe that, if l shall go to the deposite Bank in Richmond, for exatnpie, with one of the bills of the selected Bank in this District, trial the Richmond Bank will take it and give ne the mo ney for it? No, sir, they will take these bills from the Government, because that they have sti pulated to do mo; but they w.ll not take them from any body else. And what then becomes of the currency? \\ here is the substitute? It is vain to talk of giving the State banks any greater cre dit than they now have. On the contrary, the moment you destroy the Bank of the l States —and I tiemble when I look forward to the pros pect_you will again return to the scenes of 1817. You will again have a scale of depreciation — The market will be full of the bills of broken Bunks, until you may again be compelled to pay a discount of ten percent, fora Bill of Exchange on a distant pari cf the Union. To withdraw the deposites from the Bank of the United States, and to place them in the State Banks, leaves those Banks not where they were, but in a situa tion the most critical that can be conceived. In deed, sir, there has been a rumor,how well found ed, I do not pretend to say, that some of these se lected Banks have already applied to the Secre tary ol the Treasury to have the Government De posites taken fioin their possession, and restoied j to the Bank of the United States; and it i» my most sincere belief that such a step would he the j a a I .. tlm avfmlit III til.ikM litllL'w could possibly happen I do know from the ve i ry bpst authority that theie has not, for the last j ten years, been so great a pressure on the State i Banks or so Intle capital to meet it. And if the , Bit.k of the United S'ates should do what it has ! the perfect right to do, aid what in all justice it might do, rail in its paper in proportion to the I existing alarm in the community, the distress, j •Meat os it is, would become unspeakably greater. : On this branch of the subject, I ha e but one more remark to make. I he Secretaiy, iri the boundless immensity of his financial knowledge, has informed us that one object he had in view, in the removal of the deposites, was to save the country from the embarrassment and distress j which must inevitably be produced by the depre . 'iniion nf the hills of the United Slates Hank, as J ihe period of the expiry of irs charter shull - ipproach Now, sir, a Batik, with ten mil* I | lions of silver in its vaults, and which is able j | to pay all its debts within sixty days; a Bank which, according to the Secretary, is too strong ind too solvent for the safety of the country, is to iiave its hills depreciate in the market just in , proportion as the lime approaches when every me of those bills will be paid in hard cash! In* leed! Wh v, sir, would not a farmer be aston* | shed, who held a note of his rich neighbor that 4 lad yet two vears to run, if a gentleman, with or without the title oi Secretary, should, with great jravity and concern, inform him that, though his leighbnr was immensely rich, and owned hun* Ireds of thousands, after all his debts were paid, lis note wouid depreciate in value just in pro portion as the day approa»hed when it was ripe t or payment and would certainly be pawl? Why, < lir, is there a child that cannot perceive that if i he value of a note is ever to change, it will then >e most valuable when it is nearest to being paid? \nd here is a Bank with millions in ita vaults, io many millions that the Government is afraid if it, yet its notes are to depreciate as the time ipproaches for the winding up of its affairs, and he public deposites must, of necessity, be remov* d from its custody, to save the country from the I [stress occasioned by that depreciation. ■ Mr. Chilton, of Kentucky, in his speech.in the House of Representatives on the removal o the deposites, spoke as follows:— Mr. Speaker: In relation to the President of the U States, 1 have no personal feelings to gratify; and sure I am tnat, "hen the attitude in which l stand towards him is duly and dispassionately considered, no man will feel.disposed to depute the sincerity of what 1 say. Foi hun, and to e e vate him to the chair which he now occupies I say it not buasttngly—no man has waded through deeper conflicts than myself At the peril oi health and life, and every other »ni Idly comfort. I became his unyielding advocate: ins cause 1 considered my cause—for then, sir, I believed his to be the cause of the country. But, -ir, uf ter the conflict had passed, and thegidoy shout of triumph had gone up—at the very moment when I fondly hoped that the victorious declarations, which his friends in the West had made in hi* name, were to be amply and strictly verified, 1 saw, that every hope which my native State, K'*n tuckv, had anchored on him. ’was withered, bias ed, and dead I paused for a moment to con template him; I wondered at the sight I beheld, and refusing to follow him, 1 turned from him — for, from.aty country and my principles I could not turn. Y*-s. sir, and while I might have floated on the full tide of a p'pularity which I had drawn around me, 1 chose rather to sink for principles’ sake, than to glide deceitfully on a current. When I took this step, I anticipated all, ami even more than has befallen tne. I said then that I should be politically buried, and so said my enemies—but I differed from them in this: thev were, so far as 1 was concerned, political Sadducees—they believed that for tne there was no resurrection. In this they were reluctantly disappointed. But I confess I have waded through g imp severe conflicts, in endeavoring to atone for the public mischief I had done. Yet all the while I believed that the time would come, when public justice would be awarded me, and when my motives would stand proudly vindicat ed, and redeemed from the calumnies which had bem heaped on them. But it is not mv purpose to enumetate the spr vices which I have rendered the Kxecutive, nor to dwell on the difficulties in which n»y hasty confidence in him as a politician has involved me. Suffice it to say, I have sustained my oppo sitioti to that part of his course which originally separated us—and that I have also sustained among mv constituents, a most unqualified oppo sition to the course he has taken against the Unit ed States Bank Therefore it is. that, in main taining that opposition on this floor, 1 not only meet the just expectations of the District whose representative I now am, but those also of the Stale at large, one of whose representatives I had the honor to be when Kentucky last spoke the emphatic words that “ Andrew Jackson was no longer the rultr of her choice.” DRAWS TO-MORROW Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class Ah 51 f ir 1833, To be drawn at Wilmington, Del on Tuesday, Dec 24 SPLENDID CAPITALS 1 prize of $20,000 | 1 prize of $3,000 1 do of 5,000 | 100 prizes of 1,000 l do of 4.000 | &c &c itc Tickets f6; halves 3 00-, quarters 1 50 To be had in a variety of numbers at O. S MORSE'S Lottery Office, Corner King and Roval streets, Alessmiria, D C. QTj’ Seats tak-.n for Washington and Baltimore in the New Line of GHEES COACHES DR A OS TO-MORROW 1 prize of 20,000—100 prizes oj 1.000 Dollars.' Grand Consolidated Lottery, (Mass >o 51 f> r 183.5, Will be drawn in Wilmington, (Del.) on Tuesday, December 24 75 NUMBER'i-n DHAll A BALLOTS 1 prize of $20,000 | l prize of $4,000 1 do of 5,000 j 1 prize of 3,000 100 Capital Prizes of 1,000 Dollars each, 4'C Whole tickets 16s halves 3 00; quarters 1 50. On sale ill «great v ariety bv JAS. KXORDAN. cry Uncurreni Notes and Foreign Gold purchased Drawing Delaware and North Carolina [otter), Fa- < tra Class No 25. i \7 50 72 £0 26 52 61 12 23 47 28 75 ( DRAWS THIS DAY j Ciiand Consolidated Lottery, Class No. 51 f>r 18 >3, Will be drawn in Wilmington. I»• I on Monday,Dec 23 Splendid Prizes: ! 1 Prize ol $20,000 1 prize of 3,000 ' I Jo of 5.000 100 prizes of 1,000 1 1 do' of 4,0(‘0 &c &c &c | Whole tickets'ffij halves 3 00; quarters I 50. To be had in a variety of numnerv of J. CORSE, | /.of rry is Erehmitie Broker. Alemndria s )rawn Numb rs in the Delaware and North Carolina I otter)-, Kxtra (ilass No .5 for 1833 17 59 72 20 26 52 G1 12 23 47 28 75 I)RAH'S mis DAY Grand Consolidated Lottery, cuss 'ti. 51 tor 183». 5 NUMBER LOTTERY—\ \ l) HAWN BALLOTS prize of 820.000 | 1 prize of 84.000 do of . 5,000 j 1 prize of 5,000 100 Capital Prizes of 81,000! &c Sic Tickets £6 00; halves 3 00; quarters 1 50 Union Canal Lottery of Pennsylvania, Clast No 26 for 1813. To be drawn in Philadelphia on Saturday, Dec 78 66 Number tottery—10 Drawn ballots Capital Prizes of $10,000—10 of $1,000, &c. Tickets £5; halve* 2 50, quarters 1 25. To be had in a variety of numbers at J. W. VXOXaETT’S Lucky Lottery Office, Upper end of King street, near the Diagonal Pump. Where may be had Tickets and Shares in all popular i .otteries. Ordeis from the countn, enclosing the 'ASHor Prize Tickets, promptly attended to )rawn Numbers in the New York Consolidated lottery Extra Clast No 38. 15 50 18 41 52 52 51 4 Ditto, Delaware and North Carolina, No- 25. 17 59 72 20 26 52 61 12 23 47 28 75 \VftD\e<\ in ft i WAN who understands selling goods in genersl w who writes a fair hand—and can bring satisfactory ttera. Salary £250. Apply to the printer, dec 17 —eo7t . Cate of Lieutenant Randolph.—Mr. Nichols* yesterday consenting to act as amicus curiir. the argument ol the Habeas Corpus proceeded he fore the Circuit Court of the United States. It was opened on the part of the ptisoner, bv Attorney Genera. Robertson, who addressed a:, able argument to the Court, resting tne right ■/ the applicant to a discharge principally on fo* grounds. 1. The unconstitutionality of the law of 18-0, under which Ins body was taken in execu tion by the warrant of the Solicitor ol the Trt4 sury. 2. Admitting that law to be constitutional, ret that the case ol Mr Randolph did not fall wnh.n its provisions, by reason that there was no a«cer tamed sum in which he was indebted to the Go, eminent 3 I'l'at there was no such officer known to the laws of the United Sta'es as .‘Jctinq Purser, and tha\ therefore, a law which was provided tugne r* dress to tlte Government against its officers, did not apply to an individual who was no officer, m civ** fj e ol the !aw. | 4 That the warrant was defective, in not d signaling the residence of Mr. Randolph, as rt queed bv fie statute. These >ve undetstood to be the ptincipal point* of the \tt irnev General’s argument, which w». distinguished bv Ins characteristic clearness anil force. He denounced the law of 1820 as en croaching upon the liberty of the citizen, as *|U. lalive of the liberality of American legislator, and demanded, in consideration of its extremely rigorous and penal t hara'ter, that it should be construed with the utmost strictness When Mr. Robertson concluded, .Mr. Niclio las asked time to reply until to day, and the Court adjourned accordingly. Mr. Leigh is also of counsel fur .Mr Km dolph. —Richmond lPlug. ft is said that on the last discount day of tl,* U. S. Rank, between three anil lour bundled thousand dollars were rejected, although the discounts of the bank were iiurejsed The discount! of the Rink in (lie pre*cnt ciigrru* are said to be large and liberal Philadelphia lit Real estate iti New York, in consequence uf the pressure in the money market, is nut teadi ly disposed of. In Philadelphia, owing to same cause, it can scarcely be sold at all. Dull. .1lll(i. A person connected with the f)>'po»ite Banka in this citv said, “ we dare nut discount much on the Deposites for tear ol a sudden cal' fur them, but we loan to biokers on short credits.*' It is thus the people’s money is loaned to shale with—A'. ¥. Star. The return of the public money tu the Bank of the United Slates, seems lobe generallt cm sidered as the only movement that will aff.iri! relief lo oar merchants. Tins course, we un derstand, was suggested at the late meeting delegates from tlie Stale Bank. A meeting of the Presidents of several bar.k# in the citv and the county of Phil. Jelplua, w»« held this morning, with a view of ad»p'i«S some measures to meet the exigencies ul the tunes. We have not been informed of 'he re sult. — Phil. Uaz. S Notwithstanding all the relief that the Bank, and the local banks, can afford inthisciti. the presiure begins now to be severely felt. Three have vet been no tailuares of any consequence; but there were some squally rumors yesterday, that “ coming events were casting tlirir shadow I'sfr-e.”—y I Com tvEMINARY FOR YOUNG LADIKS—As reports are in circulation that Ihe kubsenher 9 about to leave Alexandria, he respectfully m rorm9 the citizens and the public that he »i'lfn,: inue his School, in iironke Lodge, when-a li mited number of voung ladies w ill have an np aortunitv of acquiri>.g a complete education — To effect this object, the most approved tcachtr* ivill be employed. A knowledge of the world, the cultivation m lie heart, and reli^iouK instruction ('regardless • :rPciU,) form daily exercise'. The claasesare ‘xamined from two to thrie hours every day. irder to give a thorough knowledge I iht d fl •nt branches, questions are propounded to eii-d ea*-on and judgment, and induce the pupi * oduction to arrive at just conclusion* I ,u‘ he mental energies are brought in requiblio'. ind tlie mind progressively evolved: a* an m tance, young ladies can in a few nionti s * a: nate the amount mentally of daily puruiasvd *r teles in families, tell the number of barley i"**» n millions of mile* the number of seconds in housand* of years, tlie amount of notes a( 11 erest for years, months, anti days, — wrh oi■•er iseful calculations. It would be use'e** f"*' ■ 1 ubscriber to give a spe» ific development of • ** ystetn, a9 he respectfully invites ull infr* n call at his school-roni.t and judge for mem elves. The course of instruction will comp"« lithography; Reading; Penmanship; Annum’ ic; Grammar; Geography, with the use of nup‘ nil globes; History, ancient and modern; f l,n|' nsitlon; Rhetoric; Criticism; Logic; M»ra. lental and Natural Philosophy; Chemistry; »ny; Geology, and Astronomy.—Terms for ti.e hove, 85 00 the quarter, containing 12 weeks frnamcntsl branches and Languages a sepjrvfe barge. No deduction for lost time, excep cknrss. The School will be re opened on Mor. ay, the 30th of the present month. A few more in be received. W M. M. JUNE*? d/s v/m/7r</f T\sP American QuatUrlj fteiiew, • No. 28. CONTENTS.— I letter* of Kuler on Natural Ph losophy—2. Life anil opinions of John Jay—’ Denmark, Sweden and Norway-Judge S^* Commentaries -5 Sketches of Turkey in bv an American—6 Iteign i f Louis Philippe in \ UjJ 32_t Duchess of Berri in l,a Vendee—8 Memoir* Mademoiselle A~rillon, Chamber M«id to the Empr*-** Josephine—9 National Banks, English snd American — 10. Men and Manners in America, by the author ot C>ril Thornton , The Club, or a Gray Cap for a Green Mead, ty lames Puckle The Dominie’* Legacy, Newton Forster. The Amulet, and Sheridan’a Comic Annua' for »nd A Help to Zmn’s Travellers, relating to Ooctrina , F.xperimental. and Practical Religion, by the Rev K0 jert Hall; with the Life of the Author. Just received for ssle by pPC 2.1-.1* ELIZA KEN SEP'