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Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, December 23, 1833, Image 2

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C O N G HE S 8 .
further extracts
from Mr. M'D< fit's Speech on ine Removal of
lhe lJejioaites.
S . one of the reasons put forth by the Secre
tary if true in point of fact, so far from being a
reason to be listened to and received bv this
H .use, i* of such a kind that the very present.
ti .n of it ought tn excite the liveliest indignation.
What is the English of all this? What does the
President mean, when he says that the Bank
must not thrust us hand into the public affairs of
this country? Wha* dors he mean, when be de
clares it a crime of the Bank to possess or to ex
er.ise anv political influence or power? Sir, 1
will tell vou what he means. Does any man sup
pose. if the Bank had consented to do whatever
the Executive mandate had required it to do-if
it had put out Jonathan and put in John—tliat
we st.ou.d have ever heard a word of objection to
its ol.tital power? Sir, the President s mean
ng is perfectly plain. When the President says
that officers of a Bank ought not to interfere with
political elections, he means neither more nor
less than this—You must become the tools, the
crea'ures of this administration, or you must be
displaced. That, sir, was the attempt made, I
do not say bv the President, but by some who
were near the Executive door, though not a part
of his Cabinet; it was attempted to influence the
B.uik to put out the President of one of its
branches, who was confessedly competent to the
discharge of all the duties of his station, purely
on the ground of hts p-vittcal opinions. lhe
Bank resisted the attempt, as it always has done.
So far as the oar**ot Board is concerned* can
not, of course, speak with certainty for all the
Directors and officers of all the branches, though
1 believe it to be true of nearly all of them,) all
its members have studiously abstained from all
interference with political concerns—because it
wav their interest to do so They even went fur
ther than tnis; they made a desperate effort to
conciliate the Administration. But jt was too
late, lhe plans and purposes of certain indivi
duals hail been thwarted, and the feelings of the
President had been, and are still, so wrought up
on. that now he thinks there is nothing on the
face of the earth that so needs extermination as
Sir, i» 1 could decide beforehand what should
be the course of future events, l hold it desirable
that every national Bank should, hereafter, be
arrayed against the Executive power. It would
be an admirable balance in the opposite scale.—
That is not the evil to be dreaded. IV real
evil is in the opposite direction. It is that the
Exe> utiie should turn the Bank into a mere in
stillment of his will, and should wield its power,
which gentlemen have represented as so tremen
T.m, in addition to that still more tremendous
power which be derives from the vast patronage
ot such a Government, and tliat overwhelming
and irresistible t de of popularity which will ever
folio v the man who distributes that patronage.
But. sir, the Presid-nt seems to be * ery fully
aware of the danger arising froin this meretn
Clous combination between the banking powei
ami the power of the Executive: ami lie very
wisely says, “ It is the desire of the President
that the control of the Bank and the currency
shall, as far as possible, be entirely separated
from the political power o* the country.” Ne
ver was there uttered a wiser or moie patiiotic
sentiment! Let me repeat it. “ It is the de
siie of the President, that the control of the
Bank and the currency shall, as far as possible,
be entnely separated from the political power of
the country ” Ye*, sir, the man w ho w ill act up
to lb >t would be nchlv entuled to be a President
of the Uni'ed Slates Well, sir, there is the
precept. Now for the practice. I he i resident,
it seems, is anxiously desirous that the control
of the banks should be separated, as far as pos
sible. from the political power of the country.
And what has he done? He has, in effect, said,
that because the official agents of the Bank of
the Uni'ed States have dared to oppose his elec
tion, the faith of the nation shall not for a mo
ment stand in the way of their condign punish
ment. Yet he is veiv anxious to separate all
control of the banks from the Executive power.
Well, Sir, what inoie has he done? He has not !
only putiiih- d l.e Bank ot the United States bv
removing the DepoMtes. but he has held up these
tn the highest bidder!
Yes, sir. The President has done that which, ;
if it be not arrest* d, will most certainly destroy
the iiberties of this country. What, sir? By ,
\*uv of separating all control of the Bank and
the'currencv Irom the political power of the coun
try_t>v way of steering clear of all meretricious
connexion between the banking power and the
power ol the Executive, we are to give to the
Piesident, or to Ins pliant instrument, (and. af
ter wha* has pushed, he will never want a pliant
instrument.) twenty four millions of public mo
nev to b<* distributed among various local banks
throughout the country, according to the com
plexion of their political sentiments. Sir, this
r* quires in* exaggeration. And I speak not the
language of exaggeration when 1 say, as God is
toy Judge, I I id lather trust even Andrew Jerk
•oil with 50.000 mercenary soldiers, with the
bin pa«sed a* the last session for his authority to
use them, than permanently to clothe him with
sacn a power as this. It would be impossible to
resiM it. R-sotiDce will be out ol the question
\V ith the twenty millions of our revenue, the
President can get the absolute control over 40 or
50 banks judicoudy selected, i. e. with no le
gard to any connexion with the political power of
the country. G»d forbid!—oh no! But, sir, eve
ry roan in the least acquainted with the princi
pies of human nature, knows, must know, that
the Banks selected would become just so many :
political partisans of those in power. Sir, we J
have some little light on this already. It is not
quite two months emce certain banks were se
lected to receive the deposites unlawfully remov
ed from the United States Bank: and already
we have seen two of their officers in the arena. !
A President of one of these Banks, in Balti
more, is out in the pub-ic paper* vindicating the
course of the Secretary. And there is another, j
I understand, soinewhe-e in Virginia- I
The President says t at the moment an officer
of a Bank meddles with pditics, that momeut he
must be turned out of « ftv e Sir, I have not
heard of the turning out * f any of these officer* as 1
yet. But I have no doubt, had they dared to *
sav one word againt the President, they would j
before this time have received much such a hint
as was given to a late Secretary of the Treasury.
Sir, I should be more disposed to rely on the .
declaration of the President concerning his anx-(
ious desire to separate the Banking and Execu
live power, were it not for the experience we
have alreadv hod of the woeful discrepancy be
tween professions and practice. I agree with a
late distinguished memoer of the Cabinet (Mr.
Duane) in at least one thing. 1 do not attribute
this striking discrepancy to any thing tn the
President like wilful duplicity. I believe that
when he makes the profession he feels as ho ^
speaks, but I believe with that gentleman that
the President “ has no fixed principles—that hr
does not arrive at conclusions by the exercise of
reason, but that impulses anti passions have ru- |
led.” But what, in point of fact, has been the
difference between the President’s professions
an<l his practice? I had been told a little about
the principles (l beg pardon for using the word,
I believe it is nearly out of fashion) on which the
President came into power: for I stood, then, in
the verv midst of the brunt in the contest waging
with principalities and powers} aye sir, when the
t miserable svcophants, yt-s, when the miserable
sycophants who have since then literally crawled
in their own slime, to the footstool of Executive
favor stood upon the side of those who still hold
patronage and power. When, therefore, l speak
of the principles on which the present Chief Ma
gistrate was brought into office, I claim to know
something about it. Well, sir, and what were
they? Why we all had an idea that the officers
of the Federal Government were somewhat toe*
pragmatical and interfering in the political con
tests sif the country; anti that, as a matter of
principle, they ought to he restrained; anil the
President, when he came into power, told the na
tion that one ol the trying evils of those who had
; been his predecessors was the meddling of office
holders in the politics of the country.
Now, I put it to all men who ha»e eves and
ears, whether ever there was a time, since the
foundation of this Government, when all the ofil
cers of the Executive Government, from the high
est to the lowest, approached so nearly to an ar
mv of mercenaries in the hand of the President
Whv, sir, no man now can breathe the air that
surrounds fhe palace of the President, who does
not think precisely as the President thinks; anvJ
who is not prepared to stretch himself at com
mand on the bed of Procrustes, to have his poli
tical sentiments docked or stretched to the true
Executive dimensions. W hat is the meaning of
all this change that appears? Oh, that is Reform.
The Government has been reformed. Yes. sir,
and the reform lias proceeded until the word has
become synonymous with turning a man out of
A reform is made when one man is turned out,
and another man is put in. At d the rule on
which the operation proceeds ceeins to he this—
to turn out the man who has only his merit (o re
commend him, and put in the man who will with
the readiest obsequiousness adopt the Executive
opinion', and b<nv to the Executive pleasure.—
Every b»dv knows that the meddling of office
holders hi politics has been reformed bv putting
out every man who did not vote for the President,
and putting in the most notorious open-mouthed
partizans in their places. This is truth known
to the whole world. When, therefore, the Pres
ident tells me he is anxious to separate as far as
possible the contio! of the banks and the curren
cy from the political power of the country, I un
derstand him to mean that he is exceedingly anx
ious none shad have the control of any Hank who
dares to oppose the present Administration.
And now, sir, let me enquire wh.it will be the
course of things, if we decide that the Public De
posites shall remain in the State Hoiks, and it
shall hereafter become a matter of bargain with
the Executive who shall have them Sir, we all
know the game that is going on. I deplore it as
much as any man can tin, but there nevtr will be
a time when the election of President will not be
an all engrossing topic with the greater part of
all politicians. And what, 1 again ask, is now
going on? Why, sir, the feeling has insinuated
itself into the Palace itself. The great question
is this, who shall be the successor to the Presiden
tial Chair? The contest now is for the socces
sion, and all the powers of this Government are
organized anil in action to secure the election of
an heir apparent. Every body knows, out ol
the House, what it is almost (reason to speak
within it, that such is the fact. And what more
do you want than the control of the State Banks,
at once to settle tins question
j\nu Him urm^ me 10 amuner pumi in mis e«
quirv. It is here said by the President, and
by his Secretary, that the great reason lor re
moving the Deposit*'* at this time from the Hank
ot the United Stales, was the expiration ot the
Hank Charier in 1836. Now, ol all the rea
sons that could have possibly been given, t>i* n
emphaiica'ly the reason why he should have ab
stained from removing them. The Bank, in the
natural couim* ol things, and by the mere force
of law, was about to cease from having anv
farther influence. The D* posites, we are told,
were removed from the Bank because the institu
tion was of dangerous tendency, and the public
nbeity was not safe so long as Ms powers con- j
tmued There might have been some weight in
these reasons, if the preriod had not been so
near at hand when its powers of every kind
were to have come to an end Indeed, al
most every reason put forth by the President
ami the Secretary are answered by the single
tact that the Bank Charter is to expire in 1836.
The Bank, we are told, was to destroy libeity,
and overturn the Government; but can it do all
this in two years! At that time it will cease to
be, for the Secretary informs us, that the Peo
ple have decided that the Bank shall never be
re-chartered. How then, I ask, was its influ
ence tubes** very deadly within the short space
of two years? Why, sir, it is plain that there
must be something about it which will operate
on the election ot the next President. The •
thing to which the Bank will be so very fatal,
the thing which it is so certainly tn destroy,
turns out to be—the election of the heir ap- i1
parent. Sir, the expiration of the Charter so i1
early in as 1836, is in itself conclusive proof that 11
the reasons given for the removal ot the Depos- 1
ites are not the true reasons. I now venture to :
say, that, in two years from this time, if this !
•vsirm shall be suffered to be carried into effect, <
the whole moneyed power of this country will <
be concentrated wnerever the political power of l
the country resides. All will go logether— «
there wdl be a complete combination of the M
Stale Banks from Maine to Louisiana*-* perfect
understanding will prevail throughout the-wrhole.
They will all be actuated by one spirit, and they
will be in the-hand of one man. Fhev will ait,
in the strictest sense of the term, be Govern
ment Banks. You will then havemuar>v be
(wentv millions of Government Deposites, bat,
in addition to this, you will have more than a
hundred million. «f Bank capital, all wedded
aginst the public liberty. Sir, if there be a spec
tacle which, more than another, is to be contem
plated by a patriot with fear and horror, it is ,
the concentration of such a power as this. j
While on this branch ol this subject, l will
remark, that there could not have been selected
a period for the exercise of this power more un
fortunate for the country. The grounds alleged
for the selection are the necessity of a gradual pre
paration for the change which must accompany
the expiration of the charter, and the distresses
brought upon the commercial community by the
Bank ol the United State, during the period
from August to October. Now, sir, all who are
in the least acquainted with the practical oprr
a non of that Bank, must know, that the remov
al of the deposites, at this time, will neither in
crease nor diminish the pressure experienced at
the winding up of its concerns. It is admitted on
all|hnnd0. that the Bank is managed by intelli
gent men, well acquainted with banking con
cerns, and perfects awake to their own interests.
Suppose the Bank should proceed with the pub
lie deposites in vaults, will its Directors not
view these deposites as a part of its debt to the
public? And will they not, of course, make the
same provision lor the payment ol this portion
ol the public debt as they do with the other por
tions of it? So that, whether the deposites are
removed now or at a future time, can have no
effect upon live settlement of its affairs. M hrj»
then, remove them now? unless it be gratious
| v to add at this time, a scene of unexampled
distress to all that which must unavoidably take
place at the expiration of the Bank churtei r
But the Secretary has told us mat mis was ne
cessary in order to enable the 1 rcasurv Depart
ment to prepare for the country a new currency.
.Now, sir, does any man here suppose that a cur
rent j can be supplied to the exigencies ol tins
community by the Secretary and his Slate Banks,
eijual to that which exists at tins time? So long
as the Bank of the United Stales exists, the bills
nl the State Banks will be in good credit. We
wish no better Can the Secretary add anj Hung
to their credit? It 19 obvious he cannot; and
what then does he mean, when he talks to us about
his providing for the country a sobsiitule for that
currency which he seeks to destroy? Not that
lie will provide the country with local bills in
good credit, but a currency for the whole Union.
This, and this alone, can be a substitute. But
have we any such promise? No, sir, nothing
like it. What is it which the Stale Banks stipu
late? It is this, th.it they will receive in pay
ment of the debts to Government, the very same
local bills which are now in good credit. Do
they go any tuither? Do the deposite Bunks of
Maine stipulate to receive the bills uf the depo
site Bunks of Louisiana? Not a word of it, sir.
Do you believe that, if l shall go to the deposite
Bank in Richmond, for exatnpie, with one of the
bills of the selected Bank in this District, trial the
Richmond Bank will take it and give ne the mo
ney for it? No, sir, they will take these bills
from the Government, because that they have sti
pulated to do mo; but they w.ll not take them from
any body else. And what then becomes of the
currency? \\ here is the substitute? It is vain
to talk of giving the State banks any greater cre
dit than they now have. On the contrary, the
moment you destroy the Bank of the l States
—and I tiemble when I look forward to the pros
pect_you will again return to the scenes of 1817.
You will again have a scale of depreciation —
The market will be full of the bills of broken
Bunks, until you may again be compelled to pay
a discount of ten percent, fora Bill of Exchange
on a distant pari cf the Union. To withdraw
the deposites from the Bank of the United States,
and to place them in the State Banks, leaves
those Banks not where they were, but in a situa
tion the most critical that can be conceived. In
deed, sir, there has been a rumor,how well found
ed, I do not pretend to say, that some of these se
lected Banks have already applied to the Secre
tary ol the Treasury to have the Government De
posites taken fioin their possession, and restoied j
to the Bank of the United States; and it i» my
most sincere belief that such a step would he the j
a a I .. tlm avfmlit III til.ikM litllL'w
could possibly happen I do know from the ve i
ry bpst authority that theie has not, for the last j
ten years, been so great a pressure on the State i
Banks or so Intle capital to meet it. And if the ,
Bit.k of the United S'ates should do what it has !
the perfect right to do, aid what in all justice it
might do, rail in its paper in proportion to the I
existing alarm in the community, the distress, j
•Meat os it is, would become unspeakably greater. :
On this branch of the subject, I ha e but one
more remark to make. I he Secretaiy, iri the
boundless immensity of his financial knowledge,
has informed us that one object he had in view,
in the removal of the deposites, was to save the
country from the embarrassment and distress j
which must inevitably be produced by the depre .
'iniion nf the hills of the United Slates Hank, as J
ihe period of the expiry of irs charter shull -
ipproach Now, sir, a Batik, with ten mil* I |
lions of silver in its vaults, and which is able j |
to pay all its debts within sixty days; a Bank
which, according to the Secretary, is too strong
ind too solvent for the safety of the country, is to
iiave its hills depreciate in the market just in ,
proportion as the lime approaches when every
me of those bills will be paid in hard cash! In*
leed! Wh v, sir, would not a farmer be aston* |
shed, who held a note of his rich neighbor that 4
lad yet two vears to run, if a gentleman, with or
without the title oi Secretary, should, with great
jravity and concern, inform him that, though his
leighbnr was immensely rich, and owned hun*
Ireds of thousands, after all his debts were paid,
lis note wouid depreciate in value just in pro
portion as the day approa»hed when it was ripe t
or payment and would certainly be pawl? Why, <
lir, is there a child that cannot perceive that if i
he value of a note is ever to change, it will then
>e most valuable when it is nearest to being paid?
\nd here is a Bank with millions in ita vaults,
io many millions that the Government is afraid
if it, yet its notes are to depreciate as the time
ipproaches for the winding up of its affairs, and
he public deposites must, of necessity, be remov*
d from its custody, to save the country from the
I [stress occasioned by that depreciation.
■ Mr. Chilton, of Kentucky, in his speech.in
the House of Representatives on the removal o
the deposites, spoke as follows:—
Mr. Speaker: In relation to the President of the
U States, 1 have no personal feelings to gratify;
and sure I am tnat, "hen the attitude in which l
stand towards him is duly and dispassionately
considered, no man will feel.disposed to depute
the sincerity of what 1 say. Foi hun, and to e e
vate him to the chair which he now occupies I
say it not buasttngly—no man has waded through
deeper conflicts than myself At the peril oi
health and life, and every other »ni Idly comfort.
I became his unyielding advocate: ins cause 1
considered my cause—for then, sir, I believed
his to be the cause of the country. But, -ir, uf
ter the conflict had passed, and thegidoy shout of
triumph had gone up—at the very moment when
I fondly hoped that the victorious declarations,
which his friends in the West had made in hi*
name, were to be amply and strictly verified, 1
saw, that every hope which my native State, K'*n
tuckv, had anchored on him. ’was withered, bias
ed, and dead I paused for a moment to con
template him; I wondered at the sight I beheld,
and refusing to follow him, 1 turned from him —
for, from.aty country and my principles I could
not turn. Y*-s. sir, and while I might have
floated on the full tide of a p'pularity which I
had drawn around me, 1 chose rather to sink for
principles’ sake, than to glide deceitfully on a
When I took this step, I anticipated all, ami
even more than has befallen tne. I said then
that I should be politically buried, and so said
my enemies—but I differed from them in this:
thev were, so far as 1 was concerned, political
Sadducees—they believed that for tne there was
no resurrection. In this they were reluctantly
disappointed. But I confess I have waded
through g imp severe conflicts, in endeavoring to
atone for the public mischief I had done. Yet
all the while I believed that the time would come,
when public justice would be awarded me, and
when my motives would stand proudly vindicat
ed, and redeemed from the calumnies which had
bem heaped on them.
But it is not mv purpose to enumetate the spr
vices which I have rendered the Kxecutive, nor
to dwell on the difficulties in which n»y hasty
confidence in him as a politician has involved
me. Suffice it to say, I have sustained my oppo
sitioti to that part of his course which originally
separated us—and that I have also sustained
among mv constituents, a most unqualified oppo
sition to the course he has taken against the Unit
ed States Bank Therefore it is. that, in main
taining that opposition on this floor, 1 not only
meet the just expectations of the District whose
representative I now am, but those also of the
Stale at large, one of whose representatives I had
the honor to be when Kentucky last spoke the
emphatic words that “ Andrew Jackson was no
longer the rultr of her choice.”
Grand Consolidated Lottery,
Class Ah 51 f ir 1833,
To be drawn at Wilmington, Del on Tuesday, Dec 24
1 prize of $20,000 | 1 prize of $3,000
1 do of 5,000 | 100 prizes of 1,000
l do of 4.000 | &c &c itc
Tickets f6; halves 3 00-, quarters 1 50
To be had in a variety of numbers at
Lottery Office,
Corner King and Roval streets, Alessmiria, D C.
QTj’ Seats tak-.n for Washington and Baltimore in the
1 prize of 20,000—100 prizes oj 1.000 Dollars.'
Grand Consolidated Lottery,
(Mass >o 51 f> r 183.5,
Will be drawn in Wilmington, (Del.) on Tuesday,
December 24
1 prize of $20,000 | l prize of $4,000
1 do of 5,000 j 1 prize of 3,000
100 Capital Prizes of 1,000 Dollars each, 4'C
Whole tickets 16s halves 3 00; quarters 1 50.
On sale ill «great v ariety bv
cry Uncurreni Notes and Foreign Gold purchased
Drawing Delaware and North Carolina [otter), Fa- <
tra Class No 25. i
\7 50 72 £0 26 52 61 12 23 47 28 75 (
Ciiand Consolidated Lottery,
Class No. 51 f>r 18 >3,
Will be drawn in Wilmington. I»• I on Monday,Dec 23
Splendid Prizes: !
1 Prize ol $20,000 1 prize of 3,000 '
I Jo of 5.000 100 prizes of 1,000 1
1 do' of 4,0(‘0 &c &c &c |
Whole tickets'ffij halves 3 00; quarters I 50.
To be had in a variety of numnerv of
/.of rry is Erehmitie Broker. Alemndria s
)rawn Numb rs in the Delaware and North Carolina
I otter)-, Kxtra (ilass No .5 for 1833
17 59 72 20 26 52 G1 12 23 47 28 75
Grand Consolidated Lottery,
cuss 'ti. 51 tor 183».
prize of 820.000 | 1 prize of 84.000
do of . 5,000 j 1 prize of 5,000
100 Capital Prizes of 81,000! &c Sic
Tickets £6 00; halves 3 00; quarters 1 50
Union Canal Lottery of Pennsylvania,
Clast No 26 for 1813.
To be drawn in Philadelphia on Saturday, Dec 78
66 Number tottery—10 Drawn ballots
Capital Prizes of $10,000—10 of $1,000, &c.
Tickets £5; halve* 2 50, quarters 1 25.
To be had in a variety of numbers at
Lucky Lottery Office,
Upper end of King street, near the Diagonal Pump.
Where may be had Tickets and Shares in all popular i
.otteries. Ordeis from the countn, enclosing the
'ASHor Prize Tickets, promptly attended to
)rawn Numbers in the New York Consolidated lottery
Extra Clast No 38.
15 50 18 41 52 52 51 4
Ditto, Delaware and North Carolina, No- 25.
17 59 72 20 26 52 61 12 23 47 28 75
\VftD\e<\ in ft
i WAN who understands selling goods in genersl
w who writes a fair hand—and can bring satisfactory
ttera. Salary £250. Apply to the printer,
dec 17 —eo7t
. Cate of Lieutenant Randolph.—Mr. Nichols*
yesterday consenting to act as amicus curiir. the
argument ol the Habeas Corpus proceeded he
fore the Circuit Court of the United States.
It was opened on the part of the ptisoner, bv
Attorney Genera. Robertson, who addressed a:,
able argument to the Court, resting tne right ■/
the applicant to a discharge principally on fo*
1. The unconstitutionality of the law of
18-0, under which Ins body was taken in execu
tion by the warrant of the Solicitor ol the Trt4
2. Admitting that law to be constitutional, ret
that the case ol Mr Randolph did not fall wnh.n
its provisions, by reason that there was no a«cer
tamed sum in which he was indebted to the Go,
3 I'l'at there was no such officer known to the
laws of the United Sta'es as .‘Jctinq Purser, and
tha\ therefore, a law which was provided tugne
r* dress to tlte Government against its officers, did
not apply to an individual who was no officer, m
civ** fj e ol the !aw. |
4 That the warrant was defective, in not d
signaling the residence of Mr. Randolph, as rt
queed bv fie statute.
These >ve undetstood to be the ptincipal point*
of the \tt irnev General’s argument, which w».
distinguished bv Ins characteristic clearness anil
force. He denounced the law of 1820 as en
croaching upon the liberty of the citizen, as *|U.
lalive of the liberality of American legislator,
and demanded, in consideration of its extremely
rigorous and penal t hara'ter, that it should be
construed with the utmost strictness
When Mr. Robertson concluded, .Mr. Niclio
las asked time to reply until to day, and the
Court adjourned accordingly.
Mr. Leigh is also of counsel fur .Mr Km
dolph. —Richmond lPlug.
ft is said that on the last discount day of tl,*
U. S. Rank, between three anil lour bundled
thousand dollars were rejected, although the
discounts of the bank were iiurejsed The
discount! of the Rink in (lie pre*cnt ciigrru*
are said to be large and liberal
Philadelphia lit
Real estate iti New York, in consequence uf
the pressure in the money market, is nut teadi
ly disposed of. In Philadelphia, owing to
same cause, it can scarcely be sold at all.
Dull. .1lll(i.
A person connected with the f)>'po»ite Banka
in this citv said, “ we dare nut discount much
on the Deposites for tear ol a sudden cal' fur
them, but we loan to biokers on short credits.*'
It is thus the people’s money is loaned to shale
with—A'. ¥. Star.
The return of the public money tu the Bank
of the United Slates, seems lobe generallt cm
sidered as the only movement that will aff.iri!
relief lo oar merchants. Tins course, we un
derstand, was suggested at the late meeting
delegates from tlie Stale Bank.
A meeting of the Presidents of several bar.k#
in the citv and the county of Phil. Jelplua, w»«
held this morning, with a view of ad»p'i«S
some measures to meet the exigencies ul the
tunes. We have not been informed of 'he re
sult. — Phil. Uaz. S
Notwithstanding all the relief that the Bank,
and the local banks, can afford inthisciti. the
presiure begins now to be severely felt. Three
have vet been no tailuares of any consequence;
but there were some squally rumors yesterday,
that “ coming events were casting tlirir shadow
I'sfr-e.”—y I Com
reports are in circulation that Ihe kubsenher
9 about to leave Alexandria, he respectfully m
rorm9 the citizens and the public that he »i'lfn,:
inue his School, in iironke Lodge, when-a li
mited number of voung ladies w ill have an np
aortunitv of acquiri>.g a complete education —
To effect this object, the most approved tcachtr*
ivill be employed.
A knowledge of the world, the cultivation m
lie heart, and reli^iouK instruction ('regardless •
:rPciU,) form daily exercise'. The claasesare
‘xamined from two to thrie hours every day.
irder to give a thorough knowledge I iht d fl
•nt branches, questions are propounded to eii-d
ea*-on and judgment, and induce the pupi *
oduction to arrive at just conclusion* I ,u‘
he mental energies are brought in requiblio'.
ind tlie mind progressively evolved: a* an m
tance, young ladies can in a few nionti s * a:
nate the amount mentally of daily puruiasvd *r
teles in families, tell the number of barley i"**»
n millions of mile* the number of seconds in
housand* of years, tlie amount of notes a( 11
erest for years, months, anti days, — wrh oi■•er
iseful calculations. It would be use'e** f"*' ■ 1
ubscriber to give a spe» ific development of • **
ystetn, a9 he respectfully invites ull infr*
n call at his school-roni.t and judge for mem
elves. The course of instruction will comp"«
lithography; Reading; Penmanship; Annum’
ic; Grammar; Geography, with the use of nup‘
nil globes; History, ancient and modern; f l,n|'
nsitlon; Rhetoric; Criticism; Logic; M»ra.
lental and Natural Philosophy; Chemistry;
»ny; Geology, and Astronomy.—Terms for ti.e
hove, 85 00 the quarter, containing 12 weeks
frnamcntsl branches and Languages a sepjrvfe
barge. No deduction for lost time, excep
cknrss. The School will be re opened on Mor.
ay, the 30th of the present month. A few more
in be received. W M. M. JUNE*?
d/s v/m/7r</f T\sP
American QuatUrlj fteiiew,
• No. 28.
CONTENTS.— I letter* of Kuler on Natural Ph
losophy—2. Life anil opinions of John Jay—’
Denmark, Sweden and Norway-Judge S^*
Commentaries -5 Sketches of Turkey in
bv an American—6 Iteign i f Louis Philippe in \ UjJ
32_t Duchess of Berri in l,a Vendee—8 Memoir*
Mademoiselle A~rillon, Chamber M«id to the Empr*-**
Josephine—9 National Banks, English snd American
— 10. Men and Manners in America, by the author ot
C>ril Thornton ,
The Club, or a Gray Cap for a Green Mead, ty
lames Puckle
The Dominie’* Legacy, Newton Forster.
The Amulet, and Sheridan’a Comic Annua' for
»nd A Help to Zmn’s Travellers, relating to Ooctrina ,
F.xperimental. and Practical Religion, by the Rev K0
jert Hall; with the Life of the Author.
Just received for ssle by
pPC 2.1-.1* ELIZA KEN SEP'

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