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MR. CLAY’S SPEECH O/i the Removal of the Deposited. [concluded.] Before I proceed to a consideration of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, an the second resolution, 1 wish to anticipate ana answer an objection, which may be maae io the adoption if the first. It may the Senate, being, in a cer‘f"eiudgi a court of impeachment, ought no to prejuage a question which it may be called upon “ “ecide judicially. But, by the Constitution, the Sen qtu has three characters, legislative, txecuuvt, and iud chtl Its ordinary, and by far its most important, character, is that of its being a com mment part of the Legislative Department.— Onlv three or four cases, since the establishment of the Government, (that is, during a Pe™pd o near half a century,) have occurred, in whtch it was necessary that the Senate should act as a judicial tribunal, the least important of ail it_ characters. Now it would be most s^an f, when its constitutional poweis were assant i, could not assert and vindicate them, because, bv possibility, it might be required to act as a com”of Justice. The first resolution asserts, only that the President has assumed the exer cise of a power over the public treasury not •.ranted by the Constitution and laws. It is si fent as to motive; and, without the qm ommo the deliberate purpose of usurpation—the 1 res ident would not be liable to impeachment. Bu if a concurrence of all the elements be necessa ry “to make out a charge of wilful violation of the Constitution, does any one,be ,e'°. l . „ President will now be impeached' And shall we silently sit by, and see ourselves stiipt of one of the most essential ot our legislative pow - ers and the exercise of it assumed by the President, to whom it is not delegated, without effort to maintain t>, because, against all human probability, lie may be hereafter *"?Pe“^h‘‘d ; ‘ The Report of the Secretary ot the 1 reastti y, in the first paragraph, commences »mi a mis statement of the fact. He says— • / e<r that the deposites of the money of the t ni ted States shall not be made in the Bunk of the United States. If this assertion is regarded in any other than a mere formal sense, it is not true The Secretai*y may have been the insti u ment, the clerk, the automaton, in whose name the order was issued; but the measure was that of the President, by whose authority or com mand the order was given; and of this we have the highest and most authentic evidence. I he President has told the world that the measure was his own; and that he took it upon his own responsibility. And he has exonerated his Ca binet from all responsibility about it. Hie Se cretary ou^ht to have frankly disclosed all the cfrcTms?anc,.S of the case, and ,old the truth the whole truth, and nothing but the truth It he had done so, he would have informed Con caress that the removal had been decided by the president on the 18th of September last; that it had been announced to the public on the 20th; and that Mr. Duane remained in office until the 23d. He would have informed Congress that this important measure was decided before he entered into his new office, and was the cause of his appointment. Yes, sir; the present Sec retary stood by, a witness to the struggle in the mind of his predecessor, between his attach ment to the President, and his duty to the coun try* saw him dismissed from office because he would not violate his conscientious obligations, and came into Mr. Duane s place, to do "hat he could not honorably, and would not perform. A son of one of the fathers ofdemociacy, by an Administration, professing to be democratic, was expelled from office, and his place supplied by a j gentleman who, throughout his whole career,« has been uniformly opposed to democracy! A gentleman who, at another epoch of the Repub lic when it was threatened with civil war, and a dissolution of the Union, voted, (although a * resident of a slave State,) in the Legislature of Maryland, against the admission of Missouri into the Union, without a restriction incompati ble with her rights as a member of the Conted eracy Mr. Duane was dismissed because the solemn convictions of his duty would not allow him to conform to the President’s will; because his lomc did not bring his mind to the same con clusions with those of the logic of a venerable old gentleman, inhabiting a white house not dis 1 -l _ i'i_Inc u'alPn I Hpl’P tain irom m** ---- —. l—. - \lr C held up his own.] did not keep time with that of the President. He was dismissed under that detestable system of proscription, for opin ion’s sake, which has finally dared to intrude * itself into the Halls of Congress—a system un der which three unoffending clerks, the lathers of families, the hu>bands of wives, dependent on them for support, without the slightest impu tation of delinquency, have been recently un ceremoniously discharged, and driven out to beggary, by a man, himself the substitute of a meritorious officer,Who has not been in this ci ty a period equal to one monthly revolution of the moon! I tell our Secretary, (said Mr. G\, raising his voice,) that, if he touch a single hair of the head of any one of the clerks of the Se nate, (l am sure he is not disposed to do it,) on account of his opinions, political or religious, if no other member of the Senate does it, I will instantly submit a resolution for his own dismis sion. tljoud applause in the Gallery.] The Secretary ought to have communicated all these things; he ought to have stated that the Cabinet was divided two and two, and one of the members equally divided w ith himself on the question, willing to be put into either scale. He ought to have given a full account of this, the most important act of Executive authority since the origin of the Government; he should have stated w'ith wffiat unsullied honor his pre decessor retired from office, and on w hat de grading conditions he accepted his vacant place. When a momentous proceeding like this, vary ing the constitutional distribution of the powers of the Legislative and Executive departments, was resolved on, the ministers, against whose advice it was determined, should have resigned their stations. No Ministers of any Monarch in Europe, under similar circumstances, would have retained the seals of office. And if, as no body doubts, there is a cabai behind the curtain, without character and without responsibility, feeding the passions, stimulating the prejudices, and moulding the actions of the incumbent of the Presidential office, it wras an additional rea son for their resignations. There is not a Mai tre d’Hotel in Christendom who, if the scullions were put into command in the parlor and din ing room, would not scorn to hold his place, and fling it up, in disgust, with indignant pride! [Mr. Clay then w ent into a full and complete examination of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury—refuting its positions and over, throwing its aiguments, as also his charges against the Dank of the United States and thus concluded.] The design of the whole scheme of this Trea surv arrangement seems to have been, to ha\ e ! united in one common league, a number of lo 1 cal banks, dispersed throughoutthe. and subject to one central will, with a right of scru tiny instituted by the agents of that will. It is a bad imitation of the New ^ ork project °* safety fund. This confederation of banks will probably be combined in sympathy as well as interest, and will be always ready to fly to th succour of the source of their nourishment, to their supplying a common currency, in place of that of the Bank of the United States, the plan is totally destitute of the essential requisitt. They are not required to credit each othei s pa per, unless it be issued in the immediate vici ?“we have seen what is in this contract. Now let us see what is not there. It contains no si nulatiou for the preservation of the public mo rals: none for the freedom of elections; none foi the purity of the press. All these great interests after all that has been said against the Bank oi the United States, are left to shift and take caie of themselves a$ffiey can. We have already seen the President ot a Bank in a neighboring city, rushing impetuously to the defence ot the Secretary of the Treasury against an editonu article in a newspaper, although ‘*the venom of the shaft was not quite equal to the vigor of the bow ” Was he rebuked by the Secretary of the Treasury? Was the Bank discharged from the public service? Or, are morals, the press, and elections, in no danger ot contamination, when a host of banks become literary champions on the side of power and the officers ot Govern ment? Is the patriotism of the Secretary only alarmed when the infallibility of high authority is questioned? Will the States silently acqui esce, and see the Federal authority insinuating itself into banks of their creation, and subject to their exclusive conti ol? We have, Mr. President, a most wonueriul Financier at the head of our Treasury Depart ment. He sits quietly by in the Cabinet, am witnesses the contest between his colleague and the President. Sees the conflict in the mind of that colleague between his personal attachment to the President, on the one hand, and his so lemn duty to the public on the other. Beholds the triumph of conscientious obligation. Con templates the noble spectacle of an honest man, nreferring to surrender an exalted office, with all its honors and emoluments, rather tnan ne tray the interests of the people. Witnesses the insulting and contemptuous expulsion ot that colleague from office; and then coolly enters the vacated place, without the slightest sympathy or the smallest emotion. He was installed on the 23d of September, and by the 26th, the brief period of three days, he discovers that the Go vernment of the United States had been viong from its origin; that every one of his predeces sors from Hamilton down including Gallatin (who, whatever I said of him on a former oc casion, and that I do not mean to retract, pos sessed more practical knowledge of currency, banks, and finance, than any man 1 have ever met with in the public councils,) Dallas, and Crawford, had been mistaken, about both the expediency and constitutionality of the Bank; that every Chief Magistrate, prior to him whose patronage he enjoyed, had been wrong; that Congress, the Supreme Court of the United States, and the people of the United States, dur ing the thirty-seven years that they had acqui esced in or recognized the utility ol a Bank, were all wrong. And opposing his single opi nion to their united judgments, he dismisses the Bank, scatters the public money, and undertakes to regulate and purify the public morals, the pub lic press, and popular elections! If we examine the operations of this modern Turgot in their financial bearing merely, we shall find still less for approbation. 1. He withdraws the public moneys, where,by his own deliberate admission, they were per fectly safe, with a Bank of thirty-five millions of capital, and ten millions of specie, and he places them, at great hazard, with Banks of comparatively small capital and but little spe cie, of which the Metropolis Bank is an exam ple. 2. He withdraws them from a Bank created by, and over which the Federal Government had ample control, and puts them in other Banks created by different Governments, and over which it has no control. 3. He withdraws them from a Bank in which the American people, as a stockholder, were drawing their fair proportion of interest accru ing on loans, of which those deposites formed the basis, and puts them where the People of the United States draw no interest. 4. From a Bank which has paid a bonus of a r*->111ir*n nnH n half which the npnnle of the Unit ed States may be now liable to refund, and puts them in Banks which have paid to the American people no bonus. 5. Depreciates the value of the Stock in a Bank, where the General Government holds seven millions, and advances that of Banks in whose stock, it does not hold a dollar, and whose aggregate capital does not probably much exceed that very seven millions. And, finally, t>. He dismisses a Bank whose paper circu lates, in the greatest credit, throughout the Union and in Foreign countries, and engages in the public service Banks whose paper has but a limited and local circulation in their “ imme diate vicinities. These are immediate and inevitable results. How’ much that large and long standing item of unavailable funds, annually reported to Con gress, will be swelled and extended, remains to be developed by time. And now, Mr. President, what, under all these circumstances, is it our duty to do? Is there a Senator who can hesitate to affirm, in the lan guage of the resolutions, that the President has assumed a dangerous power over the Treasury of the United States not granted to him by the Constitution and the Law’s; and that the rea sons assiged for the act, by the Secretary of the Treasury, are insufficient and unsatisfactory? The eyes and the hopes of the American people are anxiously turned to Congress. They feel that they have been deceived and insulted; their confidence abused; their interests betray ed; and their liberties in danger. They see a rapid and alarming concentration of all pow er in one man’s hands. They see that, by the exercise of the posi tive authority of the Executive, and his nega tive power exerted over Congress, the will of one man alone prevails, and governs the Re | public. The question is no longer what laws • will Congress pass, but what will the Execu ‘ tive not veto? The President, and not Con gress, is addressed for Legislative action. We have seen a Corporation, charged with the execution of a great National work, dismiss an experienced, faithful and zealous President, af terwards testify to his ability by a voluntary resolution, and reward his extraordinary ser vices by a large gratuity, and appoint in his place an Executive favorite, totally inexperi enced and incompetent, to propitiate the Presi dent. We behold the usual incidents of ap proaching tyranny. The land is filled with j spies and informers; and detraction and do ject slaves—the scorn ana cuinwm-.~ ^ j n d COBBETT—TROLLOPIAN A. The notorious Cobbet, w hose pen seems to acquire asperity with practice, and \igour with age,has addressed a long letter to President Jack son, conplimenting him for his hostility against the Bank of the United States. It is a singu lar and extraordinary document, and one that will scarcely prove flattering to the person to whom it is addressed, however it may have been intended. Cobbett thanks the President, first for himself, and secondly for his countiy men, in coming out so boldly against paper mo ney, the annihilation of which he seems to con sider immediately connected with the o\ ei thi ow of the Bank. He calls banking an “ infernal” system, and speaks of those who conduct the affairs of the National Bank, u as a gang of traitors.” The most amusing part of the letter—and the whole, without doubt, is absurdity itself—is the following paragraph, in which Cobbett disa vows republican principles, and denounces the government of Pennsylvania, as “ the most coi rupt and tyrannical the world ever knew.” The extract we should be disposed to place to the account of Mrs. Trollope, were it not that the heroine of the Bazaar, is a personal enemy, as We are informed, of the hero of a. thousand lihpls. Cobbett says— Sir, I am no Republican in principle, any more than 1 am in law and allegiance. 1 hold, j that this, which we have here, is the best sort ! of government in the world; that is to say, that ! this sort of government is the best, provided i that we have it; 1 hold that the government of 'king, lords and commons, the last of which i chosen by all men who are of full age, of sound j mind, and untainted by indelible crime, is the best of governments. Names do but amuse 1 ine> j lived eight years under the republican | o-overnment ol Pennsylvania; and I declare, ! fiiat I believe it to have been the most corrupt and j tyrannical government that the world ever i knew. . 1 was several weeks at Harrisburg, during the session of the legislature, in the winter of JS18; and, upon my honor and soul, 1 believe that i there was more personal corruption, more bri bery ot persons in the legislature, and in office, than has ever taken place; more of this during that one session of the legislature, than has ev er taken place at Whitehall and St. Stephen’s during any ten or twenty years that 1 have ever known them; added to which, were the lowness, the dirtiness of the villany, the vulgarity the disregard of all sense of morality and of ho nour, making the whole thing so disgusting, as to drive an Englishman half mad at the thought of ever seeing his country subjected to such u lers. Oh! sir! I must forget the votes in the le gislature bought by losing a game of cards at the tavern; I must forget the great game which the bank of Philadelphia lost, in that room of borrowed light in the centre of the tavern, where the card playing was going on, day and night, j Sundays not excepted, during the whole of that session, for the purposes of bribery; I must for get these things; 1 must forget the “ betting j banks” of Pennsylvania; I must forget the court house at Harrisburg, and the judge, with a twist ed silk handkerchief round his neck, and a quid of tobacco in his cheek; I must forget that dir ty faced and unshaven jury, sitting with their hats on, talking over the back of the box to the parties or their friends, and having glasses of | grog handed to them to drink in the box; I must I forget all these things, and a great many others, before 1 can begin to think that kings and lords are the worst people in the world, to say nothing about the acts of real tyranny of that Govern ment, some of which were the very basest that ever were henrd <>f :n ♦ world.— Phil. Gaz. A new kiiui ui soap nas been discovered, which, if truly described by the discoverers, must be an efficacious cleanser; as in washing linens “ it saves two-thirds of the labour, two thirds of the time, two-thirds of the fuel, and 1 two-thirds of board and wages!” A French gentleman, who wrote a very bad j hand or foot, expressed himself thus to a cor- i respondent—“ Out of respect for you, Sir, I write to you with my own hand, but, to facilitate perusal, I send you a copy of my letter.” “ Molly.” said a lady to her servant, who was 1 not remarkable for her quickness of conception or general industry, “ I think you’ll never set the Thames on fire.” No ma’am,” was the reply, “ I should be very sorry to do any thing so wicked.” An officer of a disbanded regiment applying to the paymaster of the forces for his arrears, told him he was in the most extreme want. The treasurer seeing him of a jovial and ruddy as pect, told him that his countenance belied his complaint. For heaven’s sake, my lord, said the officer, do not mistake; the visage you see is not mine, but my landlady’s; she has fed me upon credit above twelve months. Col. Crockett's Lost.—“ Well,” said the Colo i nel, the other day, after a heated debate in the House of Representatives, “ a man may get so full of pisen here, that if he’d bite himself he’d die.” .. 11 -l-1. 1 ■' 1 1 ■■■' ... 1 DR A trs THIS DA V I Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class I for 1834, To be drawn at Wilmington, Del. January 7 1 prize of $520,000 1 prize of $52,000 1 do of 5,000 75 prizes of 500 Tickets .$54 50; halves 2 25; quarters 112 1-2 Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware, Class No. 2 for 1834, | Will be drawn in Wilmington on Thursday, January 9 HIGHEST PRIZE $10,000. Tickets $3 00; halves 1 50; quarters 0 75 On sale in great variety by JAS. RIORDAN* £3=* Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur chased. 1 Drawing Virginia Lottery, Class No. 1: « 57—28—10—7—56—10—44—1—63—46 j ALEXANDRIA^ TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 7, 1834^ fr-, y\re have the satisfaction of presenting our readers with the Gazette much improved in its typographical appealance. The handsome font of type on which our pa-. per is now printed, is from the Foan ly o Messrs. Conner & Cooke, of New Y ork. A word for the Poor.-The poor we are to “ have always amongst us.” It is the trues charity, the purest benevolence, to soothe the j distresses and relieve the wants of those with us and of us. There is nothing speculative in comforting the widow, befriending the orphan, clothing the naked, feeding the hungry, and vi siting the sick. These are the kind offices re commended by the precept and example of the Redeemer of Mankind, and eminently befitting the Christian life and character. The poor, at this inclement season, must suf fer much. Now do the “ Houseless sons of want” feel the rigor of winter and the consequent mi sery of their situation. Many a scene of suf fering may now be witnessed amongst those who, under milder skies, continue to make themselves comparatively comfortable. *'c Around the few poor embers of their hearth, They shivering, cowering, sit, and bow the head; The children have no smile, no sign of mirth, But griefs and fears and wailings in their stead. The storm without assails their shaking shed; The snow through gaping board and window flies; Beneath the coverings of a tattered bed An infant child lifts up its plaintive cries, And then again the tears start in the mother s eves.” The contemplation of such a picture must move the hardest heart. Need we say, then, let the good work com mence at once and in earnest! Let the rich man pour out some of his treasure into the lap of want! Let female virtue lighten up with its lovely smile the dull eye of the wretched mo ther, wife, or daughter! Let youth exert its ac tivity in a cause which will do it honor! Let every hand be Open as day to melting charity! The blessings of gratitude will follow us—the re collection of good deeds will always abide with us—the prayers of faith will be offered for us! “ Friends of your race! Go, break your loaf, and bear Its fragments to your poor, who suffer so. They, too, arc human beings. Let them share Your kindness, nor sink down to hopeless woe.” John II. Digges, Esq., has been appointed Postmaster at Warrenton, (Va.) in the room of Col. John Kemper, resigned. It is stated, by the Pennsylanian, that the Ci ty Authorities of Philadelphia lately removed upwards of sixty watchmen from their employ ment, on account of their political opinions.— Such an instance of unadulterated Jacksonism we did not look for from that quarter. Pro scription is hateful to us, come from what source it may. The Pennsylvanian says, that the proceeding excited disgust in Philadelphia, and several of the men have been reinstated. If the facts stated are correct, those concerned in this business ought to be ashamed of them selves. By a law of Pennsylvania, an act for the abo lition of Lotteries in that state went into opera tion on the 1st inst., and it is the determination of the public authorities in Philadelphia strictly to enforce it. ----—--— 1 he Lynchburg Virginian justly remarks, that the manly independence of former days has been superseded by the fawning devotion of those who want office to those who dispense the patronage of the government. Partizan zeal is now the passport to distinction, instead of intellect, virtue and patriotism. Honest dif ference of opinion is punished as a crime hard - ly less odious than treason. Parasites flourish in the purlieus of the court, and they who would have the courage to speak the truth in the ears of power are a proscribed race! Such has been the necessary consequence of introducing the principle of “ rewards and punishments” into the administration of the government. We learn that the pressure in the money market has become severe in Boston and Bal timore. “ The Times earnestly remind us all of , the necessity of observing Discretion and Eco nomy.” Col. De Witt Clinton died at Matanzas on the 13th of December ultimo. The deceased was the second son of the late Governor De Witt Clinton, and was a young man of high 1 promise. Having a talent for engineering, he 1 was, in the days of his boyhood, placed by his 1 distinguished father under the instruction of 1 the Engineers of the Great Erie Canal—-and in ; that department of scientific occupation he has 1 continued ever since—having been for the last 3 four or five years attached to the corps of U States Engineers. ' , The Richmond Whig gives a severe rebuke to the Telegraph when it says— ( “That paper is becoming a mere visionary, i absorbed in contemplating abstractions, and • positively hurtful to its friends.” j 1 The Telegraph will perceive that its course J 1 is not agreeable even to those in whose good 1 graces, we presume, it would most wish to A ,tand. 1 - r The Richmond Enquirer! says: “ It appears, \ from the Proceedings of Congress, that one as- x distant Clerk has been displaced by tiie Clerk o if the House of Representatives—and the pa-; v lers say three. Why? Ts it for any miscon- p duct—or is it from any political feeling or par tiality? If the last, we for one lift up our hands against it. We would reprobate such political persecution. It can come to no good. Let the friends of the Administration—let the friends of our free Institutions be assured of the fact." Bravo! Well done for the Enquirer. We would return thanks to the Enquirer at lengthy but for fear that praise from such an excom municated heretic, as we are, might frighten our old friend from his present il propriety." The Virginia House of Delegates have resol ed, on the first day of February, 1834, toprocee. to inquire into the propriety of removing John W. Green, one of the Judges of the Court of Ap peals, from office, in consequence of the state o peculiar and protracted ill health, ^vhich has a capacitated him, physically and mentally, for iL discharge of the duties of said office. The subject of the Deposites has been postpon ed in the Legislature till next Friday. No papers north of Philadelphia by ye->. day’s mail. _ Mr. Bennett, late editor of the Pennsylvania:., continues his revelations concerning the Kitch en Cabinet. We gave an account, yesterday of his No. 2. The Pennsylvania Inquirer con tains No. 3. In it is a letter from Kendall to him, relative to some of his editorial article . In this letter Kendall says: “ Do not misunderstand me. I do not blam* you. What mysterious channel of communica tion exists between the Treasury and the Ban!., I know not; but sure it is, that the Directors of the United States Bank know ichat is passing in that Department Utter than the Pr&sideu: docs. Do not think I suspect the Secretary.— Though very wrong in some of his opinion*, and I fear too timid for the times, 1 believe hi-, m ho nn honest and honorable man.” Ac. Mr. Duane, be it remembered, was then Sec retary of the Treasury. Mr. Bennett well thin! of the character Shakspeare has drawn: Tago. For Michael Cassio I dare be sworn, I think that he is hone ' Othello. I think so too. Tago. Men should be what they .vei; Or those that be not, would they might seem more! Othello. Certain, men should be \vhat::;ey seem. Tago. Why then I think Cassio’s an hone. man. The parallel is obvious. Mr. Bennet also gives an account of vai meetings of the leaders whilst Kendall wa : Philadelphia: “ Mr. Whitney managed in these converse tions the department of the Finances and cm rcncy—and Mr. Kendall the question of power, as regarded the President, Secretary, and the approaching Congress. Mr. Kendall showt-j the propriety of the removal taking place be fore the meeting of Congress, for the purpose -. interposing the President’s veto to prevent - restoration. If, said he, the measure should L left to Congress, it might be impossible i achieve it; but by removing the money no... we have the veto power in our possession. Whitney joined in these opinions, and stated that the members of Congress would not dan. to oppose the old hero after he had taken th first step. Another of the conspirators told roe speaking of the President, in relation to the de posites, ‘ all hell would not stop him.’ Whit ney also showed how easy it would be for tl. government, when the deposites should be re moved, to break a branch, either south or wes. and thus make a good case for Congress to ar' upon.” What will honorable men of all parties th:;;-. of such a band of conspirators? In the conclusion of his third number, M Bennett says: “ I accompanied Kendall to the stearnboa* when he departed to New York. In the tab; of the boat, reclining on a seat, he gave lecture about the political contest then going in Philadelphia. I was a little surprised at tlir but I afterwards learned that Kendall and D. Sutherland had had an interview—that the for mer naci contracted to make the latter bpeax er, and the latter promised to support the pro posed extraordinary exercise of the veto po" er by the President. Whitney also asked me one day to name Kendall for Secretary Of t:. Treasury in my paper, in case of the removal of Mr. Duane, which he thought highly probt ble. He expatiated on his talents, his feark?s ness, his determination, and talked largely m the confidence which the President had in him I acknowledged fully his talents, but smiled the idea of making him Secretary of the Trea sury, and replied, as he left me, “ this is cair ing the joke a little too far.’ ” We do not intend to make comments upo. the disgraceful facts now exhibited to the p-.t* tic. If they are not disgusted with a nak«' • statement of the case, no words of ours com excite that feeling which is alone proper t entertained. ROAD FROM FREDERICKSBURG I ALEXANDRIA. To the Editor of the Alexandria Gaztti.. When newspaper statements have the elk o produce conviction on the public mind, it lot surprising that those concerned should pn» lounce them gratuitous, and, on erroneom grounds, assail the party making them, m t ibsence of argument sustained by proof 1 his motive I ascribe the remarks of the Freer •icksburg Arena. No reference was made by me to the /»’••■ Road from Fredericksburg to Richmond: r* ’ lid I speak of the extension of the Road J' Potomac Creek to Washington. An experierW’ )fnearly twenty years, to an unprejudiced s amply sufficient to determine the propriety : mproving the road between Fredericksburg am Alexandria—the prophecy of the Editor of th* Arena to the contrary, notwithstanding. Ik’: welcome to his opinions, but is assured that tlK) iave no weight in opposition to the pro)>ose^ measure of improving the said road. In tk /inter of 1831-32 the navigation of the Potoiaa^ /as closed three months, and the shortest period j f obstruction is never less than five or six week?; /hich, according ter the necessity of a regular, unctual, and certain transportation of the gre"