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Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, January 22, 1834, Image 2

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HE GAZETTE:
B* EDGAR SNOWDEN.
Terms:
Bally paper - - - - $8 per annum.
Country paper . - - 5 per annum.
The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun
* . try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
Saturday. ^
All advertisements appear in both papers, ana
are inserted at the usual rates.
MR. WEBSTER’S REMARKS
Made in the Senate on Monday.
Mr. Webster presented to the Senate a scries
•f Resolutions, adopted at a numerous meeting
of the citizens of Boston, without distinction of
party, held at Faneuil Hall, to consider the state
of the Currency and Finances of the country.
The Resolutions having been read—
Mr. Wcbster said, he wished to bear unequi
vocal and decided testimony to the respectabi
lity, intelligence, and disinterestedness, of the
long list of gentlemen at whose instance this
meeting was assembled. The meeting, said
Mr W., was connected with no party purpose
whatever. It had an object more sober, more
cogent, more interesting to the whole communi
ty "than mere party questions. The Senate will
perceive, in the tone of these resolutions, no in
tention to exaggerate or inflame; no disposition
to get up excitement or to spread alarm. I
hope the restrained and serious manner, the
moderation of .temper, and the exemplary can
dor, of these resolutions, in connexion*with the
plain truths which they contain, will give them
just weight with the Sedate. I assure you, sir,
the members, composing this meeting, were j
neither capitalists, nor speculators, nor alarmists.
They are merchants, traders, mechanics, arti-1
zans, and others, engaged in the active business ;
pf life. They are of the muscular portion of j
society; and they desire to lay before Congress i
an evil, which they feel to press sorely on their j
occupations, their earnings, their labor, and j
their property; and to express their conscien
tious conviction of the causes of that evil. If
intelligence, if pure intention, if deep and wide
spread connexion with business, in its various
branches, if thorough practical knowledge and
experience—if inseparable union between their
own prosperity and the prosperity of the whole
country, auuiun^c men «**.*'.* siTVy ,
a right to be heard, the sentiments of this meet
ing ought to make an impression. For one, sir,
I entirely concur in all their opinions. I adopt
their fourteen first resolutions, without alteration
or qualification, as setting forth truly the pre
sent state of things, stating truly its causes, and
pointing to the true remedy.
Mr. President, now that l am speaking, I will
use the opportunity to say a few words, which
I intended to say, in the course of the morning,
on the coming up of the resolution which now
lies on the table; but which are as applicable to
this occasion, as to that.
An opportunity may, perhaps, be hereafter af
forded me, of discussing the reasons given by
the* Secretary, for the very important measure,
adopted by him, in removing the deposites.—
But as I know not how near that time may be,
I desire, in the mean while, to make my opinions
known, without reserve, on the present state of
the country. Without intending to discuss any
thing at present, I feel it my duty, nevertheless,
to let my sentiments and my convictions be un
derstood. In the first place, then, sir, I agree
with those who think that there is a severe pres
sure in the money market, and very serious em
barrassment feit in all branches of the national
industry. I think this is not local, but general;
general, at feast, over every part of the coun
try, where the cause has yet began to operate,
and sure to become, not only general, but uni
versal, as the operation of the cause shall spread.
If proofs were wanted, in addition to all that is
. told us by those who-know, the high rate of in
„ terest, now at 12 per cent., or higher, where it
was hardly 6, last September; the depression of
all stocks, some ten, some twenty, some thirty
per cent.; and the low prices of commodities,
are proofs abundantly sufficient to shew the ex
istence of the pressure. But, sir, labor—that
most extensive of all interests—American ma
nual labor—feels, or will feel, the shock more
sensibly, far more sensibly, than capital or pro
perty of any kind. Public works have stopped,
or must stop; great private undertakings, em
ploying many hands, have ceased, and others
must cease. A great lowering of the rates of
wages, as well as a depreciation^ property,
is the inevitable consequence of causes now in
full operation. Serious embarrassments in all
branches of business do certainly exist.
I am of opinion, therefore, that there is un
doubtedly a very severe pressure on the com
munity, which Congress ought to relieve if it
can; and that this pressure is not an instance of
the ordinary re-aciion, or the ebb’ng and flow
ing of commercial affairs; but is an extraordi
nary case, produced by an extraordinary cause.
In the next place, sir, I agree entirely with the
11th Boston resolution, as to the causes of this
embarrassment. We were in a state of high
ry branch of business, and especially manufac
turing, was pushed far, and the credit, as well as
the capital of the country employed to near its
utmost limits. In this state of things, some de
% gree of overtrading doubtless took place, which,
however, if nothing etee had occurred, would
have been seasonably corrected by the ordina
ry and necessary operation of things. Button
this palmy state of things, the late measure of
the Secretary fell, and has acted on it with pow
erful and lamentable efFect.
And l think, sir, that such a cause is entirely
adequate to produce the efFect; that it is wholly
natural; and that it ought to have been foreseen
that it would produce such efFect. Those must
have looked at the surface of things only, as it
seems to me, who thought otherwise; and who
expected that such an operation could be gone
through with, without .producing a very serious
shock.
The Treasury, in a very short time, has with
drawn from the Bank 8,000,000 dollars, within a
fraction. This call, of course, the Bank has
been obliged to provide for, and could not pro
vide for without more or less inconvenience to
the public. The mere withdrawing of so large
a sum from hands actually holding and using i!
and the transferring of it, through the Bank col
lecting, and through another Bank loaning it, il
it can Joan it, into other hands is, itself an ope
ration, which, if conducted suddenly, must pro
duce considerable inconvenience. And this is
all that the Secretary seems to have anticipated
But this is not the one-hundredth part of the
whole evil. The great evil arises from the ne\*
attitude in which the Government places itsel;
towards the Bank. Every thing is in a false po
sition. The Government, the Bank of the U. S
the State Banks, are all out of place. They an
, •v 9 ♦ > ’ •> . • - |B
4 '•» % -*». r
deranged, and separated, and jostling against
each other Instead of utility, reliance, and mu
tual succor, relations of jealousy of distrust, of
hostility even, are springing up between hese
narties All act on the defensive,-each looks
out for itself;—and the public interest is crushed
between the upper and nether millstone. All
this should have been fore_scen. It is idle to say
that these evils might have been prevented by
the Bank, if it had exerted itself to prevent them.
That is mere matter of opinion; it may be true,
or it may not; but it was the business of . those
who proposed the removal of the Deposites, to
ask themselves how it was probable the Bank
would act, when they should attack it, assail its
credit, and allege the violation by it of its char
ter; and thus compel it to take an attitude, at
least, of stern defence. The community have
certainly a right to hold those answerable, who
have unnecessarily got into this quarrel with t le
Bank, in the course of the controversy, be what
it may. r
In my opinion, sir, the great source of the e\ U
is the shock which the measure has given to
confidence in the commercial world. 1lie C1 c~
dit of the whole system of the currency of the
country seems shaken. The State Banks have
lost credit, and lost confidence. They have
suffered vastly more than the Bank of the Unit
ed States itself, at which the blow was aimed.
The derangement of internal exchanges is one
of the most disastrous consequences ol the mea
sure. -By the origin of its charter, by its un
questioned solidity, by the fact that it was at
home every where, and in perfect credit every
where, the Bank of the United States accom
plished the internal exchanges of the country
with vast facility, and at an unprecedented
cheap rate. The State banks can nevei accom
plish this; for the reason given in the Boston
Resolutions, they cannot act with the same con
cert, the same identity of purpose. Look at the
Prices Current, and seethe change in the value
of the notes of distant banks in the great cities.
Look ai the depression of the stocks of the State
banks, deposite banks and all. Look at what
must happen the moment the Bank of the Unit
ed States, in its process of winding up, or to meet
any other crisis, shall cease to buy domestic
bills, especially in the Southern, Southwestern,
and Western markets. Can any man doubt
what would be the state of exchange when that
takes place? or can any one doubt its necessa
ry effect on the price of produce? The Bank
has purchased bills to the amount of sixty mil
lions a year, as appears by documents, hereto
fore laid before the Senate. A great portion of
these, no doubt, was purchased in the South
and West, against shipments of the great sta
pies of those quarters of the country. W lien
the Bank shall cease to buy, as it must cease,
consequences cannot but be felt, much severer
even than those now experienced. This is in
evitable. But, sir, 1 go no tarther into particu
lar statements. My opinion. I repeat, is, that
the present distress is immediately occasioned,
beyond all doubt, by the removal of the depo
sites; and that just such consequences might
have been, and ought to have been foreseen
from that measure, as we do now perceive and
feel around us.
Sir, I do not believe, nevertheless, that these
consequences were foreseen. With such fore
sight, the deposites, I think, would not have been
touched. The measure has operated more deep
ly and more widely, than was expected. W e
all may find proof of this, in the conversations
of every hour. No one, who seeks to acquaint
himself with the opinions of men, in and out of
Congress, can doubt that, if the act were now
to be done, it would receive very little encour
agement or support.
Being of opinion that the removal of the.de
posites has produced the pressure, as its imme
diate effect, not so much by withdrawing a large
sum of money, as bv alarming the confidence of
the community r by breaking in on the well-ad
justed relations of the Government and the
Bank, I agree aeain, with the Boston Resolu
tions, that the natural remedy is a restoration
of the relation in which the Bank has heretofore
stood to Government.
I agree, sir, that this question ought to be
settled, and to be settled soon. And yet, if it be
decided that the present state of things shall ex
ist—if it be the determination of Congress to do
nothingin order to put an end to the unnatural,
distrustful, half belligerent, present condition of
the Government and the Bank, I do not look for
any great relief to the community, or any ear
ly quieting of the public agitation. On the con
trary, 1 expect increased difficulty, and increas
ed disquiet.
The public moneys are now out of the Bank
of the United States. There is no law regula
ting their custody, or fixing their place. They
are at the disposal of the Secretary of the Trea
sury, to be kept where he pleases, as he pleases,
aud places of their custoday to be changed as
often as he pleases.
Now, sir, 1 do not think this is a state of things
in which the country is likely to acquiesce.
Mr. President, the restoration of the deposi
tes is a question distinct and by itself. It does
not necessarily involve any other question. It
stands clear of all controversy and all opinion
about re-chartering the Bunk, or creating any
.new Bank.
But I wish, nevertheless, sir, to say a few
words of a bearing somewhat beyond that ques
tion. Being or opinion that the country is not
likely to be satisfied with the present state of
things, I have looked earnestly for the sugges
tion of some prospective measure—some sys
tem to be adopted as the future policy of the
country. Where are the public moneys here
after to be kept? In what currency is the reve
nue hereafter to be collected? What is to take
the place of the Bank in our general currency
system? How are we to preserve a uniform
currency, a uniform measure of the value of
property, and the value of labor, a uniform me
dium of exchange and of payments? How are
we to exercise that salutary control over the
national currency, which it was the unques
tionable purpose of the Constitution to devolve
on Congress?
These, sir, appear to me to be the momentous
questions before us, and which we connot long
keep out of view. In this question, every man
in the community, who either has a dollar, or
expects to earn one, has a direct interest.
Now, sir, I have heard but four suggestions or
opinions, as to what may hereafter be expec
ted or attempted.
The first is, that things will remain as they are
i —the Bank be suffered to expire, no new Bank
• created, and the whole" subject left under the
control of the Executive Department.
1 have already said, that I do not believe
the country will ever acquiesce in this.
The second suggestion is that which was
made by the honorable member from Virginia,
(Mr. Rives.) That honorable member pledges
I himself to bring forward a proposition having
; for its object to do away with the paper system
i altogether,and to return to an entire metallic cur
r rency.
i I do not expect, sir, that the honorable mem
j ber will find much support in such an undertak
| ing. A mere gold and silver currency, and the
entire abolition of paper, is not suited to the
times. The idea has something a little too an
tique, too Spartan,-in it; we might as well think
of going to iron at once. If such a result a»
thegentlenn.il hopes for, were even desirable,
I retard its attainment as utterly impractica
ble and hopeless. I lay that scheme, there
%Vere tf”?heCnrsir?PtK-chartering of the
present Bank'; and, lastly, there is the establish
ment of a new Bank. The first of these receiv
ed the sanction of the last Congress, but the
measure was negatived by the President. The
other, the creation of a new Bank, has not been
brought forward in Congress but it has exci
ted attention out of doors, and has been pro
posed in some of the State Legislatures. I oo
serve sir, that a proposition has been submitted lor
consideration, by a very intelligent gentleman,in
the Legislature of Massachusetts,recommending
the establishment of a new Bank, with the fol
lowing provisions!
“ 1. The capital stock to be fifty millions of
dollars. 1
‘2. The Stockholders of the present United
‘States Bank to be permitted to subscribe an
‘amount equal to the stock they now hold.
c3. Tlie United States to be stockholders to
‘the same extent they now are, and to appoint
‘ the same number of Directors.
‘ 4 The subscription to the remaining fifteen
‘ millions, to be distributed to the several States
* in proportion to federal numbers, or in some
‘other just and equal ratio; the instalments
‘ payable either in cash or in funded stock of
‘ the State, bearing interest at five per cent.
‘ 5. No Branch of the Bank to be established
‘ in any State, unless by permission of its Leg
‘ islature.
‘ 6. The Branches of the Bank established in
i ‘ the several States, to be liable to taxation by
1 ‘ those States respectively, in the same manner,
1 ‘ and to the same extent only with their own
‘Banks. ..
‘ 7. Such States as may become subscribers
‘ to the stock, to have the right of appointing a
‘ certain number, not exceeding one-third, of
i the Directors in the Branch of their own State.
‘ 8. Stock not subscribed fir under the forego
‘ ing provisions to be open to subscription by
‘ individual citizens.”
A project, not altogether dissimilar, has been
started in the Legislature ofPennsylvania. These
proceedings show, at least, a conviction of the
necessity of some Bank, created by Congress.
Mr. President, on this subject I have no doubt
whatever. I think a National Bank proper and
necessary. I believe it to be the only practica
ble remedy for the evils we feel, and the only
AflTAnfnnl nrraiiKf flip UTPStPl’ PVlls wllicll
we fear. Not, sir, that there is any magic in'
the name of a Bank; nor that a National Bank
works by any miracle, or mystery. But look
ing to the state of things actually existing a
round us—looking to the great number of State
Banks already existing, not less than three hun
dred and fifty, or four hundred—looking to the
vast amount of paper issued by those Banks;
and considering that,in the very nature of things
this paper must be limited and local in its credit
and1 in its circulation, I confess I see nothing
but a well conducted National Institution, which
is likely to afford any guard against excessive
paper issues, or which can furnish a sound and
uniform currency to every part of the United
States. This, sir, is not only a question of fi
nance, it not only respects the operations ot the
Treasury, but it rises to the character of a high
political question. It respects the currency, the
actual money, the measure of value of all prop
erty, and all labor, in the United States, if we
needed not a dollar of money in the Treasury,
it would still be our solemn and bounden duty to
protect this great interest. It respects the exer
cise of one of the greatest powers, beyond all
doubt, conferred on Congress by the constitu
tion. And I hardly know any thing less consis
tent with our public duty and our high trust, nor
any thing more likely to disturb the harmoni
ous relations of the States, in all affairs of busi
ness and life, than for Congress to abandon all
care and control over the currency, and to throw
the whole money system of the country into the
hands of four-and-twenty State Legislatures.
I am, then, sir, for a Bank; and am fully per
suaded that to that measure the country must
come at last.
The question, then, is between the creation of
a new Bank, and the re-chartering of the pre
sent Bank; with modifications. I have already
referred to the scheme for a new bank, proposed
to the Legislature of Massachusetts by Mr. j
White. Between such a new Bank as his pro
positions would create, and a re-chartering of
• the present Bank, with modifications, there is no
! very wide, certainly no irreconciliable differ
1 ence. We cannot, however, create another
j Bank before March, 1836. This is one reason for
j preferring a continuance of the present. And,
I treating the subject as a practical question, and
| looking to the state of opinion, and to the proha*
; bility of success, in either attempt, I incline to
the opinion that the true course of policy is to
propose a re-charter of the present Bank, with
modifications.
As to what these modifications should be, I i
would only now observe, that while it may well j
i hp inferred. from mv known sentiments, that 1 i
• should not myself deem any alterations in the
; charter, beyond those proposed by the bill of
1832, highly essential; yet it is a case, in which,
I am aware, nothing can be effected for the good
of the country, without making some approach
es to unity of opinion. I think, therefore, that
in the hope of accomplishing an object of so
much importance, liberal confessions should be
made. I lay out of the case all consideration of
any especial claim, or any legal right of the pre-'
sent stockholders, to a renewal of their charter.
! No such right can be pretended, doubtless none
such is pretended. The stockholders must stand
like other individuals, and their interest regarded
so far, and so far only, as may be judged for the
public good. Modifications of the present char
ter, should, I think be prepared, such as may
remove all reasonable grounds of jealousy, in
all quarters; whether in States, in other institu
tions, or in individuals. Such,' too, as may tend
to reconcile the interests of the great city where
the Bank is, with those of another great cit\'*
and, in short, the question should be met with a
sincere disposition to accomplish, by united and
friendly counsels, a measure which shall allay
fears, and promote confidence, at the same time
that it secures to the country a sound credita
ble, uniform currency; and to the Government
a safe deposite for the public treasure, and-an
important auxiliary in its financial operations.
I i epeat, then, sir, that 1 am in favor of re
newing the charter of the present Bank, with
such alterations as may be expected to meet the
general sense of the country.
And now, Mr. President, to avoid all unfound
| ed infeiences, I wish to say, that these sugges
tions are to be regarded as wholly my own.—
They are made without the knowledge of the
Bank, and with no understanding or concert with
any of its friends. I have not understood, indeed,
that the Bank itself proposes to apply, at pre
sent. for a renewal of its charter. Whether it
1
does so or not, my suggestions “re connected
with no such or any other purpose of the Bank.
I take up the subject on public grounds purely
and exclusively. .
And Sir, in order to repel all inferences ofano
thersorL I wish to state, with equal distinctness,
that I do not undertake to speak the sentiments
of any individual, heretofore opposed to the
Bank, or belonging to that class of public men,
who have generally opposed it. 1 ?tate my own
opinions; if others should concur in them, it will
be only because they approve them, and will not
be the result of any previous concert or under
standing whatever.
Finally, Mr. President, having stated my own
opinions, 1 respectfully ask those who propose to
continue the discussion now going on, relative to
the Deposites, to let the country see their plan Jor
the final settlement of the present difficulties. It
they are against the Bank, and against all Banks,
what do they propose? That the country will not
be satisfied with the present state of things, seems
to me certain. What state of things is to suc
ceed it? To these questions, I desire to call, ear
nestly, the attention of the Senate and of the
country. T he occasion is critical; the interests
at stake momentous; and, in my judgment, Con
gress ought not to adjourn till it shall have pas
sed some law, suitable to the exigency, and sa
tisfactory to the country. _^
DR A WS TO-MORRO W
Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware,
Class No. 4 for 1934,
Will be drawn in Wilmington on Thursday,
January 23.
1 prize of $10,000 20 prizes of $1,000
1 do of 3^000 100 prizes of 100
Tickets $3 00; halves 150; quarters 0 75.
On sale in creat variety by
.IAS. I5IORD.A3V.
£dr* Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur
chased. _
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class 2 for 1831,
To be drawn at Wilmington, Del. January 21
6(3 Number Lottery—10 Drawn Ballots.
HIGHEST PRIZE $20,000.
20 Capital Prizes of $500! 30 do of $200! &c.
Tickets $1 50; halves 2 25; quarter* 1 12 1-2
DRAWS TO-MORROW
Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware,
Class No. 4 for 1834,
To be drawn at Wilmington, Thursday, Jan. 23
HIGHES T PRIZE $10,000.
20 Capital Prizes of $1,000! &c. &c.
To be had in a variety of numbers at
J. W. VIOLI5TT’*
Lucky Lottery Office,
Upper end King Srect. near the Diagonal Pump.
Orders from the country, enclosing the
cash or prize tickets, promptly attended to. _
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class 2 for 1834,
To be drawn at Wilmington, Del. January 21
66 Numbers—10 Drawn Ballots
SPLENDID CAPITALS:
1 prize of $20,000 1 prize of $3,000 1
1 do of ' 5.000 20 prizes of 500
Tickets $4 50; halves 2 25; quarters 1 12 1-2
To be had in a variety of numbers at
O. 8. MOUSE’S
Lottery Orncn.
Corner of King and Royal streets.
H^Scats taken for Washington and Balti
more in the Pilot Line of Stages._
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class 2 for 1834,
Will be drawn in Wilmington, Del. on Tuesday
January 21
HIGHEST PRIZE 20,000 DOLLARS.
Tickets $4 50; halves 2 25; quarters 1 12 1-2
DR A WS TO-MORROW
Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware,
Class No. 4 for 1834,
Will be drawn in Wilmington on Thursday,
January 23
CAPITAL PRIZE $10,000.
Tickets $3 00; halves 1 50; quarters 0 75
To be had in a variety of numbers of
J. CORSE,
Lottery <f* Exchange Broker, Alexandria.
Drawn Numbers in the Virginia Dismal Swamp
Canal Lottery. Class No. 2 for 1834:
45 37 5 56 71 47 65 67 26 39 31
TCt9 5 26 68, a prize of $150, sold at Corse’s,
to u 'yntli-man of Fauquier.
HOME MANUFACTURE.
rillJE Washington Line and Cement Compa
JL ny have the pleasure to announce to the
public that they arc now prepared to furnish
Quicklime of superior quality, at their Kilns, on
the Canal basin, near Georgetown. All the
Company ask is, that full experiments may be
made by the scientific and practical part of the
community with the article they are now manu
facturing, as they feel assured it will meet pub
lic appropriation.
As soon as the Canal navigation opens, the
Company will also be able to furnish the J/y
drate of Lime, or Water Cement, of a quality
r_.ii.. __l : r _ __j. j:__
1U1IV t'.JMUl, II inn uuij HI CLUJ > tl UI^LUV*
ered in this country, or imported from abroad.
Washington, jan 20—d2\v
~ JUST’"PUBLISHED,
And on sale by WM. M. MORRISON,
. THE YOUNG MAN’S GUIDE, being a
practical manual for every day life. Price 75
cents.
\Yre recommend the possession of this work
to every young man who wishes to become use
ful, virtuous and happy.—N. II. Gaz.
Its contents are of a high moral character,
and it should be in the possession of every young
man.—Portsmouth Journal.
The work is a good and useful one. and wor
thy the serious attention of young men.— Chris
tian Register.
It is written in a plain direct style, and enliv
ened with anecdote and narrative.— The Reli
gious Magazine.
An admirable production, communicating
sound and wholesome truths.—Boston Trans
rrint. jan 20
JAMES S. GUNNELL, M. D.
DENTIST;
RESPECTFULLY informs the citizens and
visitors of Alexandria that he may be con
sulted at Mr. A. Newton’s Hotel on the first and
third Wednesday in every month, from 9 o’clock
A. M. until 2 P. M. All letters addressed to Dr.
G. at his Office, between the United States’
Bank and the President’s House, Washington
City, or left at Mr. Newton’s Hotel, Alexandria,
will be punctuallv attended to.
jan 2—eWedtf
FORlilRE, ~
SEVERAL SERVANTS. Inquire of the
Printer._ jan 20—3t
To Hire,
Two LADS, one of 16, the other 12 vears old.—
The eldest a complete Dining Room Servant: the
ALEXANDRIA: '
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JAN. 22, 1834.
WASHINGTON SOCIETY.
At a meeting oftiie Washington Society, held
at the City Hotel on the 15th instant, it was
Resolved, unanimously, That the Hon. Ciu*
F. Mercer, a member ofthis Society, be request
ed to deliver the Anniversary Address on the
next 22d February.
Extract from the minutes:
Edgar Snowden, Scc’y
[It gives us pleasure to state, that, should Mr
Mercer’s health permit, he will comply with the
request of the Washington Society.]
A great public meeting, composed of citizen?
of all parties, has been held in Cincinnati, at
which General Harrison presided, and resoiu
tions opposed to the Removal of the Dcposite
were unanimously passed.
Corporation Notts.—Leave has been a^ked u
bring in a bill in the Maryland Legislature to
prevent the circulation of the small notes of the
Corporations of Washington. Alexandria, and
Georgetown.
The report that three persons have been ar
rested in N^w York, as robbers of the Philadel
phia Bank, proves to be incorrect.
[communicated.]
T\j the Honorable James Marshall.
Sir—Many years have passed since I s-v?
you; probably I have been long out of your r*
collection. The present state ofthis country ii.
duces me to recall to your memory a conversa
tion, in 1794, between you, a Mr. Breckenridge.
of Virginia, and others, in the Southern Stag*
from Philadelphia, regarding the Constitution
of the United States Government. Much ha^
since happened to each of us to impair or obli.
terate remembrance of a difference of opinion
aT f II*A IfAl 1 AT m A A II An A A « A. Iai A/»4 C
^ Up'/ll WViiUliUll OUWJV.\/l^j iVi
ty years since; but the subject of that corner
sation must, I think, have been frequently i:
your mind; it has seldom been long absent from
mine. I desire you to remember that I thensa.i
the Elective Executive Branch of this Gover:
ment would, in practice, be found imperfect;
that it would, in time, be attained by corrupt
means, and would corrupt in return. You de
nied my opinion. Y^our defence of the first in
stitution of your country was warmly zealous,
expressed in the language of a gentleman. 1
observed that time alone would, in this country
test the truth or fallacy of my belief; but if you
could point to a nation, in ancient or m.'»der:
history, with an Elective Executive Power, t? 2:
did not become corrupt, I would admit it as a?.
exception to the general truth of my opinion. ;
I mentioned the case of Poland, then in view 0!
the world. I said, I still say, that the vice and .
profligacy of the Polish Statesmen, arising out 0! fl
the form of government, caused the dismember- j
ment of that Elective Monarchy.
You resided in Alexandria the winter oflSOc J
and 1801.' You must recollect the management ,
and movements at Washington, between the fac
tions for Jefferson and Burr—the buyings ar. ’ j
sellings of that time. Those who, by situation ,1
held, since that time, pretensions to the Pre«- <
dency, had the prudence to arrange their re a
spcctive interests without exciting the public t B
action. The Secretary of State had quietly su
ceeded to the Presidency, being considered u ;
heir apparent, until Mr. Crawford’s ambit;': »
broke that arrangement, and brought on anotb
contest at Washington, similar in principle to:: J
former, and With less credit to the success:
parties. What is now passing before the worb
eye? Look to the arbitrary, lawless acts of tb j
Executive power; look to the collected body
unprincipled, base subserviency to that povc
without any modern parallel, excepting IYar 9
in the days of Bonaparte; and you have clea:
living proofs that my opinion of forty years p3
rnrrprt flmi-n Rfato inHpnpnlitV.l
which has been openly attempted, and will
attempted again, as occasion may fit; give Ej
country a dense population, a city of commas
ing influence, like Rome of ancient, orParis0 ■
the present times; pretexts for wars with o,; m;
neighbors, North or South, to give occasion ' 1
large military establishments; all which B
happen; and these United States may then ft p
into the direct course of a very simple r J
government—the government of him with 2?
longest sword, with resolution, and addres?
use it.
You remember the origin of this Governor
you have seen its course, and to what it is n I
tending. Can you point to any other causes^ .
all this besides the Executive Branch? 1t;i!
not. The actors on the political stage here!'
and now, are mere performers of the <Iran*> %
Such will their successors be, until the l,:u j
great change comes in course. I repeat in)
pression of forty years since:—Governs-• ■
with an Elective Executive Power, sho11* | A
what, in our system, is called State Sovereig^.
have been, are, and will invariably be, com V
_ a citizen, m
W u\k. . * W
JOSIAH ll. DAVIS respectfully informsI
and the public that his PA TKNT I
s now in complete operation, and lie will *' uCj,|i R
execute all orders at the shortest notice, j uj,|r,1 ®
1 have got this business up at great cost ai 1_ ^ w<f I
hope to receive ail the support I may be Aj
thy of. Alexandria, January*—
—= --- n i
Farm fox
I WISH to sell a FARM, containing 313 ■
adjoining my residence. It »s heay i y ^
and has on it a variety of fine Fruit- A g
may be had if immediately applied f,,r
Fairfax County, V». ’
aug 14—eotf

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