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Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, February 01, 1834, Image 2

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TIIE GAZETTE:
.By EDGAR 8NQ,\VI>EN..
TS.R3W
Daily paper - - - - 83 per annum.
Country paper 5 per annum.
The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun
try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
Saturday.
All advertisements appear in both papers, and
are inserted at the usual rates.
CONGRESSIONAL *
In the Senate on Thursday, Mr.YY RIGHT pre
sented certain proceedings of the Legislature of
the State of New York, in relation to the remo
val of the public deposites from the Bank of the
United States, highly approving the conduct of
the President of the United States and the Se:
cretary of the Treasury, in that measure, and
expressing the pleasure of the said Legislature
as to the course to be pursued by their Senators
and Representatives in Congress on the same
subject.
Mr. WRIGHT said, that a memorial on the
same subject, but of an opposite character, had,
some days ago, been presented to the Senate by
the Senator from Massachusetts, who had taken
that occasion to offer to the Senate some re
marks in explanation. Following the example
thus set him, he would beg the indulgence of the
Senate, while he laid before them some few re
marks, shewing by whom, and the circumstan
ces under which, these proceedings were pass
ed, and the claims they had to the respectful
consideration of Congress. The Legislature of
the State of New York consisted of 160 mem
bers, 129 of whom composed the popular branch,
and 32 members constituted the Senate, or high
er branch. Th£ number of members of the As
.____a a Ail o aoaiv! i rr In tKa **w\_ !
pulaiion of the State;-while the Senators were
chosen, four from each of the eight districts in
\ to which the State was divided. Of these mem
> bers, then, of the two Houses thus constituted,
the vote was, in the popular branch, 118 for and
9 against the resolutions; and in the upper
branch the vote was 22 for and 5 against the
resolutions.
But, if the strength with which the resolutions
were passed be enutled to any weight, it will be
enhanced by taking a view of the circumstances
under which the members of the New York Le
gislature were elected. The popular branch
was elected in November last, full one month af
ter the removal of the deposites, and yet so large
a majority voted in favor of the resolutions. The
union of strength was still more shown by the
locality of those who voted against the resolu
tions. It is well known that the western portion
of the State had long been in a state 6f deep ex
citement, in consequence of an outrage commit
ted against the liberty, if not the life, of a citizen.
This had excited bitteranimosities and section
al divisions, which-had led to the most -deplor
able results. It afforded him, however, as much
pleasure to state, as it would all present to hear,
that that deep state of feeling wiirch had been
so powerfully excited, was rapidly suhsiding,
and that the time was not far olf when it would
wholly disappear. Still, in that section of the
State," no com plaints of pecuniary embarrass
ments had been heard: he spoke from the best
information, when he asserted that the distress
said to exist in other portions of the country was
not there known; and yet, in the votes against
the resolutions, 11 of the 14 were given by mem
bers from that section of the State. Of the great
commercial emporium, (and without arrogance
- he might call it the commercial emporium of the
United States, the city of New York,) with the |
cities of Poughkeepsie, Schenectady, Kinder- j
hook, Albany, Rochester, &c. and the large tra
ding and commercial towns of the State, com
prising a dense population of upwards of 1,S00,
000 souls, the members, not one of whom was
absent, all stepped forward and recorded their
votes in favor of the resolutions.
Of the members of the- Legislature, by whom
these resolutions were passed, it was not his de
sign to speak; but as the organ-of that body, re
presenting, as it did, more than two millions of
the people of the United States—more commer
cial, m ire enterprising—paying more into the
public Treasury—a people as deeply interested
in the welfare-of the country, and as ardently
devoted to its interest as any in the United
States; he now asked leave to lay their resolu
tions on the table, by the side of resolutions of a
similar nature from other States.
The honorable Senator from Massachusetts,
in his remarks the other day, availed himself of
the opportuuity to give his views in reference to
the situations of certain sections of the country,
and what were the remedies he proposed. The
honorable Senator went furtheT. He called up
on gentlemen, and especially upon all those who
sustained the Administration, on this floor, to
give their views In full on the subject under de
bate, and to state distinctly what was proposed
to be done in the present crisis, or whether
things were to remain in their present state. As
an individual, who felt it his duty to sustain the
Administration here, he was ready to respond
to the call; but while he was ready to do.this, he
“must be considered vain enough to sup pose that
he could speak as to the views of the Adminis
tration. He well knew that his name carried
with it no more weight than that of any other in
dividual; yet he knew that his opinions, sustain
ed as they were, would be entitled to some re
spect: Following* then, the course pursued by
>* the gentlem&n from Massachusetts, he would,
without going into any argument, simply give
his views on the important subject under consi
deration.
Frst, then, as to the pecuniary distress exist
ing in the country. The large and rapid curtail
ments of the Bank of the U. S., had, to be sure,
produced great inconvenience in the large trad
ing towns, which, he believed, to an unimport
ant degree, had extended to other classes of the
community. He believed that these distresses
existed to some extent, but that they had been
greatly exaggerated, and that that exaggera
tion had been the consequence of a hope that
the Administration might be .brought into dis
credit by the panic to" be produced by it, and
that that panic would enure to the benefit of the
Bank in the renewal of the charter.
Second, as to the causes which have produced
the distresses of the country. Haro he accord
ed with the Senator from Massachusetts, that
- it would be wrong to attribute them to the sole
cause of the removal of the deposites. Our past
experience, concurring circumstances, and the
ver^nature of things, show conclusively that
the mere* change of the public money from one
place to another, never could have been alone
sufficient to produce such results. He also
agreed that the change in the pecuniary circum
stances of the country might in part be attribu -
ted to the change in the position of the Govern
\>
V . * — . - '*j*
mpn' and of the Bank of the United States, and
of the State Banks themselves; butthat it could be
attributed to the attitude assumed by the Go
vernment towards the Bank of the United
States or to the attitude of the State Banks, he
denied. Had it been shewn that the State
Banks had curtailed their discounts, unless in
consequence of the curtailments of the Bank of
the United States? Yet we had the records of the
Bank of the U. S. to shew, that, ill four months,
they curtailed their discounts by an amount
exceeding nine millions six hundred thousand
dollars, and that, too, in times of peculiar pres
sure, when the business of the country required
pecuniary facilities.
Need we, continued Mr. W. go abroad to
search out the causes of these pecuniary embai
rassment,when they stand before usin words and,
figeurs, from the Bank itself, leaving us no ex
cuse for pretending to misunderstand them.
Did any of the friends of the Bank, both here
and elsewhere, deny that the causes ot distress
were to be found here? Had they not boasted that
the means of the Bank were ample; and where
was the necessity for this large curtailment.—
He had looked carefully, He continued, into the
) instructions of the Secretary oi the lieasuiy,
| and he unhesitatingly averred, that no cause
| was to be found in them why the acts of the Go
vernment should oppress the Bank. He had ex
amined the cases of the transfer drafts, and they
showed, conclusively, the Government had en
tertained no wish or intention to wrong or op
press the Bank. The only ground of complaint,
on the part of the Bank, was to be found in its
charter, which authorized the Secretary of the
Treasury to remove the public deposites when
he saw a sufficient reason for so doing. Again,
that, in consequence of the constitutional objec
tions of the President to* the renewal of the char
ter of the Bank, it has been urged to wreak its
vengeance on the community, he neither alleged
nor believed, nor did he believe that distress had
been caused by the removal of the deposites to
the State Banks. What, then, had caused it?—
It had been caused by the Bank itself, in or
der-to produce a panic and distress in the conn
l • 1 _ _ 1 -_1 4V. ^ iU A fVv /-\ f r\ilK
iry, WIUUU wumu CAWi I, uum me ^<1- '-'I
lie sentiment, a rene\vul of the Bank charter.—
He now, he said, proceeded to the remedies to
be applied to the existing evils; he would give
his own views simply, without entering into a
political or constitutional argument.
The Senator from Massachusetts had told us,
and told us confidently, that the remedy was
not to be found but in a renewal of the Bank
charter. The candid avowal of the gentleman
did him infinite credit, and he, for one, thanked
him for it.
But while he gave every credit to the gentle
man from Massachusetts, for the manliness and
candor with which he had expounded the cause
, of the evil which pressed on the country, he dif
fered from him, toto calo, as to the remedy. He
knew of nothing which could induce him to
vote for the chartering of a National Bank. He
should oppose the re-charter of the present
Bank, on account of its open and flagrant vio
lations of its charter. And he should vote
against the chartering of the present Bank, or
of any Bank, by Congress, whether it was to be
iocated at Philadelphia, at New York, or in any
other of the States. He was so opposed, on the
broad ground that Congress had not the con
stitutional power to chajrter any Bank. He
might be too sanguine, but he fully believed, that
in addition to the invaluable services which had
been rendered to the country by the President
of the United States, he was yet destined, by
Providence, to render one service which would
eclipse all that had preceded it, by bringing
back the Constitution to the construction intend
ed to be given to it by the wise men who fram
ed it, and by the People who adopted it. He
believed that the high destiny was still reserved
for that distinguished individual, which was con
tained in the eulogy pronounced upon him by
the great apostle of republicanism, that he had
filled the measure of his country’s glory. lie
had it yet reserved to him to accomplish what
Thomas Jefferson had not been able to achieve,
by proving, in addition to the invulnerability of
her arms, that, on this one spot of earth, eveify
thing was rendered subservient to a written
Constitution. He knew the difficulty which
was to be encountered, and that on the success
of the great design, which, with such high mo
ral courage, the President had undertaken, he
Kml tl-io t*nwrl fi-nifc r»F a Inner anrl
laborious career of public glory, and that the
country would be put to the severest test. But
he felt happy to think that the fortitude and pa
triotism of the People were equal to the trial.
On this question, as on all other questions, the
President had thrown himself on the fortitude
and patriotism of the people, and these had
never failed him, or any one who had proved
faithful to his country in any great emergency.
The Senator from Massachusetts had said,
with great confidence, that things could not re
main as they were; that the powers assumed by
the Secretary of the Treasury were too broad,
and could not be carried into effect without the
aid of legislation; and that this legislation would
be withheld. In answer, he could only say, that
the Secretary exercised precisely the power
which the Department had before possessed.—
The change of the deposites from the United
States Bank merely restored that power over
the places for the safe-keeping of the public
funds which the Department had previously
possessed, and that power had been only sus
pended by rhe charter until the Secretary should
find it expedient to remove the deposites. He
would further express it as his confident opi
nion, that the act of the Secretary, which had
been so much complained of, had restored to
Congress their original power and jurisdiction
over the whole matter.
Of the course which the State of New York
might take, it became him, as a humble voice
from that State, to speak with great respect. In
reference to part of the subject, the State had
spoken for itself; and, as to the other, his parti
cular knowledge of the people led him to the
confident belief that they would sustain the Ad
ministration in this affair to the utmost; and he
would say to all who desire to restore the Con
stitution to its true reading, now is the time for
the accomplishment of this object.
He would range himself with the supporters
of this measure, to the full extent of the views
which he had given, and was ready to stand or
fall by them, as his constituents might decide.
The Senator from Massachusetts had asked,
:t If you will not re-charter the Bank, or esta
blish a new* Bank, what will you do?” He (Mr. ;
W.) w'oukl answer,-as an individual, expressing \
his own sentiments, that he wrould support the
Executive Department of the Government by ;
all the lawful means in his power, dn the at- (
tempt now' making to substitute the State Banks !
for the Bank of the-United States. He believ- ;
ed them perfectly and completely competent to
the object, and he was wholly unmoved by the
alarms that had been sounded as to their inse
curity, and the dangers that were apprehended
to ensue from the change. He held that the
steps already taken to effecMhe object in view, ‘
were all warranted by the Constitution and laws
of the land. It w’as his firm opinion that the {
steps which had been taken would redound to
the honor and best interests of the countiy, and
ought to be sustained by the people and then
representatives here. ,. • .r j
But while he was disposed to give affirm, and,
as far as in his power, an efficient support to the
acts of the Executive on tins.subject, he vould
resist any effort, come from what souice it
might, which should have for its object to pre
vent a return to a hard money currency So
far as his assistance could be of sei vtce to the
Federal Government, it should have it, it that
course should be taken, and found to be consist
ent with the substantial interests ot the commu
nity. He would give it his most warm and sin
cere support; and no man would be more highly
gratified than lie should be, to meet any propo
sition which would have for its object the carry
ing of that plan into effect.
But, again, the honorable Senator had said—
“things cannot remain as they now are;” that
i unless something according to his . views of
: the subject, be done to afford relief--the pres
sure, the distress, and the agitation will conti
nue. He'(Mr. W.) had already given the Se
nate the source, and the only source from which
the present pressure proceeded, and, he had al
so stated, with unsparing frankness and without
reserve, the object intended to be accomplished
by the Bank of the United States, and he would
leave the country to-judge of the correctness o.
his opinions. If, then, they v’^resound and well
founded, it was unquestionably in the power ot
the Bank to prolong the pressure, and, cmnse
quently, keep the public mind in a state of agi
tation. It did not become him to assert what
would be the course of the Bank with the confi
dence of the honorable Senator from Massachu
setts. He (Mr. W.) could, therefore, only pro
nounce his opinion, and it was this—that the
Bank had not ventured on this whole measure
without the deepest consideration, and that it
would not surrender, its purpose being unac
complished, but upon the sternest necessity.
He trusted in God, that soon, very soon, that
necessity would be made most manifest by the
! attitude which the country must and would as
| sume towards this daring and dangerous insti
■ tilt inn
The American Revolution was but a resist
ance to a moneyed power—the exercise ot a
moneyed power, without the consent, and be
yond the reach of the People of the country.—
To it our fathers had offered a stern and un
compromising resistance. Their wants and suf
ferings were great, and their distress was pictur
ed to them inlhe most gloomy colors, by the less
sanguine, and would have deterred them, but
for their ardent love of liberty, which led them
onward to its achievement. That picture was
not imaginary; their distress was not an idle
fancy: it was the fact. The country was not
then strong and prosperous, but weak, and poor,
and disheartened. Their hard and perilous ser
vices were paid in paper worth a 40th, 50th, or
60th less than its nominal value, or the repre
sentative of a dollar, but which was a dollar to
them, for it gave liberty to the People and offer
ed them freedom from oppression.
And were we now, he would ask, to fold our
arms, and obey the dictates of a moneyed pow
er, and not remove the Deposites?—a power
which had been brought into existence by our
sanction, and which depended upon Congress
for its breath, life, and being. Our fears and our
avarice were appealed to for the purpose of
compelling us to create such a power; and we
had been told that the currency of the country
was in its hand*—that all the institutions char
tered in the various independent Slates were
subject to its control and wielded by its canon.
While we see it in open array against the Gov
ernment, taunting its power—throwing from its
doors our representatives placed at its Board,
and tauntingly telling us that they are incompe
tent, perhaps too ungenteel, for them: while
they laid on our table their declarations, clas
sing them with counterfeiters and felon*; and
sayingto the Congress of Hie United States
they deserved kindred treatment. Should we with
such evidence ofthe power of this institution—
with such evidence of its disposition, exercise
the powers which it is said we possess, to give it
existence? Were we to do that, after the sub
ject had been submitted to the People, and de
liberately decided before that tribunal—and
/••till /hi tlu> Ponriln—find filtpv* tlif'iv illdiOUPrP.
after it had been pronounced in favor ol the j
course of the President, and against the Bank, |
by such a majority as had perhaps never before i
filled the ballot box.'S. !
He did not distress himself on the subject of'
the public pressure. Gentlemen had talked of
revolutions, but when tins action which he dep
recated should take place in the American Con
gress, then would a revolution be brought a
bout; then would their legislation be yielded to
the sic volo, sic jubeo, sla t pro ralione voluntas,
of the Bank.
He would merely pronounce his opinion, that
the country had approved of the conduct of the
President, in attempting to relieve it of a moni
ed monopoly; and that it would sustain the Ex
ecutive arm of the Government in the experi
ment now making to substitute the State Insti
tutions for the Bank of the United States. He
had the most entire confidence in the full and
complete success of the experiment. If, howe
ver. it should fail—if it should not succeed so as
to satisfy the country, then it would be time
"enough to exercise the powers of Congress, and
to ask the people what course they wished it to
adopt. But, until the experiment on this sub
ject was tried, he never would give his consent
to grant such a power as the Bank of the Uni
ted States was in possession of.
Mr. Wright was followed, in some very in
teresting remarks, by Mr. Webster, Mr. Cham
bers, Mr. Tallmadge, and Mr. Grundy. [A re
port of these hereafter.]
On motion of Mr. Grundy, the memorial was
laid on the table. Ayes 23, Nop5* 22.
ORHPANS’ COURT, Alexandria County, )
January Term, 1834. $ i
HARRIET MASON LLOYD, Administra
trix de bonis non, with the will annex- i
ed, of Edward Lloyd, deceased, exhibited to the <
Court her fourth Administration account, with i
thf^vouchers in support thereof, * which account 1
is received, will be allowed and duly recorded, i
unless cause be shewn to the contrary on or be- 1
fore the first iMonday in March next; of which \
all persons interested or concerned will take no- 1
tice. A copy: Test, ;
jan 13—w6w A. MOORE, Reg. Wills. 1
ORPHANS’ COURT, Alexandria County, ) J
* January Term, 1634. ) t
ANN CAROLINE BRANDT, Administra- i
trix, with the will annexed, of Richard t
Brooke Brandt, exhibited to the Court her first t
Administration account, with the vouchers in t
support thereof; which account is received, will
be allowed, and duly recorded, unless cause be t
shown to the contrary, on or before the first t
Monday in March next; of which all persons in- j(
terested will take notice. A copy: Test, a
jan 11—w6\v A. MOORE, Reg. Willsr
9
interesting correspondence.
Vircinia, Norfolk, January 9, 1834.
Sir—By one of a series of Resolutions adopt
ed at a meeting of. the citizens of this place, re
cently held, (a copy of which Resolutions 1 have
the honor to enclose herewith) you will per
ceive, that it become^ my duty “ to communi
cate to you the thanks of that meeting, for your
honest though ineffectual effort to preserve the
public treasure from the invasion of the Fede
ral Executive; and to assure you, that in the re
tirement to which your independence has driven
you, you possess their best wishes for your wel
fare and happiness.”
My fellow-citizens could not have imposed
upon me any task, in the performance of which
I could have derived more satisfaction. Al
though personally unknown to you, I have
watched, with keen anxiety, the course you
have pursued under the late trying circum
stances in which you found yourself most unex
pectedly placed; and let me add, that I have wit
nessed the result, so far as this concerns your
character, with a delight proportioned to the
anxiety which the occasion naturally inspired.
You have set a noble example, Sir, which must
be useful in our country. Solitary and unsus
tained by any friendly support, yet unmoved by
persuasion, unseduced by Hattery, and unawed
by power, you have faithfully done what you be
lieved to be your duty, knowing well the fate
which awaited you for the conscientious expres
sion of your opinion, in a matter confided by
the law to your sole discretion, and deeply in
volving the public faith and the public interest.
If I differed with you fn every opinion you have
expressed, I should still admire the modest but
manly firmness you have manifested, under
such circumstances; and should still applaud
that holy patriotism, which induced you to pre
fer what you thought to be the good of your
country, to all other considerations. Rot con
curring with you as I do entirely,1 in each and
every one of the opinions you have announced
as yours, although my admiration of your con
duct may not be greater, yet the pleasure I feel
is much increased. The charge imputed to you,
is, that you have preferred Rome to Caesar, your
country to your friend. Such an accusation is
a compliment; the conviction you have well de
served; and whatever may be the penalty of
such supposed guilt, your own approving con
science and the applauding sympathy of many
of your fellow-citizens, must give to you heart
felt consolation.
Although this is my own language, Sir. yet I
am very confident that it expresses truly, the
feelings and opinions of those whose organ I
am; who have seen personified in you that proud
independence of thought and action they have
been accustomed to admire, and which they de
light to cherish, as the sole means, under the ;
protection of Providence, by which 'our rights
and liberties can be preserved.
Most cordially, Shy do I unite with my fellow
citizens, in offering you our best wishes for your
welfare and happiness, while you may remain
in the retirement to u hich you have been*dri ven
because of the independent assertion of your le
gal rights. I am, Sir very respectfully,
Your most ob’t servant,
LITTLETON W. TAZEWELL.
To William J. Duane, Esq.
Philadelphia, January 15, 1834.
Sin: I have the honor to acknowledge the re
ceipt of your letter of the Oth instant, communi
cating to me, by the desire of the Citizens of
Norfolk, their thanks for my conduct, in endea
voring, “ to preserve the public Treasure from
the invasion of the Federal Executive.5’
It was in the political school in which Virgin
ia had so many eminent men. that 1 was taught,
that the highest human obligation of a public a-_
gent, is duty to his country: so that to receive
tlie approbation of any portion of the people of
your patriotic state, especially through one of
its most distinguished sons, is peculiarly grate
ful to my heart, for it satisfies me, that I have
not strayed from the path, which has been aban
doned by so many others.
In a free State, it is the duty of every citizen, to
watch the conduct of those, who are invested
with power; and it was consistent with your
character to do so, with keen anxiety, my
case under the circumstances which follow
r*11 mv pivfrv into oflipp Out of mv own
state. 1 had occupied no station, in which I might
have had an opportunity to make known my
principles; and enough, it seems, was known of
the characteristics of others, to arouse the fears
of those, who have a knowledge of human na
ture, and of the causes-of the decline of repub
lics. Far from regretting, that eyes, so compe
tent as yours were to scrutinize, were fixed up
on me, l rejoice al your supervision, since 1 am
indebted to it for the lofty praise that you have
bestowed upon me; praise, which, whilst it great
ly exceeds my merit, consoles me under defa
mation, as merciless as it is unmerited^
Of the extent of my information, or the sound
ness of my judgment, upon the questions, in re
lation to which I differed in opinion from the
President, it does not become me to speak; but i
in the pride of truth. I may say, that you have !
not over-rated the purity of my motives) or the !
sincerity of my convictions; and I cannot err, |
in adding, that further explanation must make ;
this more evident if that is possible. To give a
further explanation, many public «and private
appeals have been made to me, a circumstance
at which l ought not to be surprised; If I had
felt such resentment, as the course pursued to
wards me was well calculated to excite, I would
have long since arraigned the conduct of others
and challenged an enquiry into my own: but, I
believed, that personal iudignation alone, how
ever just, did not warrant a display ofnainiste
i'ial transactions; and that the disclosures of ex
Secretaries, usually made under excitement,
were not calculated to create respect for our
institutions, abroad, or to confirm attachment
:o them at home. Many gruve questions were
connected with my case, and I was unwilling,
)y any reference to them, to afford a pretext for ,
saying, that I had an inclination to affect the 1
iction of Congress; besides the disinclination
o separate in feelings of discontent, from friends
still attached to the President, I had a repug
lance, even to repel the blows of one, whom I
lad so long supported, especially as I consider
id him the victim ofun worthy influences and un
lappy passions. So confident, indeed, was I, of the
jropriety of my course, whilst in office, that, if I
lad not been officially, falsely, and malignantly J
issailed,I would have preserved the silence which
had imposed upon myself, on my retirement to
irivate life. The right of private correspondence, ,
exercised; but in the extracts, from two letters,
vhich were published without my consent, there (
s no trace of resentment, much less of maligni- '
y; nor is there a sentiment in them in relation \
othe Chief Magistrate, which I am not ready !
o maintain by fact and argument. i-J
If I may not, even on this occasion, advert to
be incidents of my brief official career, it seems *
3 be due to~you, that I should not leave the sub- T
?ct wholly unnoticed. The service which I wa« *
sked to perform, seems not to be distinctly un- *
erstood. The official reasons for performing 1
what I refused to execute, do not embrace an
explanation which I consider due to myself if
not to the people or their representatives. tW
true nature ofjheservice required, consisted, no
in the mere act of removing the depositex, but ir
removing them, from an unwillingness to await
the action of Congress, or to resort to the appro
priate agency of the Judiciary, upon question
connected with the Bank of the United States
not in the mere substitution of one Fiscal agen*
for another, but in exercising, for penal ends a
power given solely for conservative purpose*
Hostile as 1 was to the Bank, and w illing ax t
was to investigate the transactions of itsT Offi
cers in the strictest manner, in the legitimate
way, I perceived that a co-operation, in the
scheme proposed, would be inconsistent with
my duty as a public agent, my principles as a
citizen and my sympathies as a man. And al
though, owing to my friendship for the Pj’esj.
dent,, and my anxiety to be certain that I was
right, I kept myself open to conviction, still my
first impressions remained unchanged to the
end. If I had thought-proper to resign, I migh»
have received ttie mission to Russia, on the
spontaneous assurance of the Executive himself
but I could not favor a change, w hich was a*
variance with my duty, and which would have
given scope for plausible, if not just reproach
On the contrary, released, asl finally was from
ail obligation of delicacy, by acts so wanton ,1
to have meditated insult stamped upon their
front, I determined, so far as it depended or
me. to preserve the public “Treasure from the
invasion of the Federal Executive,” by not vo
luntarily relinquishing its guardianship, confer
red on me by the law.
Recurring to the past, I find nothing on my
part to reprove. I did not profess to be a com
tier, or to be free from the influence of feelings,
which, perhaps become private, rather than pub
lic life. To the last moment 1 struggled to be
lieve, that the weapons with which I wax assail
ed, were in unseen hands, and that they wen
cmpiuycu, uuiuu au-uuiuui any uusumy on mv
part, .which never existed, towards the Presi
dent, but because I was his true friend, striving
to frustrate a purpose, injurious to his country
and his own fame, and which, if successful, could
serve those only who hold places, that beion^d
to better men.
vSir, if there ever was a man, associated wit!,
the President, who had a fonder desire than ano
ther, to win him back to the observance of ear
ly professions—to lead him to the performance,
on his own part, to what he had recommended
to one of his predecessors—to'aid him in in
creasing his fame, by elevating the character of
his country, abroad, and reconciling his coun
trymen to each other at home—humble as I may
be, I aver that I was that person. Whether I
mistook the character of xdie Chief Magistrate,
or he forgot himself; it is sufficient for me to
*know, that, whilst, apart from duty to trie pub
lic, I had no motive to resist his will, there va»
every inducement to retain his friendship. But
much as I preferred his confidence to a heartier
proscription,.on the loss of it, f dared not do.
what if done, ought to have deprived me of
favor, and of my own esteem.
That I have the support of your weight)
opinion, not only upon the main question, bu:
on other points, on which my sentiments have
been made known, is a source of sincere plea
sure to me. It is possible, and barely so. that
when the main question was first unexpectedly
presented to me, I may have expressed some
sentiment, in which you, or your fellow citizens
may not concur; if so, I have a guarantee for
liberality in the wishes for my welfare and hap
piness. which you have so ’eloquently ami fee;
ingly expressed.
Those wishes I accept with due sensibility;!
will cherish a remembrance of them to the la
test moments of rny existence; and until then \ .
shall not cease to desire that you and your fe
low citizens may have ail the rewards, that ar*
merited by patriotic citizens and generous me: Lg
With the utmost respect, I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
W. J. DUANE
Hon. L. W. Tazewell.
We invite special attention to the letter whic
we publish to-day from Judge John Rowan, Jut
United States Senator from Kentucky, in at
swer to a letter addressed to him by a commit
tee, requesting him to preside as chairman of i
meeting at Louisville, Kentucky, which M
called to consider the distress of the country,
and to take measures, by memorialising Cor.- V
gress, &c., for its relief.
Judge Rowan, it will be recollected, was for- fjjj
merly a prominent friend of General Jackson
and an opponent of the Bank. But, though on' 9
a personal and political friend of the Preside!*'
he is not one of those who are willing to su;
port him at the expense of the constitution ar.
liberties of the country. In other words, he *■
too much of an American, too high-mu' u
and honorable a man, to wear the collar of tk
Kitchen Cabinet. He will, therefore, be de
nounced, as is every other sound hearted Ame
rican, by the presses of this combination of
responsible and reckless men.—Phil. Cum f
Louisville, Jan. lltli, 1S31
Gentlemen:—Your note of the Sth instum* rx
pressing it to be the wish of the citizens of Leu jn
isville, and of yourselves, (representing them *
particular) that I should act as Chairman0*; H
meeting, which they contemplate holding u*
this day, to take into consideration the prop!**
ty of the late removal of the public money
the Bank of the United States, was receive*
me on last evening, upon my return from K
country. Too much indisposed then to utte: ♦
to its contents, I hasten now to express, inJ
ply, the deep regret with which I feel constru
ed to decline the very flattering solicitation* _
The motives which influence me. are pec’: M
ary and emphatically personal and private; thA
will not, I hope, be misinterpreted by my M
citizens of Louisville. In reference to the ^ fl
ject of the contemplated meeting, I have no *'■'
to conceal my sentiments. I have never f,l‘* J
friendly, as iris well known by my frienu-- •
the charter of the Bank of the United States- j
ilwas considered, 'that, as a monied P°'ver j
night be dangerous to liberty; and I rPiolC;"
when the bill re-chartering it was vetoed by j;’
President. But, since the promulgation b)
President ofhis Proclamation, and the enact*' 4
>y Congress, of the Force Bill, it remtji:‘^
)nly to unite the Purse of the People with •
Sword, in the hand of the Exective, to consn
nate ‘their vassallage, in theory at lea?' B
tnd liberty seldom long exists ■practically, a,‘ |
t has creased theoretically. The events o. ^
ast year, if they shall be sanctioned by the j*
>le, will leave, in my humble opinio*1? ‘/
vorthy of the qare of freemen. Those
tand thus—First, the Proclamation obht^1 .
he Federative charter of the Government*
isserts for it consolidated identity. Secor*'

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