Alexandria gazette. [volume], February 26, 1834, Image 2

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THE GAZETTE:
By EDGAR SNOWDEN.
I■ , ■■■■■■■- —■ ■- ■ -- _ - - - -
Terms.
Daily paper - - - $8 per annum.
Country paper 5 per annum.
The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun
try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
Saturday.
All advertisements appear in both papers, and
are inserted at the usual rates. _
1C O N G RESSIONAL.
THE EXPERIMENT.
Mr. WEBSTER, in the Senate on Saturday
last, said:—
Mr. President:—The honorable member from
Georgia stated yesterday, more distinctly than
I have before learned it, what that experiment
is, which the Government is now trying, on the
revenues, and the currency, and, I may add, on
the commerce, manufactures, and agriculture,
of this country. I f I rightly apprehend him, this
experiment is an attempt to return to an exclu
sivespecie currency; first by being able, through
the agency of the State banks, to dispense with
any Bank of the United States, and then to su
persede the use of the State banks themselves.
Mr. President, this experiment will not amuse
the people of this country. They are quite too
serious to be amused. Their suffering is too
intense to be sported with.
Assuredly, sir, they will not be patient as bleed
in* lambs under the deprivation of great pre
sent good, and the menace of unbearable future
evils. They are not so unthinking—so stupid, 1
may almost say—as to forego the ricli blessings
now in their actual eujoyment, and trust the fu
ture to the contingencies and the chances w'hich
may betide an unnecessary and wild experiment.
They will not expose themselves, at once, to in
inrv and to ridicule; they will not buy reproach
and scorn, at so dear a rate; they will not pur
chase the pleasure of being laughed at, by all
mankind, at a price quite so enormous.
Mr. President, the objects avowed for this
most extraordinary measure, are altogether un
desirable; the end, if it could be obtained, is an
end fit to be strenuously avoided; and the pro
cess adapted to carry on the experiment, and to
reach that end, which it can never attain—and
which, in that respect, wholly fails—does not
fail, meantime, to spread, far and wide, a deep
and general distress, and to agitate the country
beyond any thing which has heretofore happen
ed to us in a time of peace.
Sir, the People, in my opinion, will not sup
port this experiment. They feel it to be afflic
tive andthev see it to be ridiculous: and ere
Ion o', I verily believe, they will sweep it away,
with the resistless breath of their own voice, and
bury it up jvith the great mass of the detected de
lusions and rejected follies of other times. 1 seek,
sir, to shun all exaggeration—I avoid studiously
all inflammation, and all emblazoning; but I be
seech gentlemen to open their eyes and their
ears to what is passing in the country; and not
to deceive themselves with the hope that things
can long remain as they are, or that any bene
ficial change will come, until the present policy
shall be totally abandoned. I attempted, sir, the
other day, to describe, shortly, the progress of
the public distress. Its first symptom was spasm,
contraction, agony. It seizes first the commer
cial am! trading classes. Some survi\e it, and
some do not. But those who, with whatever
loss, etfort, and sacrifice, get through the crisis
without absolute bankruptcy, take good care to
make no new engagements, till there shall be a
change of times. They abstain from all further
undertakings; and this brings the pressure im
mediately home to those who live by their em
ployments. That great class now begin to feel
the distress. Houses, warehouses, and ships,
are not now, as usual, put under contract, in the
cities. Manufacturers are beginning to dismiss
their hands on the sea coast, and in the interior;
and our artisans and mechanics, acting for
themselves only, are likely soon to feel a severe
want of employment in their several occupa
tions. . .
This, sir, is the real state of things. It is a
state of things, which is daily growing worse and
worse. It calls loudly for remedyf the People
demand remedy; and they are likely to persist
in that demand, till remedy shall come.
For one, sir, 1 have no new remedy to pro
a f 4:nL-nmi-n T arr* far
DU9w« j OUilliUV fco uiv ---—
chartering the Bank, for a longer or a shorter
time, and with more or less of modification. I
am for trying no new experiments on the prop
erty, the employments, and the happiness of the
whole People.
Our proper course appears to me to be
as plain and direct as the Pennsylvania Ave
nue. The evil which the country endures, al
though entirely new in its extent, its depth, and
its severity, is not new’ in its class. Other such
like evils, but of much milder form, w’e have felt
in former times. In former times we have been
obliged to encounter the ills of disordered cur
rency, of a general want of confidence, and ol
depreciated State Bank paper. To these evils,
w’e have applied the remedy of a well constitu
ted National Bank, and have found it effectual.
1 am for trying it again. Approved by forty
years experience, sanctioned by all successive
Administrations, and by Congress at all times,
and called for, as I verily believe, at this very
moment, by a vast majority of the people, on
■what ground do we resist the remedy of a Na
tional Bank? It is painful, sir, most painful, to
allude to the extraordinary position of the dif
ferent branches of the Government, but it is ne
cessary to allude to it. This House has once
passed a bill for rechartering the present Bank;
the other House has also passed, but it has been
negatived by the President-and it is understood
that strong objections exist with the Executive
to any Bank, incorporated or to be incorpora
ted, bv Congress.
Sir' I think the country calls, and has a right
to call on the Executive, to reconsider these
objections, if they do exist. Peremptory objec
tions to ali Banks, created by Congress, have
not yet been formally announced. I hope they
will not be. I think the country calls lor a re
vision of any opinions which may have been
formed on this matter, and demands, in its own
name, and for the sake of the suffering people,
that one man's opinion, however elevated, may
not stand against the general judgment. No
man, in this country, should say, in relation to a
subject of such immense interest, that my will
shall stand for law\
It does not become any man, in a Government
like this, to stand proudly on his own opinion,
against the whole country. I shall not believe,
until it shall be so proved, that the Executive will
so stand. He has himself, more than once, re
commended the subject to the consideration of
the people, as a subject to be discussed, reason
ed on, and decided. And if the public will, ma
nifested through its regular organs, the Houses
of Congress, shall demand a re-charter, for a
longer or a shorter time, with modifications to
remove reasonable and even plausible -objec
tions I am not prepared to believe, thatjhe act
of the two Houses, thus acting in conformity to
the known will of the people, will meet a flat ne
gative. I shall not credit that, till I see it. I
certainly shall propose, ere long, if no change
or no other acceptable proposition be made, to
make the trial. As i see no other practical
mode of relief, I am for putting this to the test.
The first thing to be done, is to approve or dis
approve the Secretary’s reasons. Let us come
to the vote, and dispose of these reasons. In
the mean time, public opinion is manifesting it
self—it appears to me, to grow daily stronger
and stronger. The moment must shortly come,
when it will be no longer doubtful, whether the
general public opinion does call for a re-charter
of the Bank. When that moment comes, I am
for passing the measure, and shall propose it.
I believe it will pass this House—I believe it will
not be, and can not be, defeated in the othei,
unless relief appear in some other form.
Public opinion will have its way, in the Houses
of legislation and elsewhere; the People aie so
vereign, and whatever they determine to obtain,
must be yielded to them. This is my belief, and
this is my hope. I am for a Bank, as a measure
of expediency, and, under our present circum
stances, a measure of necessity. I yield to no
new-fangled opinions, to no fantastical experi
ments. I stand by the tried policy of the coun
try. I go for the safety of property, for the pro
tection of industry, for the security of the cur
rency. And,* for the preservation of all these
great ends, I am for a Bank; and, as the mea
sure most likely to succeed, I am for continuing
this Bank, with modifications, for a longer or a
shorter period. This is the measure which I
shall propose, and, on this question, I refer my
self without hesitation, to the decision of the
Country.
REMARKS OF MR. HEATII, OF Md.
On Monday, February 17.
Mr. HEATH, in presenting to the House of
Representatives a memorial, from a numerous
body of citizens in Baltimore, condemning the
remdval of the public deposites, said, he should
avail 11U113CJ1 lilt- nypvi uuui; v,
few7 remarks to the House on this subject.
He was well aware of the nature of the oath
taken by him as a member of that House, and
he was not less aware, that neither that oath, nor
the Constitution of his country, which he had so
solemnly sworn to maintain, recognized any
party feeling or party prejudice. But he could
not help expressing his astonishment and regret,
to observe that too many honorable gentlemen
vtfio had addressed the House upon this vital
question, had manifested a warmth of party feel
ing little consistent with the character of the de
liberative representation of the People. In say
ing thus much, he wished not to be understood
as meaning to reflect, personally, upon the line
of conduct any other member might have deem
ed it his duty to pursue. For himself, he could
solemnly and conscientiously aver, that, when
he first entered that Hall, he entered it divested of
the remotest principle of party prejudice. He
entered it as an American freeman, to exercise
the right bestowed upon a free representative
of a free and enlightened People, resolved to
act for his country and his country only. It was
these views and these feelings that should alone
bias the course he intended to adopt.
It had been said upon that floor, that the Bank
of the United States had been guilty of a viola
tion of its charter. If so, the law had provided
an ample remedy, and he thought that remedy
should have been first applied. He would not
that the writofsezrefacias should have been w ith
held one hour after the delinquency had been
proved. We have been told that the Bank had
made use of their funds for electioneering & oth
er illegal purposes. It might be so, but he would
ask, wras not the same to be apprehended from
the State banks? Had they not the same means,
the same ability, the same end to answer; and
what proof was there that they would be more
immaculate than the chartered institution? lie
called upon every member of that House to di
vest himself of party feeling—he called upon
them in the name of their constituents and of
their country to do so, and he would ask, if they
could lay their hands upon their hearts in the
presence of their God, and reconcile it to their
consciences in considering a question or mis im
portant character upon party principles? Had
the guilt of the Bank been established? Were
all the charges brought against that institution
madeout? He had not seen them. Thepublic,
however, did know something about the con
duct of the Bank, and he would briefly enumer
ate what that was.
The Bank had acted as the faithful agent of
the Government for a period of seventeen years,
during which time it had paid to that Govern
ment from six to seven per cent annually. It
had disbursed all the drafts made upon it by Go
vernment, and distributed the deposites of the
public money free of charge and free ot risk
throughout every State and Territory of the
Union. Nor had the country been a loser to the
amount of one solitary cent in any of these great
transactions. These were facts known to the
world, and in the face of them he would ask, if
it were good policy to withdraw the public funds
from an institution like this, and scatter them
over the country, scarce any one knew where?
To take them out of vaults over which the Go
vernment had complete control, and place them ,
where it had none? To remove them from a
Bank in which they appointed directors of their |
own, and deposite them in others, in not one of
which they had the power of appointing a sin
gle director, or a prospect of receiving one cent
of interest for the public money.
Of one thing the country had hitherto been as
sured, that whatever might have been the con- ;
duct of the United States Bank in regard to oth- !
er matters, the public money was at least safe in ;
its vaults, which was more than they could as- j
sure themselves of at this time. He greatly ■
feared that it would be found in perhaps not a
few of them, when the people called for their
money, that more than one hole had existed
, through which the deposites had escaped, never i
; more to be recovered. He should be happy if ■
j his fears were groundless, but from what he
i knew he could augur nothing better.
Mr. H. said he had been sent to that House
I not as a partisan, nor upon party feelings, but j
: as a free and independent American citizen, who .
1 would never bend his neck to the collar nor to
the yoke. He stood before that House with the
proud consciousness of possessing a character
i ^at had never been known to swerve from du
! ty. This was perhaps much to say, but he would
appeal to those who had long known him, and
there were some within the sound of his voice, j
for the truth of this declaration. It was the du-1
tv he owed his constituents and his country, that j
‘ impelled him to the course he should pursue on
| this question. It was with pain that he found
1 himself arrayed against the course of the pre-1
' sent Executive: for he would say that General
Jackson had not a more ardent, zealous, or sin- J
cere friend on this floor than he had been. The <
whole of his (Mr. H’s) public life would attest the 1
truth of this. He had uniformly supported all 1
his measures, and had the'greatest confidence i
in his integrity. ... . . r . ,
He would say more: he was still his fr iend :
and admirer, and happy should he be it he cou d i
add, he was still his advocate. His duty impel
led him to an opposite course, and the penod
had not yet arrived in this country when an
American citizen dared not differ fiom the 1 re
sident of the United States in any mattei
brought before Congress or the public. He was
not prepared to receive the collar or the yoke.
He could not help expressing his regret that such
terms were drawn from him, but he would ap
peal to the partisans of the President of the
United States on that floor, and ask them if, in
stead of sending a message announcing the
withdrawal of the deposites from the United
States Bank, he had thought fit to send a mes
sage directing them to be restored, whether
they would not have lifted their voices as high
ly and as loudly in favor of their return as they
had done in support of their removal. He was
firmly of opinion they would have done so.
The SPEAKER calted the honorable mem
ber to order. Remarks bf that character, im
pugning the motives of the House, could not be
allowed.
Mr. HEATH hoped he should be excused if
he had not confined himself within the strict rules
of the debate, since it was the first time he had
ever addressed that honorable assembly. He
said he should not detain the House with any
further observations, but would ask for the read
ing of the memorial.
The Ci.ERfc read the memorial; and
Mr. HEATH moved that it be referred to the
Committee of Ways and Means, and printed;
which motion was agreed to.
GREAT MEETING IN PHILADELPHIA.
A great meeting of the citizens of Philadel
phia assembled at the Exchange in that city,
last Saturday, to hear the report of their Com
mittee recently sent to Washington. From five
to ten thousand people were present.
We subjoin from the report an account of the
interview of the Committee with the President:
rn t __ ___* 1 l_ __! ^ U nr. A-t I «» i-1 1 «
1 IK- lllclIIUliai Having urtii jijf viio
posed of in both Houses of Congress, the dele
gates thought it respectful to call on the Presi
dent of the’United States, and make known to
him the condition, the sufferings, and opinions
of their constituents. This interview took place,
by appointment, at 2 o’clock on the 11th of Fe
bruary. The delegates having been severally
introduced to the President, were received with
such politeness and courtesy of manner, as to
justify the expectation of a patient and candid
hearing. In this, however, they were disappoint
ed. The Chairman had hardly announced in
one or two sentences, the general nature of our
mission, when the President interrupted him,
and proceeded, in a vehement discourse of more
than twenty minutes duration, to announce to
us, and, through us, to our constituents, his opi
nions and hi8 determinations in reference to the
restoration of the deposites, the re-charter of the
Bank, and the future disposition of the public
revenue. In the course of those remarks,
(which, as they were long, and somewhat de
sultory, it is deemed unnecessary to present in
detail.) the following positions were distinctly
assumed by the President:
1. That application for relief must be made
to the Bank of the United States, and not to
him; that, whatever distress existed in the com
munity, (and he believed there was some dis
tress,) had been caused by the Bank, which
was hoarding its specie, arid curtailing its dis
counts, in order to crush the State Banks, and
compel the Government to abandon its policy.
That the Executive had no power to relieve the
distresses of the community, but that the stock
holders of the Bank might etfect that object by
electing directors who would conduct its affairs
honestly, and on principles of Christian benevo
lence.
2. That the present Directors of the Bank had
violated its charter, by giving to the President
the whole power of the Bank; a power to use
its funds without voucher or receipt. That such
a power in the hands of one man was danger
ous to the liberties of the country, and had been
used to destroy the elective franchise. That the
President of the Bank, if an honest man, would
nnt hnvr> ;i trn<t sn unlawful That
for these reasons, he regarded the Bank as a
monster of corruption, which he was determined
to put down. That a Bank so using its powers,
ought (as he repeatedly expressed it,) to be rob
bed of those powers.
3. That the law creating the Bank of the
United States, was in his opinion unconstitution
al. That no power to create a National Bank
was conferred, or intended to be conferred, by
the Constitution. That the provision by winch
Congress was authorized to regulate the cur
rency, had reference only to domestic and fo
reign coin, and not to paper of any description.
4. That having made up his mind irrevocably
upon all these points—Andrew Jackson never
would restore the deposites to the Bank—An
drew Jackson would never re-charter that mon
ster of corruption. That neither persuasion !
nor coercion, nor the opinions ofthe people, nor j
the voice of the Legislature, could shake his !
fixed determination. That, sooner than consent
to restore the deposites or recharter the Bank,
he would undergo the tortures of ten Spanish
inquisitions; that sooner than live in a country
where such a power prevailed, he would seek
an asylum in the wilds of Arabia.
5. It was announced by the President that he
meant to continue the present system of col
lecting the revenue by the State Banks, until the
experiment had been fully tried, and at all e
vents until the expiration of the charter of the
United States Bank. That he had no doubt of j
the success ofthe experiment, nor that the State j
Banks wouid answer all the purposes of the j
Country: That he would furnish the country ,
with as good, nay, a better and more solvent)
currency than that ofthe National Bank. That j
he had early foreseen and provided against the
inclination ofthe Bank ofthe United States to
crush the State-Banks, and that his interposition
alone had saved them from ruin. That he
would continue to protect the State banks by j
all the means in his power.
6. The President admitted that considerable1
distress had followed the action of the Govern- i
ment in relation to the deposites. He had ne
wer doubted that Brokers and Stock Speculators, j
and all who were doing business upon borrowed
capital, would suffer severely under the effects
of the measure, and that all such people ought .
to break.
The foregoing paragraphs are believed to
contain all the important ideas expressed by
the President, in the first part of his discourse j
to the Delegates. In some emphatic expressions j 1
his language is accurately preserved, while his !
numerous repetitions of the same idea in differ-! 1
ent words, which served unnecessarily to pro- i5
long the interview, have been avoided. Once j 1
jj. twice the Chairman took occasion to explain t
hat he seemed to misapprehend the position of 1
he Delegates; that they had not come to repre- ;
>ent the Bank or promote its inteiests, but to j
ay before him the condition and wishes of Citi
es of Philadelphia, unconnected with that in
stitution, and engaged in the various depart
ments of commerce and industiy. . Such ex
planations, however, produced no visible effect
on the tenor of the President’s discouise, noi
did he allow an opportunity to make those state
ments as to the condition of this community
with which the delegates were especially charg
In reference to his declaration, that he would
continue the present system of collecting the
revenue thro ugh the State Banks, until the ex
periment had been fairly tried, one of the Dele
gates inquired, whether he had determed upon
any plan by which the country might be reliev
ed, in case the experiment failed? His answer
was, that he was disposed to be candid, and
would explain his views on that point.—
That, in order to restore the currency to the
condition intended by the Constitution,and place
the moneyed concerns of the country where the
sages of the Constitution found and left them,
he proposed to put out of circulation all notes
of five dollars and under, by placing the public
money in such State Banks as would issue no
notes below ten dollars—and by forbidding the i
receipt, in payment of the revenue, of the notes
of all Banks which should issue notes under ten
dollars. That the same process would next ne
pursued in reference to all notes under twenty ;
dollars, and thus a metalic currency be ensured
for all the common purposes of life, while the
use of Bank notes would be confined to those
engaged in commerce.
The same Delegate having inquired when he
proposed to put this plan in execution, the an
swer was, not immediately—not until the expi
ration of the charter of the Bank of the United
States. Go home, gentlemen, (said he,) and
tell the Bank of the United States to re
lieve the country, by increasing its business Let
the United States Bank make no run upon the
State Banks, and I will take care that the State
Banks make no run upon her. Let the war be
tween the Banks cease, and all will be well in
forty-eight hours. The Bank of the U. States is
trying to crush the State Banks. Tell the State
Liu (IKS mail V. Ill }JJ WII anu uiuiuu. jjyj v» -
er of the United States Bank is nearly gone, and
that it will be compelled to cease its present
course. Here one of the Delegates observed to
the President—we are, many of us, sir, connec
ted with State Banks, and yet we know of no
such warfare between them and the Bank of the
United States, as we speak of. It does not ex
ist in the city of Philadelphia. There is, on the
contrary, the utmost good will, and harmony
between the U. States Bank and the other Banks
of our city, and nearly all the latter are in favor
of a re-charter. To which the President quick
ly replied, 1 know all about it. sir; I know that
some of your Banks have combined in favor of
the Bank of the United States. I have examin
ed the whole subject, and understand it better
than any of you. I have looked impartially at
both sides of the question, and have the best infor
mation on the subject, from Maine to New Or
leans, from the most undoubted sources. I learn
this morning (Feb. 11) from New York, that
stocks are rising, and that money is becoming
abundant. Let the Directors of the Bank pur
sue their business on principles of Christian be
nevolence, and all will be well. Let them wind
up the business of the Bank, without attempting
to beak down the Government,or force a re-char
ter, and it will die with the blessings of thousands;
otherwise, it will have the curses of millions. 1
have read the Scriptures, gentlemen; and I find
that, when Moses ascended the mountain, the
children of Israel rebelled, and made a golden
calf, and worshipped it, and it brought a curse up
on them. This Bank will be a greater curse. I
have no hostility to the Bank; 1 am willing it
should expire in peace; but, if it does persist in
its war with the Government, I have a measure
in contemplation which will destroy it at once,
and which I am resolved to apply, be the conse
quences to individuals what they may. The
Bank has in circulation ten millions of checks,
which I have no doubt are illegal, and which 1
will direct the State Banks to refuse in payment
of the public revenue. These checks must then
he returned upon the Bank, and will drain her
of the specie she is hoarding. This measure I
will apply, unless the Bank desists from its couse.
Here the Chairman remarked, that the Bank
was perfectly aware of the design of the Execu
tive in reference to the checks, and gave it as a
reason for not extending its discounts, and for
rotaininnr cn lnrrro nn amniint on hand:
that daily and hourly applications for relief were
niade by our citizens to the Bank, without effect;
that the Directors of that institution felt bound
to husband their resources, and stand on the de
fensive, while so serious a weapon is in the hands
of the Executive. Well, sir, replied the Presi
dent, let them do right, and I will not injure
them; but, if they persist in measures which I
deem oppressive and unjust, they must expect to
feel my power.
In the course of these remarks, of which a
plain and certainly not an exaggerated sketch
has been attempted by your delegates, the Pre
sident very frequently used tiie expression that j
HE was determined to place and to leive HIS I
Government, where the sages who framed the
Constitution found and left it, and also to place
the currency and revenue of the country where
the sages found and left it. It occurred to seve
ral of the delegates to ask for an explanation of j
phrases which conveyed no distinct or tangible
meaning to their minds. Their historical read
ing had taught them, that the framers of the
Constitution found the Government in anarchy
and left it in order; that they found the curren
cy and revenue inruins, and left both in a state
of exalted prosperity; and that one of the instru
ments by which this change had been effected,
was a National Bank, bearing almost equal date
with the Constitution itself—a bank of the same
kind which the President had stigmatized as a
monstrous contrivance above and against both
the Constitution and the law. Fearing, howev
er. that it might lead to a controversy about
facts and history, and unwilling to contend with
one whose opportunities at least had been bet
ter than their own, they abstained from inqui
ries which their curiosity strongly urged, but
which promised to lead to no useful result.
The interview had now lasted about an hour,
and during that period it had been impossible
for the delegates, without unpardonable rude
ness towards the Chief Magistrate of the nation,
to explain to him their business and their wish
es. It had become obvious, moreover, that his
mind was pre-occupied by a view of the sub
ject, which, would neutralize the effects of facts
nr reasoning; that he regarded the whole ques
tion as a contest between the Bank on the one
liand, and him and HIS Government on the
3ther; a contest in which the people had no con
cern, except as they might array themselves as
3artisans of either; that he considered his own '
30wer, and the stability of HIS Government
jtaked upon the issue; and, consequently, that
he arguments of those who disclaimed connec- 1
ion with either party, and owned no allegianc
rnt to truth and justice, and the common wea’,
,vould either .be rejected without a hearing, 01
f heard, would be utterly disregarded.
The delegates, therefore, as soon as this pain
ful and (as free citizens, they must add,) hu
tniliating conviction was forced upon their
minds, rose to take leave. One of their nunibei
seized the opportunity of a parting word to say.
with emphasis, that, to the President, and to 1;
conduct in removing the public deposited, din
citizens of Philadelphia attributed the distre-<
under which they labor. His reply to this n
mark was but a repetition of assertion prsviou
ly made, and the delegates retired with no cau-,.
of complaint as to their personal treatment, bm
indignant that the voice of more than ten thou-,
and citizens could be deemed by the Presides
unworthy his attention, and with a sad convic
tion that the high places of power, in a lau.j
boasting of its freedom, were closed and bun
against unpallatable truth.
This report is signed by Elihu Chaunccy
Henry Troth, Mordecai D. Lewis, Merrit Cai
by, John S. Warner, Fisher Learning, J.js. -
H. Dulles, Isaac Macauly, Josepli Mcllvui:,,
Joseph Smith, Thomas Fassitt, James Mar:
Joiin Struthers, Samuel Comly, Caleb Cop
Thomas Fletcher, Gideon Scull, Bela Bad: -
Robert T. Potts, Benjamin \ a glee.
The following are among some of the lo
tions adopted by the meeting:
Resolved, That it be recommended to the ft*
men of the several counties of Penn<yjya:,
who agree with us in sentiment as to tin* cau ■
and remedy of the present distress, to apt.
Delegates to a General Convention to be
Harrisburg, for the purpose of devising \.l
sures to restore the prosperity of the country
Resolved, That a Committee ol Safety, &
sisting of thirty, be appointed by this nieeti!,*
with power to convene from time to time, to
vacancies in their own body, to appoint Ji. ]
gates from their own body, or otherwise to ei
force the objects of this meeting, at Wa-hi
ton, Harrisburg, and elsewhere; tu con.
with other committees throughout the Unit
States, and to adopt such measures a-, in p
judgment, will tend to accomplish the objects
the foregoing resolutions, and to continue *
same until their exertions shall be crowned v.
success.
The State Loan.—The Harrisburg Telegi.r
states that the thirteen and a half per cent,
viiurn, ottered for the loan by the Bank of Per
sylvania cannot be obtained on the 8750:0> y
undertaken; nor does any one. as yet, oiler’t<
take it at par. We shall not be astonished :
the state is made to pay 10 or 12 per cento,
temporary loans, to meet the demands upon hej
Treasury. There are now wanting near thre*
millions and a half, as a permanent loan. :v
we do not think it can be obtained at 6 per cent
Is it the Bank that has destroyed the credit
the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania? !
so why does not the Governor speak?
Phil. Oaz.
■ -■ —
From Bermuda.—We are in possession of \
file of the Bermudian to the 8th February inc,
sive; but the only intelligence we can glea
(other than that in the marine department) c<. *
sists of a resolution passed by the Assembly c
that Island, in the following terms:
“ Resolved. That slavery be abolished wit;
the colonyr on the first day of August, and t!
the apprenticeship system contemplated byth
said statute (referring to the Act of Parliam
Statute 3d and 4th, William IV. Cap. 73) bed
pensed with, so far as regards the Colony
Bermuda.—N. Y. Amer.
Dll AMS TO-MOiniOW I
Literature Lottery ol the State of Delaware
Class No. 9 fur 1S34,
To be drawn at Wilmington. Thursday, Kei
HIGHEST PRIZE $10,000.
Tickets.$3 00; halves 130; quarters0 7'
Virginia State Lottery,
For the bene fit o f the Petersburg Bene colt
chanic Associaf ion,
Class No. 4 for 1834,
Will be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, West End
Saturday, March 1
SPLENDID SCHEME:
1 prize of S20,000 1 prize of V'
1 do of 6,000 1 prizes of
20 prizes of $1,000! &c. &c.
Tickets $4 50; halves 2 25; quarters 11- •
To be had in a variety of numbers of
J. CORSE.
Lottery & Exchange Broker, Ah
DRAWS TO-MORROW
Literature Lottery of the State oi Delawart
Class A’o. 9 for 1831. .
To be drawn at Wilmington, Thursday, re:
CAPITAL PRIZE $10,00(1.
Tickets $3 00; halves 1 50; quarters (' <■.
Virginia State Lottery, ,.
For the benefit of the Petersburg R<nu b
Class No. 4 for 1834. ,
To be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, W eat hi
Saturday, March 1
SPLENDID CAPITALS: Cv 1
1 prize of $30,000 l prize of
1 do of 6,000 l do oi
20 capital prizes of $1,000! &o. ^ ■
Tickets 84 50; halves 2 25; quarters i *- *
To be liad in a variety of mnnln — i
J. W. VIOLET^
Lucky Lottery )ir‘
Upper end King Sreet, near the J)iog" " .
'£3= Orders from the country, en(j',
cash or prize tickets, promptly
DR A WS TO-MORRO 0
Literature Lottery of the State of Ik
Class No. 9 for 1S34, J?., .!
Will be drawn in Wilmington on
February 27
66 Numbers—10 /k-oim Balm
HIGHEST PRIZE *,0;00;o:
Tickets 83 00; halves 1 50; quaruu =
Virginia State Lottery ^
For the benefit of the Petersburg I>e,u 1
Class No. 4 for 1834, wr,:,
To be drawn at Alexandria, V a- ’’
March 1
scheme: r j
1 prize of $20,000 1 Pr*ze l\ C
1 do of 6,000 1 prjjf ,0' &c. .
20 Capital Prizes of §1,000' —., 1
Tickets $4 50; halves 2 25; quail'1'
On sale in great variety by t
jas. itioKu*': j
II33 Uncurrent Notes and b oi< *» ^
phased.___4
ALEXANDRIA § -
QPEN, daily, from 10 (o 42 » ji>'
from 3 to i P. M.
’ /fj
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