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Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, May 07, 1834, Image 2

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THE GAZETTE:
By EDGAR SNOWDEN._
Terms.
Daily paper - - - - - S3 per annum.
Country paper - - - 5 per annum.
The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun
try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
Saturday.
All advertisements appear in both papers, and
are inserted at the usual rates. _
FRANCE.
The annexed article, from the New \ ork j
Courier and Enquirer, contains a very accurate j
* description of the situation of France at this
moment:
Events at home have for some time past been
of such deep importance, that we have not been
able to devote the usual space in our columns to
the news which has reached us from abroad.
We now avail ourselves of a momentary respite
from this pressure to advert to events which
have latterly been passing in France, and to
the position of affairs there.
The Government cf Louis Philippe has evi
dently become very unpopular, and to support
it, he is compelled to resort to imposing dis
plays of military force and to new restrictions
on the liberty of the people. Either by acci
dent, or from some connexion between the two
events, the commotions at Lyons-almost imme
diately followed the attempted invasion of Sa
voy by General Ramorino and the Polish re
fugees. On the occurrence of the former, thir
ty thousand troops were encamped on the two
banks of the Rhone, and the military divisions
in the neighboring departments held in readi
ness to march thither. The forts commanding
Lyons, and particularly the fort Montessui,
were placed in a state of defence and provi
*“ sioned for three months. In the first moment
of danger, the Government insisted that the
disturbances had tneir origin solely in domestic
«n_in fho rlicf'cmtpnt nl thp I.vnnese ma
v» u*--—- /
nufacturers at reduced wages; but as the alarm
passed away, and the King’s Ministers felt them
selves sufficiently strong to put down the insur
rection, a different language was held. It was
the Republican party, one would suppose, that
was in person at Lyons, and was said by a
ministerial orator, M. Augustin Giraud, “ the
Government would show that it was sufficient
ly powerful to oppose a strong dyke to these re
volutionary inunaations.”
On the melancholy occasion even of the in
terment of M. Dulong, a member of the Cham
ber of Deputies who fell in a duel with an aid
de-cpmp of the king, another striking instance
was given of the insecurity felt by the govern
ment, and of their manner of suppressing the
ebullitions of popular feeling in the capital. No
less than from twenty-five to thirty thousand
men were under arms, and a military occupa
tion took place of all the principal posts by in
fantry, cavalry and artillery. We translate a
few detached sentences ot a published account
of this ceremony, for the purpose of showing
more forcibly the singular state of things now
existing in France.
“ At an early hour in the morning an immense
* display of military power evinced the solicitude
of the government, as announced yesterday by
the ministerial Bulletin in the shape of a me
nace. A corps composed of infantry, cavalry,
and artillery, was placed at the Champs Ely
sees under the orders of a general officer; and
on the Place Vendome, at the Bastille, on the
Place de Greve, at la cite Bergere, and differ
ent points of the boulevards, troops were sta
tioned in great numbers. A battalion of infan
try formed in double line, and a squadron of
cuirassiers were drawn up before the dwelling
of M. Dulong.”
“ The troops which flanked the funeral hearse
and the deputies mardhed with their bayonets
fixed, thus showing they were not there to ren
der military honors to the deceased deputy, but
to maintain order.
“ Whilst the procession was turning the fau
burg du Temple, some shouts were heard. A
commissary of the police gave orders to the
town sergeants to arrest the persons from whom
they proceeded. The sergeants drew their
swords and dashed into the crowd. The mount
ed municipal guards, on seeing this movement,
came to the spot in full gallop. A general con
sternation ensued.”
Amongst the restraining laws which the Go
h17In h#* pnartpH. is one to
" prohibit the sale of pamphlets and cheap pa
pers by public criers. The execution of this
_ la\v*gave rise to some disturbances which are
" thus spoken of in a paper we have before us.
“ The brutality with which the law against pub
lic criers has been put in force for some days
past having caused some mobs, new measures
have been taken at the Prefecture of Police, and
. during the week an immense display of troops
has been made, supported by a multitude of
disguised police agents, all armed with heavy
clubs. The peaceable population of Paris has
been insulted, trampled under foot, and beaten
without mercy; whilst the republican associa
tions, on their guard and well organized, have
kept themselves entirely out of danger."
The debate in the Chamber of Deputies on
the subject of the publications sold by the pub
lic criers, presents some singular features, of
which we will endeavor to give a sketch, for
they afford matter for reflection as well as some
amusement. The two principal speakers on
this occasion were, on the one side, M. Cabot, a
deputy and editor of a cheap paper, since con
victed of a libel on government, and sentenced
to fine, imprisonment, and deprivation of civil
rights; and M. D’Argout, the Minister of the in
terior, on the other side. The ground taken by
the former was, that the patriotic press, as lie
termed it, was more than justified in its excess
es, if it committed any, by the tone and cha
racter of the press paid by the police on the part
of the Government. In exposing this last, the
papers say, M. Cabot began “ by displaying an
immense bundle of papers which he arranged
in order on the <lesk before him. Great hilari
ty ensued on the bench of Ministers, and M.
D’Argout exhibited, smiling to M. Guizot, a
large° bundle of papers and pamphlets with
which he had supplied himself." M. Cabot then
began: “Here are three pamphlets which I on
ly allude to because of their titles. The police
is so well acquainted with the character of the
Ministers, that to succeed in spreading their
praise, it finds necessary to make the people be
lieve they are about to be attacked; it is called
* The Geese of Father PhilippeThis title ex
cites public curiosity, the book is bought and
read, and who do these geese appear to be?
The eight Secretaries of his Majesty, eulogized
in the most extravagant mauner.
' “ The next pamphlet,” M. Cabot continued,
“ is entitled the king of the masons, or Louis
Philippe I., treated as he deserves; this title is
piquant, people buy, and find it to be a pathetic
eulogium on the king.”
“Well,” exclaimed a voice, “ what do you i
see to blame in eulogizing the king?”
Nothin", replied M. Cabot, only i wish he may .
deserve it. “ The third pamphlet,” he went on,
“ is entitled ‘ the horrors of the government of
Louis Philippe, and the effects which the proc
lamation of a Republic would have produced in
the Departments.’ Of this, I confine myself to
pointing out the double deceit practised in the
title page. But here are other publications in
which the Republicans are calumniated^ in the
grossest manner. The title of one is ‘ The Re
publicans of 1833, or things good to be known.’
This pamphlet recalls the most terrible horrors
of the Revolution, and supposes that the patriots
of this day are like the worst men of other
times. It says, ‘The Republicans of 1833 are
more servile, more thirsty after gold, office, dig
nities, and blood, than those of 1793. How dare j
they speak of their intention to meliorate the
condition of the laboring man? They who have
introduced those infernal machines which have
caused hundreds of poor families to perish with
want.’ - !
Another pamphlet is called “ Discovery of a ,
Conspiracy against the Nation by the Ministers,
and proves to be a labored eulogium on each ol
them.” *
The other pamphlets alluded to by M. Cabot,
were “The Gallows,” “The Black Band,” j
“ The Court of Assizes,” “ The Harlequins and
Louis Philippe.” He then proceeded to the
songs. “ Here are a bundle of songs,” said he, :
“ distributed by the police. I will recite one of j
them.” “ You had better sin" it,” exclaimed a i
voice. After the President of the Charnbei and
M. Cabot had expressed their indignation at
this indecent interruption, the latter continued,
“ Here is a couplet on the republicans:—
Some blood will fertilize the plain,
With pleasure I will lend a hand,
It is so sweet to see the slain;
For this, I’m a republican.
Another couplet finishes thus:—
We can coin money with the guillotine,
For this, I’m a republican.
“ I might add,” said M. Cabot, “ a publication
in which General Lafayette is basely calumnia
ted. Its title is ‘Programme of the Hotel de
Ville, or the great quarrel, between Louis Phil
inne and Laffitte. and Andry de Puiraveau.’ In
this book may be seen how the police speak 01
a general, illustrious throughout the world, who
i>as held in his hands, and who will perhaps a*
gain hold in his hands, the destinies of a great
empire.”
It now’ became the turn of the Minister of the
Interior, w’hose approach to the tribune, from
whencethe deputies address the Chamber, is
thus described:—
“ The Minister of the interior directed his
steps towards the Tribune,carrying under each
arm an enormous packet of newspapers and
pamphlets. He held besides in one hand his
portfolio, and in the other a volume of law’s rela
tive to the public press. On ascending the nar
row’ staircase which leads to the Tribune, he
met M. Cabot, who descended it, loaded with
his books of reference. They came in contact;
and each let fall half his burthen. At last, the
Minister, amidst the laughter of the members,
succeeded in reaching the Tribune, and in ar
ranging all his documents before him, in which
caricatures and vignettes were prominent ob
jects.”
Our space will not permit us to do more than
allude to the different pamphlets, w hose con
tents, the Minister alledged, justified the gov
ernment in the severity which they were desi
rous to execute towards those propagating
them.
The first was one entitled “ Debaucheries of
the Clergy.” Another was on the subject ot the
lawr they were then discussing. It said among
other thin its ct The people shed their blood in
July for the liberty of the press, the charter con
secrated it. To vote for such a law w’ould be
exposing the people to perish by hunger; but the
people are powerful, they know’ their rights,
they will not allow them to be torn from them
with impunity, and the pitcher goes to the w’ell
till it—He further particularized a speech
of Saint Just in the session of nine Thermidor.
A speech of Couthon on the opinion of a mem
ber of the Convention on the death of Louis
XVI., in which it is insinuated that the specta
cle of the death of a King may again be exhi
bited, and its conclusions are that Kings are
from their birth the enemies of the people, and
that they must be exterminated.
A placard three feet in height, containing an
extract from the works of Maximilian Robes
pierre, the declaration of the Rights of Man,
with the portrait of Robespierre at its head. It
contained a constitution of which the following
. ,1 . ■ 1 Tr • A nn/1 rP > r
IS lilt? <60111 Ul IlUic.— nnoivKiuio. *. j
rants, are slaves rebelling against the Sovereign
of the Earth, which is Mankind, and against
the Legislator of the Universe, which is Nature.
A catechism for the people, of which the fol
lowing is a sample:—u When a government vio
lates the rights of the people, insurrection is the
most sacred right and the most indispensable
duty. Monarchy brutalizes arid degrades citi
zens, it corrupts public morals.” &c.
Enough! We have attempted to convey an
idea of the state of the public mind in France
and the conduct of the Government. Our limits
forbid us doing more at present. We cannot
resist the conviction that the throne of Louis
Phillippe now rests on an insecure foundation.
The party opposed to it is the republican. The
Bonaparte party seems entirely forgotten since
the death of his son. To the success of the Re
publicans is opposed, the opinion ol a highly re
spectable class in France, that a Republic
is unfitted to the genius of the people, and next,
the natural aversion of moneyed and business
men to a change. We cannot but think that the
strides made by the Executive of these confe
derate republics towards arbitrary power, will
produce a most unfavorable impression on the
friends of self-government in France, indeed
throughout the world.
JAMES S. GUNNELL, M. D.
DENTIST;
RESPECTFULLY informs the citizens and
visitors of Alexandria that he may be con
sulted at Mr. A. Newton’s Hotel on the first and
third Wednesday in every month, from 9 o’clock
A. M. unti! 2 P. M. All letters addressed to Dr.
G. at his Office, between the United States’
Bank and the President’s House, Washington
City, or left at Mr. Newton’s Hotel, Alexandria,
wlli be punctually attended to.
jan 2—eWedtf
NOTICE.
THE President and Directors of the Bank of
Potomac have declared a dividend of two
per cent, for the last six months, payable on
Wednesday next, the 7th inst.
may 2—eo6t C. PAGE, Cashier.
TO RENT,
The BRICK HOUSE on King street, re
ilalcently occupied by Doctor Fairfax. For
particulars enquire at this office,
may 1—-dlw&eotf
MR. STODD^RT’S REMARKS, \
On presenting the memorial, and an account
of proceedings of sundry citizens of Prince
George's County, Maryland.
I am charged, Mr. Speaker, with the pre
sentation of a memorial from a large and very
resnectable portion of the citizens ol I lince
George’s County, in the state ot Maryland,
praying for a restoration of the public money,
to the custody of the Bank of the United States,
as the measure calculated to relieve the coun
try from embarrassment and distress; and also
a cony of the proceedings had, and resolutions
adopted, by a meeting of gentlemen held at
Upper Marlborough, upon a public invitation to
the people to assemble and deliberate upon the ,
state of the country, and the meaures most like- ;
ly to ameliorate it. j
I am instructed to say, by the distinguished
deputation which placed this memorial in my (
hands, that it contains the signatures of more j
than 800 legal voters of Prince George, one of:
the four counties composing the eighth Con- •
gressional District of Maryland. It afiords me ,
great pleasure to bear testimony to the gene- j
ral respectability of the population of this coun
ty, and I doubt not that these memorialists are j
all honest and worthy citizens, who aim to pro- ;
mote their country’s interests. Many of the
signers, I personally know to be distinguished,
by intelligence, and fortune, and public honors. !
The opinions expressed by so respectable and:
numerous a body, as the signers of this paper, •
are entitled, at least, to my most respectful and I
grave consideration. I have given a vote (2nd
resolution) which may be regarded as counter
to the views they have taken upon the effects
and bearings of a restoration of the public de
posites. It becomes me then to connect, with i
a concise detail of the contents of these papers, j
the reasons, why I could not concur in the opin- '
ion of the memorialists. Before I do this, I must
express my sincere regret, that the allegation
which meets us, at the very commencement of j
this memorial, that it had no “ regard to party,” j
seems strongly at variance with the tone and |
temper of the other proceedings of the meeting, j
of which its production formed a jJart. I will j
justify tltis remark by reading the address of the
gentleman, who presided over this meeting, up-;
on his taking the chair; and the first resolution j
. i t ,v __r...t • !
SUUIIIIIJJILCU, uy Ulf Ul » invn, tino im-juu
riai came to light. These proceedings, I should
think, did not very clearly illustrate na exemp
tion from partizan feelings, nor would I deem
them very favorable to calm and dispassion- j
ate investigation of grave and important ques
tions of constitutional law and Federal policy.
In view of them, I hold thata doubt cannot
exist, that some (at least) of the most promi
nent and active members of this meeting con
cocted and prepared their several measures,
under the influence of heated and pre-occupied
minds. Whilst it does not impair my confidence
in the honesty of purpose of those gentlemen, it
certainly is not calculated to make me take their i
opinions upon trust. The meeting, as far as j
names have met my eye, was of one political j
complexion, and but a very few, who had not
exerted every faculty to persuade the people to
withhold from me their confidence. By a meet
ing, thus composed and thus influenced, the re
solution of instruction was passed; however en
lightened and dignified this assemblage may
have been, whatever its proportion of intelli
gence and public and private worth, in point of
numbers, it was very unimportant; some fifty
or sixty gentlemen, though dearly at liberty to
advise, have no authority to prescribe, the rule of
conduct of the representation of near five thous
and electors. I am^roud to borrow light from
such men; but I cannot surrender my reason and
sense of public duty to their absolute guidance.
The memorial, sir, contains no particular in
struction to me: it approaches me in a form far
more impressive, it indicates the wishes of that
class of our people, who do not essay to turn
politics to personal uses. I must therefore res
pectfully state, why I felt constrained to concur
in the second resolution of the committee of
ways and means, which is the only one assimi
lated to the object of their memorial to Congress.
The memorial was silent as the grave on the
subject of re-chartering the Bank; this resolution
was the one, upon the decision of which I re
garded the others as suspended. It was the
one of first importance. When the House, by a
most decisive and unequivocal vote, sealed the
doom of this bank, I could discern nothing but
increase of embarrasment and distress in restor
ing the deposites.
The Bank of the United States, under the ne
cessity of winding up its concerns, could not
accommodate the public upon these funds,
whilst its curtailments would be diminishing the
means of business men. It was therefore ne
pMcnrvnnd nrnnpr as n measure of relief to the
--j- r r 7
commercial community, to place them, where
they could be made to serve this end. This ob
ject is the main inducement to employ banks, at
any time, as fiscal agents. They lighten the
payment of taxes, by their accommodations,
and preserve the activity of business, by keep
ing the channels of circulation full. Under
such circumstances, I could not regard the mea
sure recommended by the memorialists, as suit
ed to alleviate the general condition of the
mercantile and business community; on the con
trary, as certain to multiply embarrassments.
My means of information, forces me to think
that, when the memorialists exhibit such a dark
picture of suffering and distress, in their county,
they borrow their coloring more from an excit
ed imagination than actual observation. To
bacco, of last year’s growth, is not yet brought
into market from this county. It is an article
not only in demand abroad, but which will keep
for years. The notes, representing it, would ;
circulate, I doubt not, when confidence might
be withheld from bank notes; therefore I see no
reason to look despondingly on the future. To
speak of things as they are, I am bold to affirm
that Tobacco, during this season, has borne as
fair a price as at any period for five years.—
Wheat is depressed in price; but I should be
amazed, if a solitary Farmer could be found in
my District, who had not sold his last jrear’s
crop. To compensate this depression, Indian
corn has fallen in price; and my District, i)i this
particular, will extract good from evil, and find
comfort under the pressure. The poor will gain
what the rich lose by depression of prices of
bread-stuff. Did I dare to hazard a conjecture,
it would be, that this memorial was the produc
tion of some gentleman of the bar; and had no
claim of paternity upon any Tobacco Planter
of that county, whose actual observation and
personal experience could not have warranted
the latitude of expression, that “ no other sec
tion of the country had suffered more.”
There is one other characteristic, novel and
extraordinary, of this memorial; I mean the ma
chinery and labor, with which it was gotten up.
The call to a meeting, in the midst of ruin and
distress, it seems, fell unheeded upon the ears of
the people. But one in thirty obeyed the sum
mons, and but few of them, I apprehend, other
than politicians and lawyers. What was to be
done? The memorial was ready, but there was
none to sign it. Human wit is always fruitful
of expedients, and when sharpened by legal ex
erciser, is never at fault. A resolution was mov
ed, that sixty intelligent, weighty jind popular
men should become missionaries to persuade
the people they were sorely afflicted, and to in
duce them to come here for relief. The people
of this section of Maryland are ever prone to
good offices; their hearts arc warm and their
tempers bold and generous; they would be
ashamed to have an honorable and much es
teemed neighbor ride to their house, and solicit
the mere signature of their names, and send
him away unrequited for his trouble. A man,
who would so act, our people would regard as
little better than a Turk. An act of civility like :
this is cheap; it costs nothing. What a man |
does not now see or feel, lie is made to fear he 1
may see or feel by the force of impassioned
persuasion. The name is signed, and the hard
hand relinquishes the pen for the handle of the
plough; as his warm and honest heart dilates in
pursuing his useful labor, the vivid picture of
distress and impending calamity which had but
an hour before excited his sympathy, vanishes,
like a vision of the night, from his mind. All is
calm and serene within; and his soul swells with
gratitude to Heaven for the blessings which sur
round him.
Why have primary assemblies of the people
been superseded by this single-handed process, j
of collecting the public sense? Is deliberation j
unnecessary? Is discussion dreaded? Congress,
(by a bold figure I confess) is styled the assem-1
bled wisdom of the Nation. It has consumed.
four months in discussing and sifting this mea
sure of removal, in all its bearings and aspects;
and it was thought by some able heads, that we
might profitably have given the whole year to
the subject; and yet this committee, in two
weeks, argue this subject, seriatim, with 800 j
individuals; and settle down satisfactorily and
definitely upon the restoration as the only mode
of saving the country. And how, sir? bv plac
ing it under the special guardianship of a great
money-power. For to restore the deposites,
was to recharter the Bank, upon its own terms;
it was to deliver over the representatives of the
people to the control of tins great money corpo
ration. or to expose the people to similar op
pression, and vexation, as that through which
they are now passing. No other alternative ex
isted; the surrender of the freedom of legisla
tive action, was the only price for ease to the
people and the use of Bank paper, instead of
money, as a means of conducting business. It
is a rule, in my country, lor every man to let
his neighbor think for himself; 1 have no choice
but to act upon this rule, at this time, as five
sixths of my constituents have not troubled
themselves to think for me; and a very large
number, I am advised, mean not to do so.
A day behind the fair.—A somewhat ludicrous
scene occurred yesterday morning, about S o’
clock, at a boarding house in the Bowery. Two
young men arrived there the day previous (one
of whom was the nephew of the lady who keeps
the house,) and engaged a private sitting room
and a bed room for two or three wrecks. The
nephew introduced his companion as a fellow
clerk with him in a mercantile house at Hart
ford, Conn, (which since turns out to be the
fact,) and stated that they had come to New
York merely for the purpose of seeing the place
and paying their respects to the aunt. The old
lady, pleased with this mark of affection on the
part of the nephew, prepared the best bed room
in the house for their reception, set before them
the best fare she had, and did all in her powder
to make them comfortable. Being fatigued, as
they said, with their journey, they retired to
rest very early, and did not rise till near 8 next
morning. They had but just set dowm to break
fast, w?hen a hasty knock w>as heard at the door,
at which the youngest of the twTo w as observed
to betray no slight degree of nneasinness. In a
minute or twro afterwards the room door was
entered somewhat abruptly by an elderly gen
tleman, evidently in a violent passion, who ad
vanced towards the eldest of the twro, and af
ter applying divers undignified epithets to him,
was about to try the effects of his cane upon the
shoulders of the young man, when the noise
brought up the aunt, who flew at the old gentle
man like a tigress defending one of her cubs.
On the arrival of three or four of the board
ers, something like order was restored; when
the youngest of the two strangers w’as discover
ed to have fainted uw?ay. The youth was lift
ed on to a sofa, his stock was removed, and the
collar of his shirt unbuttoned to facilitate his j
breathing—when (oh, shade of phaste Diana!
tell it not in Gath!) there was revealed to sight
the snowy bosom of as pretty a lass as e’er
“ brush’d dew from lawm.”
“ The lovely stranger lay confess’d,
A wife, m all her charms.”
It seems that the young lady was the daugh
ter of the old gentleman, who, with a view to
economy, had caused her to assist his clerk in
keeping his books; the young couple, thus
thrown, nothing loth, into each other’s way,
made such good use of their time, that the old
gentleman, on entering the counting room ra
ther unexpectedly in the morning, found them
keeping tally with their lips instead of their
pens; upon which he sent his daughter to reside
with her grandmother, at Wethersfield.
She contrived, however, to send to and re
ceive letters from her lover, in which they
planned the elopement. How successful it was
put in execution, our readers are already aware.
They left Hartford so as to get several hours
start of the father, who did not reach New York
until 6 o’clock yesterday morning, and suspect
ing that they would put up at the aunt’s house,
made his way there immediately on arriving in
the city. He was, however, too late—the young
couple had contrived to have the hymenial knot
tied in the afternoon of their arrival. We pre
sume this step was taken to avoid the risk in
curred in publishing their intention to marry,
which mode of procedure is required by the
laws of the State of Connecticut. How the af
fair will terminate, we know not, as the parties
all left New York for Hartford yesterday after
noon; but as the father was, in a double sense,
^ a day behind the fair” we would advise him
to pocket the affront, and put the best face that
he can on the matter.— N. Y. Transcript.
K3r SODA WATER.
THE subscriber has his Fountains in com
plete order, and will warrant his SODA
WATER to be as highly charged with gas, anif
in every respect equal to any in the place. He
solicits a share of public patronage.
WM. HARPER,
Druggist, Alexandria.
P. S. Just received, a general supply of Drugs
and Medicines, together with all such articles as
are usually found in a Drug Store; all of which
he warrants equal in quality, and as Jow in
price, as any in the place. W. H.
apr 23—eo2w__
FOR RENT,
MThe well known STABLE on Pitt street,
latelv in the occupancy of Mr. Wm. Smith.
Also, the BLACKSMITH’S SHOP adjoining
the same. For terms apply to
may 3—7t CIL A. NEWTON. ;
ALEX AN Jj KIA:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 7. ,S;j|
The recent alarming exposition of gross cor.
ruption in the management of the Post Office
has attracted public attention to the enorniou"
patronage placed in ihc hands of the Post M r
ter General. It- is singular that this p0nv
should have hitherto called forth so liuje • *
mark; and as we cordially agree with the o '
nions expressed in the following passages fr ^
the able commentaries of Mr. Justice Story v
transfer them with much pleasure to co
lumns:
“ The £reat anomaly in the system is the Phr
mous patronage of the Postmaster Generi
who is invested with the sole and exclusiv •
thority to appoint and remove all deputy p311
masters; and whose power and influence f,°Sl*
thus, by slow degrees, accumulated, until
perhaps, not too much to say, that it ritah v
it dues not exceed, in value and extent ti 7 v
the President himself. How long a pown
vast, and so accumulating, shall remain V ->J
out any check on the part of any othar br'rr
of the government, is a question for statin,,"
and not for jurists. Cut it cannot be di^uisl*
that it will be idle to impose Constitutional r
straints upon high executive appointment* 7f
this power, which pervades every tillage o? f,
republic, and exerts an irresistible, Ihoiteh !
lent, influence in the direct shape of offer ,7 ,
the no less inviting form of lucrative contract*
is suffered to remain without scrutiny or rebui
lt furnishes no argument against the interpo
tion of a check, which shall require the ad\ i<7
and consent of the Senate to appointments that
the power has not hitherto been abused. ]n ju
own nature the Post-office establishment is hi
ceptible of abuse to such an alarming decree
the whole correspondence of the country Vso
completely submitted to the fidelity and int7
id f ^ r nf f L rv M «(l li u .,1 . - _ i. * .
ugv>mo »ruv7 cuiiUUtl li; UllCl tin
means of making it subservient to mere state
policy are so abundant, that the only surprise
is that it has not already awakened the public
jealousy, and been placed under more .effectual
control. It may he said, without the slightest
disparagement of any officer who has presided
over it, that ir ever the people are to pe cor
RUPTED, OR THEIR LIBERTIES ARE TO BE PROSTRATED.
THIS ESTABLISHMENT WILL FURNISH THE MOST FACIN'
MEANS, AND BE THE EARLIEST EMPLOYED TO AC( V
PUSH SUCH A PURPOSE.”
Charles Carroll Harper, to guard against m.>
representations of the speech which lie deliver
ed at the public meeting in Baltimore on Wed
nesday before last, lias caused a report of I.is
spcecli to be published. It does him honor.
The sentiments to which he gave utterance on
the occasion are worthy of Ids lineage. We*
cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of introduc
ing to our readers the following extract from it
[Extract from Mr. Harper’s speech.J
“The signs of the times, fellow-citizens, are
indeed portentous. I may be mistaken—I hope
1 am—but I think 1 clearly see that a conspira
cy exists in this country—nay, in this govern
ment—against the very existence of the senate
of the United States. Fur from me to impute
to the President any such design: lie is an .ho
norable and an honest man. Far from me to
impute such plotsto any of his constitutional ad
visers. But it cannot be denied, for it cannot
be concealed, that there is at Washington a
cabal, secret but not unseen, who take advan
tage of the President’s impetuosity of charac
ter, and his prejudices, and perhaps his want
of acquaintance with public a flairs, to urge
him on to acts, of which he does not perceive
the end, and for which those base advisers are
not responsible themselves. When I voted foi
Andrew Jackson, Aid not vote for this cabal:
and, while he remains under their control, I
will not regard him as the man whom I humbly
labored to exalt. 1 shall look upon him as on
all other men, as “enemies in war, in peac*'
friends.” I will sustain him when I agree wit
him, and oppose him when 1 do not. For him
self.personally, I have more than feelings of re>
poet, I have feelings of affection; and the da;,
when he shall emerge from behind the curtain
nf that cabal that obscures him now—tilt* dav
lie shall discard those irresponsible advisers, un
known to our constitution and moral habits, an
worthy only of the anti-chambers of a royai
palace, who have thrown a temporary tarni'
on his well-earned fame—that day shall be a day
of jubilee for my heart.
“ He has been made to appeal to oui
sympathies and passions. lie need no
have appealed to my sympathies—they an*
all with him. He need not have appealed t
our passions, if his arguments were sound. Hr
reminds us of his gray hairs, his long service v
the state, his revolutionary wounds. For**
gray hairs, in your name I tell him we respct;
him; for his great services, we revere him an
are grateful; for his wounds, we honor him;I;l:
for his invasion of our rights, we will oppo-selm
He calls upon us, by his vast personal popuian
ty, to rally around him: I tell him, that, witht.^
free and intelligent people, men are nothing—
principles are every thing.
“ Such is the eventful crisis, fellow-citizen
which our country stands. What shall1
Shall we submit? Shall the American^ bena
become the “mute inglorious slaves 0 :
Executive? Never! never! Let us ftam
the Senate in the day of this assault. If v*' ! |
choose between an Executive and a Sena ^ ^
liberties will be more secure without an
tive than without a Senate. Remembei *
when the Roman Senate was silenced, t11
man people were enslaved.55
A Noble Irishman.—During his late 'i''1
Philadelphia, the countrymen of Judge 1" ' ^
of the Senate, appreciating him as a man am
statesman, invited him to a public dinner, v *•
however, the state of his health made it m i
sary for him to decline. In his reply to the coi^
mittee of invitation, Judge P. takes occa^011
allude to the’ political aspect of the tinit s.
speaks of the honor done himself briefly
proceeds to remark—
“ But I am still prouder, fellow-citizen»^
your approbation, when I see that, winu , 0f
the ties which bind virtuous men to the * ju.
their birth, you are alive to the paramo j
ties you owe to the country which has ‘ * jU
you. You have thought proper to a ’ur.
terms of approbation, to the course f filing
sued in that august body in which the . jaIli4
kindness of the patriotic people of
has placed me. Embarked, as 1 bo . or
nate now is. in a severe, but. a« I ti

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