Alexandria gazette. [volume], May 10, 1834, Image 2

About Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974

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THE GAZETTE;
STedGAH SNOWDEN.
=“=^= CONCLUSION OF THE
SPEECH OF HON. THOS. S. GRIMKE,
Delivered on the 2d and 3d of April, in the case
of the State of South Carolina, er relatione
. Edward McCrady, against Col. B. F. Hunt,
on the constitutionality of the Oath in the Biu ,
for the Military Organization of the State, j
*passed 19th December, 1833.
I have now finished what belongs appropriate
ly to the argument of these great questions. Anc
here I might stop; but may I trust to be held ex
cused, for adding somewhat more Perhaps, it
may not seem to belong to the tribunal, or the
forms of the controversy. But are not these in
deed political, rather than civil questions. Cer
tainlyconstitutional, not merely Icgal Some
rpmnrks then, on what I believe to be the real
character ol the Oath, will not be inappropriate.
1 trust I shall not be suspected of calling it a
Test Oath, from any desire or intention to stamp
it with an odious name. I call it such, because
1 honestly believe it to be a Test Oath. What is
the criterion? A Test Oath is, in my judgment,
a declaration o{opinion upon Oath. It is imma
terial, whether it be religious or political, if it be
not an Oath to facts—to do or not to do. A
Test Oath is designed to be a test ot opinion,
compared with some fixed and known standard, \
established or adopted by the imposer of the j
Oath. Now, matter of opinion, if it belong to the
department of duty, is matter of conscience. To
exact an Oath in such a case, is to interfere with
the rights of conscience; for all our opinions on
subjects of duty, ought to be formed, and must
be held under the responsibility ot conscience.
Freedom of conscience is the noblest privilege
of the noblest work of God. It is a privilege
granted by tne creator niraseu, me
right of an immortal soul; a right, which the
creature cannot restiict or violate, without
usurping the authority of the creator. 1 he ge
iiius of toleration is-essentially, unchangeably,
free, pure, lofty, honorable.
« Her track wherev’r the Goddess roves,
Glory pursues and generous shame,
'Jfh’ unconquerable mind, and Freedom’s ho- ;
' ly flame.”
Let us dwell for a few moments, on the histo- 1
,y of intolerance. Let me not call it the history
of persecution, in connexion with this place, and ]
this cause. Let me call it the history of trial and
suffering) for opinion’s sake. The fiist scene,
which opens upon us, is found in the history ol
philosophy. We behold the enlightened and
benevolent Socrates condemned to the hemlock;
for teaching the Athenian youth a nobler, purer
moral, than Paganism had ever produced. We
behold Anaxagoras sentenced to die; because
his philosophy was adjudged to be impious:
Anaxandrides, because be satirized the Atheni
an government; and Cleanthes invoked the
r Greeks to condemn Aristarchus as guilty of
blasphemy, in his astronomical opinions. We
behold the Romans, after Rome had been found
ed 591 years, banishing all the philosophers from
the city: and Cato the Censor, six yeSrs after,
obtaining a decree to dismiss Carreades, and
his fellow philosophers, the Athenian Ambassa
dors, lest they should corrupt the severity and ,
simplicity of Roman manners. Can we forget j
the striking scene exhibited at the judgment !
seat, and in the-dungeons oPthe Inquisition,
when Galileo, was tried and condemned, as an
unbeliever in the scriptures; because he main
tained the astronomy of Pythagoras against that
of Ptolemy? And what a scene, still more im
pressive is that, which passed in the convent at
Salamanca; when Columbus, pleading the
cause of the new world, of our own America,
with the sacred eloquence of a prophet and fhe
profound reasonings of philosophy; received as
his portion from learning, and science, and re
ligion, the stern repulse of religious bigotry, and
the incredulity of ignorance and timidity.
Let us turn now to the modern history of reli
gious intolerance; a history replete with lessons
to humble our pride as men, and fill us with
grief, as patriots and philanthropists. And what
is the first remarkable feature? Is it not the un
natural Union of Church and State? A Union,
which the common sense and enlightened con
science of Americans have forever abolished.—
And who does not see that from this union aiose
the maxim, that the civil magistrate had power,
and was bound by the most solemn obligations
' of Christian duty, to deny the rights of consci
ence, and to punish the heretic for his opinions,
in flames at the stake, or by the axe on the scaf
fold. And who can deny that the peculiar, the
exclusive authority of God himself was thus
usurped; when the civil magistrate held, that as
the opinions of the heretic were opposed to those
of the established religion, they must be hostile
to the marriage bond of Church and State.—
Did not the magistrate confiscate property,
manacle the limbs, imprison the person, nay,
shed, the very lifeblood of brothers, because he
assumed that the enemy of the church must be
the enemy of the State; and that either heresy
must be exterminated, or the government would
perish? Behold the Hugonots of France, out
lawed, oppressed, banished, in the most brilliant
age of Fiench Literature; under the meridian
splendors of her philosophy, and at the height of
her power and glory, in arts and in ai ms! r he\
were not driven out from the homes and the
graves of their fathers, to the cavern, and the
1 orest, and the land of strangers, by the religion
of humility and meekness, but, under the plea
of state necessity, by the inexorable sword of the
civil magistrate. And whence, but from the
same cause, sprang the intolerance of Protest
ant to Catholic, of Catholic to Protestant, in the
British Isles? Both held the Church and the
State to be one. Bound by a holy wedlock to
each other, who is surprised that the sentiment
of religion became the maxim of politics, “w hat
Go<* hath joined together, let not man put asun
der.” Heresy against the church was therefore
treason against the State: and the heretic, a
traitor. Is it wonderful that the law pronoun
ced him a felon, an outlaw, a perjured man, a
deadly foe, never to be forgiven? Is it wonder
ful to behold, on the scaffold of the “ Defender
of the Faith,” the axeman beheading Sir Thos.
Moore; because he rejected the Oath of supre
macy to the King, as the head of the Church?
And wiiat are all the Test Oaths of England,
but political tests? What is the Oath of supre
macy, but a denial of Allegiance to the Pope?
And what the Oath of abjuration, which ban
ishes the Catholic House of Stuart forever, irom
the English Throne? And what are all the law’s,
that have been enacted and enforced in England,
against the Jew and the Dissenter; but statutes
to protect the State, as indissolubly one with the
Church? And what, but the same reason, has
prostituted to the purpose of political ascendan
cy, the most awful and holy of sacraments; and
made the communion itself,-the condition of
office!
Shocked and indignant, as we are, at the ca-1
taiogue of European bigotry, has it not had its
rival even in America? We look with astonish
ment on the persecutions of the Quakers and
Baptists in New-Engiand, of the Puritans in
Virginia. We behold with surprize and grati
tude the tolerant institutions of Lord Baltimore,
the Catholic, and of Wm. Penn, the Quaker.—
We behold with mortification our own Consti
tution of 1778, establishing the Protestant as
the religion of the State, and rejecting the Catho •
lie and the Jew, as political outlaws. We are
filled with amazement and regret, on reading
the colonial statute of New-York, condemning
the Popish Priest and Jesuit to perpetual impris
onment, and even to death. With the same sen
timents, we now look on the original Constitu
tion of New-York exacting from every natural
ized foreigner, an Oath, abjuring all foreign
Allegiance, even in matters ecclesiastical. And,
with deep indignation, we peruse the records of
that intolerant spirit, which but a lew years
since, resisted the right of a Hebrew to his seat
in the Legislature oi No. Ca. and until w ithin a
few years, condemned the Israelite to pohtica
slavery, in the very City and State founded by
Lord Baltimore. . .
And have these lessons been written in \ ain,
with the iron pen of bigotry, and in the blood
of religious and political martyrs? And is it
possible, that we mean to tread that forbidden
path in politics which other ages and countries,
and even our own States have trodden, in the
cause of Church and State. In vain, have we
divorced them from each other; in vain have
we declared that “no religious test shall everbe
required as a qualification to any office or pub
lic trust;” if we are so unwise, as to substitute po
litical Test Oaths. “ Let us reflect,” says I ho
mas Jefferson, “that having banished from our
land, that religious intolerance, under which
mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet
gained little, if we countenance a political in
tolerance, as despotic as wicked, and capable
of as bitter and bloody persecutions.” Inaug.
Addr. 4 Mar. 1801.
Does not the history of our own times insti uct
us in the origin of the Ordinance, and of the Oath
in the Military Bill? We know, it is not matter
of opinion or belief; we know' that they have
arisen out of those unhappy political contests,
mh.vh iHirortlv tn thp nnpstinn of exclusive
or divided allegiance. Who can doubt that,
but for this one difference of opinion, the Or
dinance as to allegiance, and the Oath in the
Military Bill never would have existed. To be
lieve otherwise, would be doing the deepest in
justice to the clear heads, the patriot feelings,
the integrity of purpose of the Convention, a
body which counted in its ranks, some of the
best and ablest men of the State, men among
the most honorable in private life, and long tried
as servants of the public. But the history of all
countries, and our own among the rest, has de
monstrated, that the wise and good have re
peatedly erred, whilst they blieved themselves
to be rendering important services, aiui to be
discharging the highest and holiest duties to God
and their country. And may not the talented and
honest men, who sat in that Convention, have
equally erred, when they legislated, in the name
of the people, on matter of opinion, on matter
of duty, on the rights of conscience, with a view
to the difference of opinion as to divided alle
giance. Have they not unfortunately and ei
roneously assumed, that to differ from them on
this question, is to be unfriendly to the State. If
their own good sense, magnanimity and frank
ness, do not conceal the deed, may we not be
hold the precedent, among the most dangerous
that a republic can witness—the indissoluble
union of party and State—the perilous principle
that a party is the State—the natural fruits of
such a maxim, that the friend of a ruling party
is a patriot, its adversary the enemy of the coun
try—that political heresy is treason, and the po
litical schismatic a traitor. These lamentable
consequences can never Jae realized, unless the
people of our country shall leach foith theii
hand, and pluck, and eat of the foibidden fiuit
of political Test Oaths.
1 have said, that the ackno wledgment of alle
giance to the United States furnished the occa
sion, and, was the cause of the Ordinance and
Militarp Oath. The majority denied that any al
legiance was due to the United States the mino
rity insisting that allegiance was due. Those
contended for an exclusive indivisible allegiance
to be due to the State, these maintained the doc
trine of divided allegiance;but held, that a superi
or was due to the Union, an inferior to the State.
What was this but matter ofopinion, a question of
political duty, a case of conscience. Let us turn
to the commentator on the laws of England,
and read an instructive lesson irom ms pages.
In that memorable chapter which treats of offen
ces against God and Religion, partly justifying
and excusing the laws of England against Athe
ists, Apostates and Heretics, against Jew, Dis
senter and Catholic, Blackstone, has the follow
ing passage: “As to Papists, what has been said
of the Protestant Dissenters, would hold equal
ly strong for a general toleration of them, pro
vided their separation was founded only upon
difference of opinion in religion, and their prin
ciples did not also extend to a supervision of the
civil government. If once they could be brought
to renounce the supremacy of the Pope, they
might quietly enjoy their seven sacraments, their
purgatory and auricular confession; their wor
ship of reliques and images; nay even their tran
substantiation. But while they acknowledge a
foreign power, superior to the sovereignty oj the
kingdom, tiiey cannot complain il the laws of that
kingdom do not treat them upon the footing of
good, subjects.” How’ wonderfully parallel are
the cases; except that the Constitution and Go
vernment of the United States are not foreign;
but are those of our own £>tate. With a little
alteration, to accomodate it to our own contro
versy, let us read the language of this apologist
for Test Oath prohibitions against the Roman
ists. To the minority in South Carolina the
passage is then directly applicable. “ But while
they acknowledge the United States superior to
the sovereignty of the State, they cannot com
plain if the laws of that State will not treat them
on the footing of good citizens?” Are we not
pained and mortified at the striking analogy?—
For w hat, indeed, and l trust I may ask it with
out offence, what are the adversaries of the Or
dinance and Militia Oath, but the political Ca
tholics, the political Nonconformists, the politi
cal non-jurors of South Carolina?
May 1 trust to be borne with, yet awhile long
er w’hile I read and apply to our differences of
opinion, another passage from the same inau
gural address of Mr. Jefferson. “ \\ e have
ealled by different names, brethren of the same
principle. We are all republicans, and are all
Federalists. If there be any among us, who
would wish to dissolve the Union, or to change
its republican form, let them stand undisturbed
as monuments of the safety, with which error of
opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left
free to combat it.” And may not the advocates
of National and State Rights, profit, it they are
wise, by the alternate application of this memo
rable passage to themselves. May not the ma
jority in the Union say of the champions of ex
clusive Allegiance, “if there be any among us,
who believe that no Allegiance is due to the Unit
ed Statet, let them stand undisturbed, as monu
ments of the safety, with which error'of opinion
may be tolerated, w’here reason is left free to
combat it.” And will not the friends of the Or
dinance and Oath,enlightened by the experience
of the past and the ample discussions of this
question, will they not, with the magnanimity,
the "enerous frankness, which becomes Caroll
ing trlory in the sentiment of Jefferson, and
in the name of the people of South Carolina say
to the antagonists of their political creed, if
there be any among us, who believe that Alle
giance is due to the United States, let them stand
undisturbed as monuments of the safety, with
which error of opinion maybe tolerated, where
reason is left free to combat it.” May we learn
one lesson of wisdom and moderation! Politi
cal TESTS ARE INSTRUMENTS OE FEARFUL POWER
AND DANGEROUS TENDENCY IN THE HANDS OF A MA
JORITY, or of the Government administered by
them They are useful and harmless, when
subjectedTO THE ONLY LAWFUL JURIS
DICTION OVER SUCH MATTERS, IN A
REPUBLIC-THE PEOPLE AT THE BAL
LOT BOX.
1 have now discharged the duty allotted to
me. Let me close this scene of anxiety and
trial, with a few, a very few words more. I have
felt the deep obligation to treat these questions
with the simplicity and gravity of truth. I ad
mire, I trust I have exemplified the noble senti
ment of Dexter, that in the argument of Con
stitutional questions, he had not a right to litter
what his convictions disavowed. 1 had resolv
ed to speak in the spirit of a Christian, honestly
as a Patriot, fearlessly as an Advocate before
Independent Judges. I felt, that such a course
was honorable to them and myself, to my coun
try and my profession. I have been deeply sen
sible of the delicacy, as well as the difficulty of
the questions: and of the unfeigned respect due
to those, whose opinions I had to examine. 1
have come to lay my gift on the Altar of God
and my Country: for what is an Independent
Judiciary but my Country, and what are the
1-1nllc of Tn«fico hut Temnles of the Most High ?
I have felt, that 1 dared not offer my gift on such
an Altar; if any brother has aught against me.
I have not willingly uttered a word, that could
in the slightest degree, give an instant of pain.
And if’ by aught that has been said, 1 have ex
cited a momentary unpleasantness, or have cast
even a transient shade over a single counte
nance, may I trust to be forgiven.
Jl’ater Spout.—We learn from an Apalachico
la (Florida) paper, that the citizens of that
place, were gratified, not long since, with a large
water spout, which formed in the bay, imme
diately opposite the town. When first discover
ed, it presented an appearance of commotion
in the clouds, such as is often witnessed on the
approach of a thunder storm, but after a few
minutes had elapsed, it assumed the shape of a
funnel suspended in the air, the small part slow
ly descending till it communicated with the wa
ter below, the surface of which, after the spout
had come to maturity, so to speak, was agitated,
and resembled an immense boiling fountain. It
then moved on rapidly and broke when about
half a mile distant.
The spout passed, within a hundred yards of
the Shell Castle, a small schooner, employed as
a lighter in the port Her crew became alarm
ed, lowered her sails, dropped anchor and re
tired to the cabin, scarcely hoping to escape de
struction. They did however escape, and soon
after returned to town, exulting in their good
fortune.
The grandeur of the scene was very consi
derably enhanced by the interest which was felt
for the safety of the lighter, as well as the ship
ping in the roads. It was remarked by several
sea-captains, who had often witnessed such
things at sea, that the total destruction of a ves
sel of any size would be the unavoidable con
sequence of coming in contact with a water
spout of much smaller dimensions.
An affair of honor took place on Monday of
last week at Montreal, between E. Kodier, Esq..
M. P. and P. E. Leclerc, Esq. proprietor of
L’Ami du Peuple. The dispute arose from an
article in that paper on the Saturday previous.
Mr. Leclerc being called on for the author, de
clared that he would himselfbe responsible for
whatever appeared in the paper. The result
of this declaration was a challenge, and at 4 o’
clock the parties went upon the ground. The
distance was IIXCU ui Uiict-Ii imucs. mi. hwuici
tired at his antagonist, who very cooly awaited
the result, and then deliberately discharged his
pistol in the air. This was not at first satisfac
tory—Mr. Leclerc stated that he came there to
give satisfaction, and was still ready to receive
a second fire from Mr. Rodier. This noble for
bearance, says the Montreal Herald, on the part
of a man who is a remarkably good shot, induc
ed the interference of the seconds, and the af
fair was amicably adjusted,
DBA U S THIS DAY
Virginia State Lottery,
For the benefit of the Petersburg Benevolent As'n,
Class No. 8 for 1834,
To be draw'n at Catts’ Tavern, West End, on
Saturday, May 10
75 Numbers—12 Drawn Ballots
1 prize of $20,000 1 prize of $3,000
1 do of 5,000 l do of 2,000
10 Capital Prizes of $1,000! &c.
Tickets $4 00; halves 2 00; quarters 1 00
To be had in a variety of numbers of
J. W. VIOLETT,
Lottery and Exchange Broker,
Near the corner of King and Fayette Streets,
Alexandria. D. C.
DBA U S THIS DA V
Virginia State Lottery,
For the benefit of the Petersburg Benevolent Me
chanic Association,
Will be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, (West End,)
Alexandria, Va. on Saturday, May 10
scheme:
1 prize of $20,000 1 prize of $3,000
1 do of 5,000 10 prizes of 1,000
Tickets $4 00; halves 2 00; quarters 1 00
To be had in a variety of numbers of
J. CORSE,
Pottery Exchange Broker, Alexandria.
DRAWS THIS DAY
Virginia State Lottery,
For the benefit of the Petersburg Benevolent As'n.
Class No. 8 for 1834,
To be drawn at Alexandria, Va. on Saturday.
May 10
SPLENDID CAPITALS:
1 prizes of $20,000 1 prize of $3,000
1 do of 5,000 l prize of 2,000
10 Capital Prizes of $1,000! &c.
Tickets $4 00; halves 2 00; quarters 1 00
On sale in great variety by
JAS. RIORDAN*
H33 Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur
chased. _
BANK NOTES WANTED.
IS. NICHOLLS wishes to purchase Bank
• Notes of all the Banks which have stopped
specie payment within the District of Columbia,
and will give the highest prices in specie—80 to
S5 cents. Washington, may 0—dtf
0
*. .. ..
AEEXAiN DMA:
SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 10, 1834.
LATE & IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE.
The packet ship United States, Capt. Hold
redge, which sailed from Liverpool on the 8th
of April, has arrived at New York, bringing
London dates of the 7th of April, and Liverpool
of the 8th.
The intelligence received by this arrival pre
sents several important tacts. Of these, the
most interesting relate to the change of the
French Ministry, and the resolution taken by
the Spanish government (with the approbation
of England and France) to invade the Portu
guese territory.
A hostile spirit is gathering increased fervor
between the governments of Holland and Bel
gium, and the actual early re-commencement of
war is confidently predicted.
A determination on the part of the English
and French governments, to curb the encroach
ing power of the Czar, seems to acquire fresh
I force.
ENGLAND.
j The Courier of 5th April contains the follow
ing, in relation to the yevenue:
“ The public will learn with satisfaction that
the accounts of the revenue for the year ending
this day, notwithstanding the reduction of du
ties onJIemp, Soap, Tiles, &c. exhibit an in
crease in the branch of Customs of £100,000,
and in the branch of Excise of above that sum.
The detailed statement will of course appear on
Monday.”
London, Saturday Evening, April 5.—The ru
mors of an interference by the Spanish troops
j in favor of Donna Maria in Portugal, are daily
j gaining ground, and have this morning produc
I ed a decided improvement in the price of Por
j tuguese securities, which are now at 67 1-4 1 2.
| The price of Spanish Stock coming lower from
raris oil l uuisuay, :ias pievemeu any auvuuuc
in Spanish bopds, but they maintain the price
of yesterday, 30 3-4 31, with much firmness.—
Otiier Foreign Securities remain without any
material variation.
The Consol Market was, in the early part of
the morning, quoted at 91 buyers for the ac
count, but it has since receded to 91 sellers; the
business transacted during the day has been on
a very limited scale.
Half past One—Consols remain without any
fluctuation at 90 7-8 91, both tor money and for
the account.
IRELAND.
A serious riot and affray took place about the !
beginning of April, at Portadown. There was
much destruction of property, and, as usual,
much breaking of heads.
FRANCE.
The re organization ol the French Ministry,
has, of course, become a subject of no little in
terest to the people of the United States. The
resignation of the Duke de Broglie and General
Sebastiani, in consequence of the refusal to ful
fil the American treaty, has occasioned an en
tire re arrangement. The following is an ab
stract, published in the Moniteur. which also
promulgates Royal Ordonnances, by which M.
Persil, Deputy Procureur General of the Royal
Court, is appointed Keeper of the Seals and Mi
nister of Justice and of Worship, in the room of
M. Barthe, who is created a Peer of France, and
made first President of the Court of Accounts,
in the room of M. Barbe Marbois, who resigns,
but who is invested with the dignity of Honora
ry First President of the Court of Accounts.
M. Thiers, Deputy, Minister of Commerce
and Public Works, is appointed Minister of the
Interior, in the room of Count d’Argout, who is
made Governor of the Bank of France, in the
place of the Duke de Gaete.
M. Ducachel, Deputy, is nominated Minister
of Commerce, in the room of M. Thiers.
The separation of the attributions of the Mi
nister of the Interior and of Commerce, wil be
hereafter determined by a special ordinance.
Vice-Admiral Count de Rigny, Deputy, and
Minister of the Marine and Colonies, is appoint
nrl TV I! niotoi' nf A fToit'c in tlin rnnni nf
the Duke de Broglie.
Vice-Admiral Baron Roussin, Ambassador at
Constantinople, is named Minister of the Ma
rine in the room of Admiral de Rigny, who,
however, will continue to exercise the functions
of his late office till the arrival of Admiral Rous
sin.
M. Martin du Nord, Deputy, and Advocate
General of the Court of Cassation, is appointed
Procureur General of the Royal Court in the
room of M. Persil.
It will be seen, therefore, that the Ministers
who retain their previous offices are Marshal
Soult. President of the Council and Minister
of War; M. Humann, Minister of Finance; and
M. Guizot, Minister of Public Instruction.
SPAIN.
A letter from Bayone states that the wives
of Hie Carlist Chiefs Zumalacarreguy and Sa
gastiversa had taken refuge in France on the
approach of General Quesada, who, it appears,
had commenced a vigorous movement against
the rebels. The recognition by Sweden of Isa
bella II., as Queen of Spain, had been received
in Paris.
Madrid, March 26.—Our Government has at
length decided to interfere in Portugal. Sar
mento, Envoy from Donna Maria, has present
ed his credentials. 10,000 men will enter Por
tugal on the 1st of April, forming two divisions;
one under the command of Morillo, which will
proceed by way of Verin, in Galacia; the other
commanded by Rodil, by Cindad Rodrigo.
They will march upon Oporto and Villa Real,
and proceed on to Santarem to join the army
of Don Pedro. The command of Donna Ma
ria’s troops will be given to the Conde de Villa
Flor, and both armies will combine in an at
tack on Santarem. You are too well acquaint
ed with our situation to need that I should sug
gest the importance of this arrangement, and
its consequences.
My friend J. started last night for Cindad Ro
drigo to be at the side of our friend Gen. Rodil,
who is to be commander-in-chief of the expedi
tion. The Ambassadors of England and France
concur with our Government in every thing
respecting the entry of these troops. Here we
have no doubt that it is all up with Don Miguel,
and that the relations between the Governments
of the two Queens will be close and intimate.
By the Extraordinary Gazette you will see the
new arrangements of the Councils, each of
which is a revolution that will form a basis for
the consolidation of liberty.
PORTUGAL. "
Oporto, March 24, four o’clock, P. M.—The
Governor of the city has just received a despatch
of four lines from Admiral Napier, who says—
“ This morning I took Camina by surprise, and
Viana wilt be shortly in our possession.” The
Admiral landed there with about 500 men,
brought from Lisbon in the steamers George the
Fourth and Lord of the Isles, and mastered the
* ■ • .
place (where the feeling U htrona]v .. r
the constitutional cause) withoutnrm
The Duke of TERCEiHA.~On ti»e 18th rli0n' *
there were a dinner and ball eiVnn .
the Duke of Terceira by the Lish! ^lntrat
and gentry who were there, includu.^hl0!'^
chioness of Louie, upon the occasion
his birth-day. The Duke is goin«r ♦<, b(%
the 26th or 27th March, to assume tho ~p0rto °n
in chief of the north of Portugal ol°,mrnat>d
ports are already hired to take tile wn itran
and men, as well as the 600 infantrv e 10|^
12 Cacadores, under Col. Ciueiro^ui lle-V
accompany him. 4l° are t *
HOLLAND
The Hague, April 2.-Polari having r •, ,
his application for the King’s nardnn .edl
tioned in the letter 1 sent otf at an e»nie
this morning, he and two other c.imil3!
of them a female, were brought o77,S’°11'
prison to-day at noon to be placed n„ ,°m
fold erected for that purpose in the 1
ket. Polari, genteelly dressed in an oik. ”'a
ed great coat, held up his pocket
before his face during all the march dkwchl'
When arrived at the scalfold the •
ers were obliged to drag him to the J,u"i0;
tied to it, and after his cap and sped
taken oil, lie still contrived to raise K "ei
with the handkerchief; and this beim- a
taken from him, and his arms bound ti»h.«\se
bung down his liead upon his breast sop, '
face was partly covered by the hair of tflk
head, m such a manner that even the nlZ
bystanders hardly saw more of him t} . ,
chin, now covered with a thick heard- T *'
appears that, in anticipation of hisexiiL !'* 1
public infamy, he must have avoided sim
since the 8th of March, the day of his con
nation. i,r
All his demeanor during the half hour u , >
mained tied to the post was in like n
pressive of his anxiety to screen hb ft.'
from the view of the surrrounding nmltnV,
being taken back to the prison, but up wa< ,,M"
again his hand with the handkerchief t,;
great disappointment of numerous
tors, who, not having had an opportunity •
he present at the trial, wished to got a look
him, in order to ascertain whether there vt;
real resemblance in the portrait recently .
lished by a bookseller here.
GERMANY.
The Frankfort Gazette of the 20th •
announces the death of the reigning Duke
Anhalt Bernburg, father of the PrinceKiede
rick of Prussia.
GREECE.
Recent accounts from Napoli di Romania
nounce the death of the Greek Captain Coloco
troni, in the prison in which he had beenc
fined several months, for having taken pan
with several other chiefs in a conspiracy ag -.
the government.
MR. CLAY.
A correspondent of the Richmond Whig gi\
the following account of Mr. Clay’s conduct
elfecting the Compromise Bill of the last se»i
of Congress, which will be interesting. We
know not that the statement is accurate.but
bears upon its face the marks of truth, ana \
presume is substantially correct:
“During the discussion of the question of.Y
lification in Congress, and about the peri
when public attention was drawn with anx.
solicitude to the effect likely to be produced
the military preparations in and about Chari--*
ton, Mr. Clay with his usual anxiety for thesav
ty of the country, and urged to it too by indu.
duals of all parties, determined to make ami
fort towards a compromise, and with that vi--u
consulted the principal manufacturers at
North, to ascertain upon what terms they won
consent to a modification of the Tariff. H
suggested a lease or certainty for seven online
years under certain qualifications. The manu
facturers assented to his proposition. Having
succeeded so far on that side of the question, hr*
by conversations and otherwise, ascertains
what would probably be yielded by the patri
otism of the other, and then formed his plan oi
compromise. But, now the feelings and wLl«
of the FiXecutive, were to he consulted; arid Mr
U. Knew or no way 10 approacn me nn«,
well as through his friend Mr. Grundy. He ac
cordingly went to Mr. G., and told hiniol ks
plan, and of his fears as to the Presidents
—"Now said lie, Grundy,” in his u
lar way, “goto the President, and tell him ■
my plan for a compromise, and say to him. that
if he will countenance it, and it succeeds. 1 "■
most cheerfully consent to retire to private in
and remain the balance of my days as a farm
and private citizen.” Mr. Grundy with a hi’i
ality and honesty that does him high credit, re
plied, that he would willingly, nay, gladly o'i;.
municate to the President, his plan lor a co:
promise, and fondly hoped he would give in*
aid—but said he, sir, although we differ nine
on some political points. I cannot state )’oin
fer of retiring from political life; your set vu
sir, are too important for the welfare of out c41'*
mon country, and you cannot be spared a '*
her councils.”
The anecdote is creditable to Mr. Gruin)
liberality. We may state here, also, that M*
Clay said last week, in his speech on the P<
test, that he was no candidate for any "ff1’
the gift of the people; that he did not u>sl1
one; and, as far as depended upon liinisc-lfa*'
he never would be one again.
The Northern mail, owing to a mistake,
not arrive here yesterday until a late hour.
The Globe of yesterday is more than u •
ferocious against the Merchants. It (,‘1,1 a
“ infatuated”—“ deluded,”—“ cutting thui •
throats,” &c. &c. The Merchants tenienl
all these things. __
■ .i —■ ■— ■ i ■■ • 1 * -
The following was the final vote in jh (
nate on ordering the Cumberland K,,(U
be engrossed: . )V.
Yeas—Messrs. Benton, Ewing,
sen, Grundry, Hendricks, Kane, K*» »0t
McKean, Poindexter, Porter, i fa!!
Extract of a letter dated Louis' ille,
29th April:—“ The Cholera is very Ne*
river: a boat arrived liere yesterday j
Orleans, lost 17 passengers, 8 of tn
amWeryrespectabled^^^^^^^^^^^^:
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