Alexandria gazette. [volume], May 17, 1834, Image 2

About Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974

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THE GAZETTE:
Bv EDGAR SNOWDEN.
-—--■*-*
Terms.
Daily paper * • * 99 per annum.
Country paper 5 per annum.
The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun
try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
Saturday.
All advertisements appear in both papers, ana
are inserted at the usual rates.
__i—-w - I • ■ ■ —-- -—
RECOLLECTIONS OF WASHINGTON.
~ \ I
The following extract, on the personal char
acter and habits of Washington, is copied from
Familiar Letters on Public Characters and Pub
lic Events from the Peace of 1783 to the Peace
of 1815.
The following are recollections of Washing
ton, derived from repeated opportunities of see
inghim during the three last years of his public
life. He was over six feet in stature; of strong,
bony, muscular frame, without fulness of cov
ering well formed and straight. He was a man
of most extraordinary physical strength, fn his
house his action was calm, deliberate, and dig-1
nified, witnout pretension to gracefulness, or
peculiar manner; but merely natural, and such
as one would think it should be in such a man.
When walking in the street, his movements had
not the soldierly air which might be expected.
His habitual motions had been formed long be
fore he took command of the American armies,
in the wars of the interior, and in the surveying
of wilderness lands, employments in which
grace and elegance were not likely to be acqui
red. At the age of sixty-five, time had done
nothing towards bending him out of his natural
erectness. His deportment was invariably
grave; it was sobriety that stopped short of sad
ness. His presence inspired a veneration, and
a feeling of awe, rarely experienced in the pre
sence of any man. His mode of speaking was
slow and deliberate, not as though he was in
search of fine words, but that he might utter
those only adapted to his purpose. It was the
usage for all persons, in good society, to attend
if_Iappo pi’ppu TTridnv pvpnina
liii o. ti ^ --j --j - -a
He was always present. The young ladies used
to throng around him, and engage him in con
versation. There were some of the well remem
bered belles of that day who imagined them
selves to be favorites with him. As these were
the only opportunities which they had of con
versing with him, they were disposed to use
them. One would think, that a gentleman and
a gallant soldier, if he cOuld ever laugh, or dress
his countenance in smiles, would do so when
surrounded by young and admiring beauties.—
But this was never so; the countenance of Wash
ington never softened, nor changed its habitual
gravity. One who had lived always in his fam
ily, said, that his manner in public life, and in
the seclusion of most retired life, was always
the same. Being asked whether Washington
could laugh, this person said, that this was a rare
occurrence, but that one instance was remem
bered when he laughed most heartily at her nar
ration of an incident in which she was a party
concerned, and in which he applauded her agen
cy. The late General Cobb, who was long a
member of his family during the war, (and who
enjoyed a laugh as much as any man could.)
said, that he never saw Washington laugh, ex
cepting when Colonel Scaramel (if this was the
person) came to dine at head-quarters. Scam
mel had a fund of ludicrous anecdotes, and a
manner of telling them, which relaxed even the
gravity of the commander in chief.
General Cobb also said, that the forms of pro
ceeding at head quarters were exact and pre
' cise; orderly and punctual. At the appointed
moment, Washington appeared at the breakfast
table. He expected to find all the members of
his family, (Cobb, Hamilton, Humphreys, were
among them,) awaiting him. He came dressed
for the day, and brought with him the letters
and despatches of the preceding day, with short
memoranda of the answers to be made; also the
substance of ordors to be issued. When break
fast was over, these papers w’ere distributed
among his aids, to be put into form. Soon af
ter, he mounted his horse to visit the troops, and
expected to find, on his return before noon, all
the papers prepared for his inspection and sig
nature. There was no familiarity in his pre
sence; it was all sobriety and business. His
mode of life was abstemious and temperate.—
He had a decided preference for certain sorts
Throughout the war, as it was understood in his
military family, he gave a part of every day to
private prayer and devotion.
While he" lived in Philadelphia, as President,
he rose at four in the morning; and the gene
ral rule of his house was that the fires should be
covered, and the lights extinguished at a certain
hour; whether this was nine or ten, is not recol
lected.
He devoted one hour every other Tuesday, i
from three to four, to these visits. He under- i
stood himself to be visited as the President of j
the United States, and not on his own account.
He was not to be seen by any body and every |
body; but required that every one who came i
should be introduced by his Secretary, or by I
some gentleman, whom he knew himself. He,
lived on the south side of Chesnut street, just be
low Sixth. The place of reception was the din
ing room in the rear, twenty-five or thirty feet
in length, including the bow projecting into the
garden. Mrs. Washington received her visiters
in the two rooms on the second floor, from front
to rear.
At three o’clock, or at any time within a quar
ter of an hour afterwards, the visitor was con
ducted to this dining room, from which all seats
had been removed for the time. On entering he
saw the tall manly figure of Washington clad
in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powder
ed and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yel
low gloves on his hands, holding a cocked hat
with a cockade in it, and the edges adorned with
a black feather about an inch deep. He wore
knee and shoe buckles, and a long sword, with
a finely wrought and polished steel hilt, which ap
peared at the left hip; the coat worn over the
blade, and appearing from under the folds be
hind. The scabbard was white polished leather.
He stood always in front of the tire place, with
his face towards the door of entrance. The visit
or was conducted to him, and he required to have
the name so distinctly pronounced, that he could
hear it. He had the very uncommon faculty of
.associating a man’s name, and personal appear
ance, so durably in his memory, as to be able to
call any one by name, who made him a second
visit. He received his visiter with a dignified
bow, while his hands were so disposed of as to
indicate that the salutation was not to be ac
companied with shaking hands. This ceremony
never occurred in these visits, even with his most
near friends, that no distinction might be made.
As visiters came in, they formed a circle
around)the room. At a quarter past three,
\
the door was closed, and the circle was formed
for that day. He then began on the right, and
spoke to each visiter, calling him by name, and
exchanging a few words with him. When he
had completed his circuit, he resumed his first
position, and the vistors approached him, in ^bc-1
cession, bowed and retired. By four o’clock
this cermony was over.
MR. CALHOUN’S SPEECH,
On the President's Protest,—[Conclusion.]
Of all the surprising events, said Mr. C., in
these surprising times, none has astonished me
more, than that there should be any division of
opinion, even the slightest, as to the right of the
Senate to pass the resolution which has been
seized on as the pretext to send us this protest.
Before the commencement of the discussion, I
would not have believed that there was a single
individual in our country, the least conversant
with parliamentary proceedings, who entertain
ed any doubt ofthe righto/ any free and delibe
rative body, fully and freely to discuss and ex
press their opinion on all subjects relating to the
public interests, whether in reference to men or
measures; or whether in approbation or disap
probation. I venture the assertion, that such a
right has never been questioned before in this
country; either here or in the. State Legislature;
or in Great Britain, for the last century, by any
party, Whig or Tory.^Nor is my astonishment
diminished by the distinction, which has been
attempted to be taken, between the expression
of an opinion, in reference to the conduct of
public officers, intended to terminate in some
legislative act, and those not so intended—a dis
tinction without example or precedent, and
without principle or reason. Nor am I less sur
prised that it should be gravely asserted, as it
had been in debate, that the resolution in ques
tion was not intended to terminate in some ul
terior legislative measure. How this impres
sion was made, or could be ventured to be ex
pressed, I am at a loss to conceive, as it was
openly avowed, and fully understood, that we
only waited for the proper moment to carry the
resolution into effect, by giving it the form of a
joint act of both Houses. Nor is the attempt to
limit our legislative functions by our judicial, in
reference to the resolutions, less extraordinary.
I had supposed that our judicial were in addi
tion to our legislative functions, and not in di
minution; and that we possess to the full extent,
W1U10UL nmiiauon Ol suosiracuuii, an me iegi*
iative powers possessed by the House of Repre
sentatives, with a single exception, as provided
in the Constitution. Were it possible to raise a
rational doubt on the subject, the example of
the English Parliament would clearly prove that
our judicial functions impose no restrictions on
our legislative. It is well known that the House
of Lords, like the Senate, possess the power of
trying impeachments; and l venture to assert,
that, in the long course of time in which it has
exercised this power, not a single case can be
pointed out, in which it was supposed that its
jndicial functions were diminished in any de
gree by its legislative; and when we reflect that
this portion of our Constitution is borrowed from
the British, their-example must be considered
as decisive, as to the point under consideration.
But let us reflect a moment to what extent we
must necessarily be carried, if we once admit
the principle. If the Senate has no right, in
consequence of their judicial functions, to ex
press an opinion by vote or resolution, in refer
ence to the legality or illegality of the acts of
public functionaries, they have no right to ex
press such opinion individually in debate; as
the objection, if it exists at all, goes to the ex
pression of an opinion by individuals as well as
by the body. He who has made up an opinion
and avowed it in debate, would be as much dis
qualified to perform his judicial functions, as a
judge on atrial of impeachment, as if he had
expressed it by a vote; and, of course, whatever
restrictions the judicial functions of the Senate
may be supposed to impose, would be restric
tions on the liberty of discussion, as well as that
of voting; and consequently destroy the free
dom of debate secured to us by the Constitution.
I am indeed, (said Mr. Calhoun,) amazed that
so great a misconception of the essential pow
ers of a deliberative body should be formed, as
to d-eny to a legislative assembly the right to ex
press its opinions on all subjects of a public na
ture, freely, fully, and without restriction or limi
tation. It inherently belongs to the law making
power—the power to make, repeal and to mo
dify the laws—to deliberate upon the state of
the union—to ascertain its actual condition—the
causes of existing disorders—to determine whe
ther they originated in the laws, or in their exe
cution, and to devise the proper remedy. What
sort of a legislative body would it be, that had
no right to pronounce an opinion, whether a
law was or was not in conformity to the Con
stitution; and whether it had or had not been
violated by those appointed to administer the
laws? What could be imagined more absurd?
and yet, if the principle contended for be cor
rect/such would be the character of the Senate.
We would have no right to pronounce a law un
constitutional, or to assert that it had been vio
lated, lest it should disqualify us from perform
ing our judicial functions.
There seems to be (said Mr. C.) a great mis
conception in reference to the real motive and
character of the legislative and executive func
tions. The former is in its nature deliberative,
and involves, necessarily, free discussion and a
full expression of opinion on all subjects of pub
lic interest. The latter is essentially the power
of executing, and has no power of deliberation
beyond ascertaining the meaning of the law and
carrying its enactments into execution; and
even within this limited sphere, its constructions
of its powers are formed under responsibility,
not only to public opinion, but also to the Legis
lative Department of the Government.
But wherever the Executive is vested with
any portion of legislative functions, so essential
ly do those functions involve the right of delibe
ration, and a full and free expression of opinion,
that they transfer with them, to the Executive,
the right of freely expressing his opinions on all
subjects connected with such functions. Thus
the President of the United States, who is vested
by the Constitution with the right of communi
cating to Congress information on the state of
the Union; of recommending to its considera
tion such measures as, in his opinion, the pub
lie interests may require; to approve of its acts;
and to ratify treaties, which have received the
consent of the Senate; has, in the performance
of all these high legislative functions, a right to
express his opinion as to the nature,* and cha
racter, and constitutionality of all the measures,
the consideration of which may be involved the
performance of these duties—a right which the
present Chief Magistrate has, on all occasions,
freely exercised, as we have witnessed this ses
sion, both in his annual message, and the one
announcing his veto on the land bill. In the
former he pronounced the United States’ Bank
to be unconstitutional, and has, of course, ac
cording to his own principle, impeached the
conduct of Washington and Madison, (the for
mer of whom signed the charter of the first bank,
%
and the latter of the present,) and all of the mem-1
bers of both Houses of Congress, who voted for j
the act of incorporating them^
I am mortified, (said Mr. Calhoun,) that in J
this country, boasting of its Anglo-Saxon des- j
cent that any one of respectable standing, much j
less the President of the United States, should :
be found to entertain principles leading to such
monstrous results; and I can scarcely believe
myself to be breathing the air of our country, and :
to be within the walls of this Senate chamber, I
when I hear such doctrines vindicated. It is
proof of the wonderful degeneracy of the times:
of a total loss of the true conceptions of constitu
tional liberty. But, in the midst of this degen
eracy, I perceive the symptoms of regeneration.;
It is not my wish to touch on the party designa- j
tions, that have recently obtained, and which |
have been introduced in the debate, on this oc-,
casion. I, however, cannot but remark, that the ;
revival of the party names of the revolution,;
after they had so long slumbered, is not without
a meaning—not without an indication of a re-!
turn to those principles which lie at the founda- j
tion of or.r liberty.
Gentlemen ought to reflect that the exten-1
sive and sudden revival of these names could j
not be without some adequate cause. Names ;
are not be taken or given at pleasure: there j
must be something to cause their application to ;
adhere. If I remember rightly, it was Augustus, j
in all the plenitude of his power, who said that 1
he found it impossible to introduce a new word. !
What, then, is that something? What is there!
in the meaning of Whig and Tory, and what is j
the character of the times, whiok has caused
their sudden revival as party (resignations, at
this time? I take it, that the very essence of
toryism—that which constitutes a tory, is to sus
tain prerogative against privilege—to support
the executive against the legislative department
of the Government, and to lean to the side of
power against the side of liberty; while the
whig is, in all these particulars, of the very oppo
site principles. These are the leading charac
teristics of the respective parties, whig and to
ry, and run through their application in all the
variety of circumstances in which they have
been applied, either in this country or Great
Britain. Their sudden revival and application at
this time, ought to admonish my old friends, who
are now on the side of the administration, that
there is something in the times—something in
the existing struggle between the parties, and
. .. • ° . i . _ „ 1 u..
Ill IUg [U IllCIJlICa cJUU uwuuiJKiis uutuvmuu
those in power, which has caused so sudden a
revival, and such extensive application of the
terms. I have not contributed to their introduc
tion, nor am I desirous of seeing them applied;
but I must say to those who are interested, that
they should not be, that nothing but their revers
ing their course can possibly prevent their ap
plication. They owe it to themselves—they
owe it to the Chiet Magistrate, whom they sup
port, (who, at least, is venerable for his years,)
as the head of th$ir party, that they should halt
in their support of despotic and slavish doc
ti'ines, which we hear daily advanced, before
a return of the reviving spirit of liberty shall
overwhelm them, with those who are leading
them, to their ruin.
lean speak, (said Mr. Calhoun,) with impar
tiality. As tar as I am concerned, I wish no
change of party designations—1 am content
with that which designates those with whom l
act. It is, I admit, not very popular, but is at
least an honest and a patriotic name. It is sy
nonymous to resistance to usurpation—usurpa
tion come from what quarter and under what
shape it may; whether it be that from this Go
vernment on the rights of the States, or the Ex
ecutive on the Legislative Departments.
I)RA JVS THIS DA V
Virginia State Lottery,
For the benefit of the Dismal Swamp Canal Co.
Class No. 9 for 1834,
To be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, West End, on
Saturday, May 17
75 Numbers—12 Drawn Ballots
SPLENDID SCHEME:
l prizes of $25,000 1 prize of $6,000
1 do of 12,000 10 prizes of 2,000
10 Capital Prizes of.$1,500! &c.
Tickets $10; halves 5 00; qrs. 2 50; eighths 1 25
Lowest prize $12
To be had in a variety of numbers of
.7. W. VIOLETT,
Lottery and Exchange Broker,
Near the corner of King- and Fayette Streets,
Alexandria. 1). C.
DR A JfrS THIS DA V
Virginia State Lottery,
Far the benefit of the Dismal Swamp Canal Co.
Class No. 9 for 1834,
Will be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, (West End,)
Alexandria, Va. on Saturday, May 17
75 Number Lottery—12 Drawn Ballots.
SCHEME!
1 prize of $25,000 I 1 prize of $6,000
1 do of 12,000 I 10 prizes of 2,000
10 Capital Prizes of $1,500! &c.
Tickets 10; halves 5 00; qrs. 2 50; eighths 1 25
Lowrest prize $12
To be had in a variety of numbers of
J. CORSE,
Lottery Exchange Broker, Alexandria.
DR A US THIS DA Y
Virginia State Lottery,
For the benefit of the Dismal Swamp-Canal Co.
Class No. 9 for 1834,
To be drawn at Alexandria, Va. on Saturday,
May 17
SPLENDID CAPITALS:
1 prize of $25,000 1 prize of $6,000
1 do of 12,000 10 do of 2,000
10 prizes of $1,500! &c. &c.
Tickets 10; iial ves 5 00; qurs. 2 50; eighths 1 25
Lowest prize $12
On sale in great variety by
JAS. RIORDAN.
U33 Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur
chased.
PUBLIC NOTICE.
MR. MILLS, the celebrated ^Eronaut, whose
ascensions in the larger cities of the Unit
ed States have excited such universal attention,
has consented to afford the citizens of the Dis
trict of Columbia an opportunity of witnessing
this grand and imposing spectacle, provided suf
ficient inducement is offered to remunerate him
for the expenses attendant upon the same.
The undersigned has therefore thought pro
per to offer a subscription paper to the citizens,
for the purpose of enabling him to gratify the
public curiosity. The ascent to take place from
Analostan Island, generally known as Mason’s
Island. Due notice will be given of the day of!
ascension.
Subscription papers left at all the principal
Hotels, and at the Alexandria Reading Room.
ED’W. M. LAUB.
Analostan Gardens, May 7, 1834.
ALEXANDRIA MUSEUM
OPEN, daily, from 10 to 12 o’clock A. M. and
from 3 to 5 P. M, * jan 24
CELEBRATION AT JAMESTOWN.
To the Editors of the Norfolk Beacon.
The proposal for a celebration at Jamestown
on the 24th inst. though not agitated till about
1st May, has been so cordially received by the.
neighboring population, that no doubt is enter
tained of its being carried into effect. Among
the movements of the day, it is contemplated to
form, in honor of the Princess Pocahontas, who
was so great a friend to the early Colonists, a
procession of 227 young ladies, drawn from the
neighboring counties and towns, that may unite
in the celebration. This interesting procession,
for which it is expected considerable numbers
of the youthful beauty and fashion of Virginia
will prepare, will be followed or attended, in the
order which may be determined upon, by a
guard of honour, more or le$s numerous, com
posed chiefly of Officers and other members of
the Volunteer and Militia Corps of such towns
and counties as may.be disposed to participate
in the Festival.
Time not admitting of a more particular no
tice, it is hereby requested that the various corps
mentioned above, and other'*chivalrous spirits
that may be desirous to honour the memory of
Pocahontas, will depute one or more members
of their respective associations, to attend the
previous Barbacue and Ball, at Jamestown, on
Friday 23d inst. To these Deputations, in con
cert with the Orators and others who may take
an active part on the occason, will be confided
the care of arranging and regulating the order
of the procession, and other movements of the
general celebration on Saturday, 24th inst.
An invitation, of which the following is a co
py, has been forwarded to several of the most
distinguished Orators of our country:
“ Williamsburg, May, 1834.
“ Sir—It has been determined to revive the
anniversary celebrations of the first landing of
our English Ancestors at Jamestown. It it be
lieved that such celebrations may, under judi
cous management, be rendered subservient to
interesting moral, religious and patriotic pur
poses. At the present moment particularly, from
the unanimity of sentiment and feeling prevail
ing in Eastern Virginia, we are convinced that
a very favorable impulse may be given to the
public mind, by an address delivered on the 24th
May inst. by one or more individuals, in whose
patriotism and judgment the people repose con
AA V4 VII
“ Under this impression, we the subscribers,
citizens of Williamsburg, in behalf of a great
majority of our fellow-citizens, cordially unite
in requesting you to pronounce at Jamestown,
on Saturday 24 May, an address to the people,
promotive of the objects to which we have al
luded.”
The Fireman's Dug—We remember having
noticed, some time since, in a London paper,
an account of a dog in London, who manifested
much partiality for firemen, and invariably was
present at all fires. His name was Tyke; and
his customary home was in one of the recesses
of Blackfriar’s Bridge. He died last summer,
from some injuries received by being thrown in
to the Thames, by some miscreant, in sheer
wantonness of mischief. Another dog, of a
character somewhat similar, is spoken of in a
late London paper:
“ A successor to Tyke has started up in a
dog which has attached itself to the firemen of
the London United Establishment, and which,
from the circumstances under which he came to
them, has been not unaptly named “ Chance.”
He first presented himself at the Watling-sta
tion house, and was then in a half-starved con
dition; and although repeatedly driven away,
he constantly returned.
The men at last took compassion on him, and
admitted him as one of their body. Like his
predecessor, his affection appears to be general,
and he will, without any apparent cause, change
his abode from one to another of the different
stations of the establishment. He is extremely
eager to follow' the men to a fire; and no sooner
hears the noise of the drawing out of an engine
than he displays uncommon anxiety to follow
it, though from the dangerous manner in which
he rushes into the thick blaze of a fire, the men
always secure him in the cellar if possible be
fore starting. He takes no notice of the men
or engines belonging to any of the other offices.
When once he gets to a fire, he will, as soon as
the fireplug is raised, rush into the jet of water,
and appears to luxuriate in rolling himself about
in it. He will then go and take his stand as
near as possible to the flank of one of the en
gines, and if a means of access to the burning
building presents itself, he will rush in and mount
upward, fearless of the flames. In several in
stances he'has been punished smartly for teme
rity, but seems not at all to mind it.
At a lire in Bow-lane, after an upper floor was
wholly consumed with the exception of the
joists, he amused himself by hopping from joist
to joist while the fire was raging all round him.
At last he missed his footing and fell into the
cellar, whence he was rescued with considera
ble difficulty. At another time, when one of the
firemen had a torch, he made a snap at the
blaze, and burnt his mouth and face severely.
A few months back the men procured him
a brass collar, on which the following distich
was engraved:
“ Stop me not, but let me jog,
For I am the fire establishment dog.”
Shortly after, at a fire in Spitalfields, the dog
was lost, and is supposed to have been stolen;
for, on his return, about three weeks afterwards,
he was in a lean condition, and the collar was
missing. He is a large dog, somewhat between
the black-tanned terrier and the pointer breed.
The firemen, as may be supposed under the cir
cumstances, are much attached to him.”
Two or three years since a dog belonging
to a member of the Resolution Hose Company,
manifested a similar partiality for freemen, and
usually accompanied his master to fires. We
have also heard of a dog whose attachment to
the Niagara Hose Company is not a little singu
lar and extraordinary. It is said that, on hear
ing an alarm of fire, he immediately hastens to
the Hose house, and barks furiously until the ar
rival of a member. He has been known to
seize the rope with his mouth and attempt to
assist in dragginglhe carriage to a fire.
Phil. Gaz.
“ Feds.”—There is a party in the U. States,
thatmay with great propriety be called “Feds;”
not Federalists, for Federalists are much less
interested men. There are about forty or fifty
thousand “FEDS” in the United States. We
had “ Feds” in the time of the Revolution—they
were sent here by the British King “ to harrass
our people and eat out their substance;” and
they were, right or wrong, supported by the to
ries. A “Fed” is a man who is fed by the go
vernment, and some of the “Feds” of the pre
sent day, are well fed; all ol whom, as in the time
of the revolution, are supported, right or wrong,
by the advocates of power.—Penn. Ini, •
ALKXAX Oltl.V: ~
SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 17, mi
SIGNS OF THE TIMES.
The charter election of the City of \evv
Brunswick (New Jersey) took place on Mon
clay last. This place has been one of the strong
holds of Jacksonism in New Jersey, and the
Jackson men were confident of success on t!
present occasion. Indeed, before the Whwr
were thoroughly rallied, the Jackson men car
ried the Inspectors of the Election, which, fm
the gross partiality exhibited, gave them’ a -l
cided advantage. But when the real trial cam!
the Whigs carried every officer in the city.
This is good news from New Jersey, and \Vt.
have farther good news from New York:
The charter election of the enterprising and
enlightened City of Troy, was held on Tuesday
last. The Whig majority is six hundred and
thirty-five: making a clear gain offive hundred
and fifty since the election in 1832.
These are signs of the times not to be mis
taken, and we offer them as cheering indica
tions of a political regeneration of the country.
At any rate, they afford evidence of a great
change of public sentiment, and give a well
grounded hope of the success of the Whig
cause. _
ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS.
Mr. Boon’s proposition for the adjournment
of Congress was again taken up in the Horn*
of Representatives on Thursday, and gave rise
to a long debate.
The question upon the motion of Mr. Cam
breleng, to postpone the further consideration
of the subject to the 29th day of May. being at
length taken by yeas and nays, it was decided
as follows: Yeas 116, Nays 95.
So the motion to postpone was agreed to. ■
The National Intelligencer, on this subject. ;
ni
“ There was a debate, yesterday, in the Hou«e
of Representatives, on a proposition for fixin
a term to the present Session of Congress which
disclosed enough to satisfy us that Congress will
not (cannot, indeed,) adjourn before July, jf jt
gets away from here even within that month.
If we look for a moment at the many subjects
which must be acted upon—the appropriations
of almost every sort; the care and custody of
the public funds; contested elections in tacli
House, &c. &c., one must be satisfied that Con
gross lias good twermonths’ work yet in hand.
“ The result of yesterday’s debate was the
postponement of the whole subject for two en
tire weeks. We doubt very much whether, at
the expiration of that time, members will be
prepared to fix upon a day for adjournment,
There is, under recent practice in the Govern
ment, one reason against tying up the two
Houses by a resolution for adjournment withou
day, in addition to the usual and obvious ob
jections to a pledge of that sort. Time must
henceforth be given to the President of the
United States, in case he shall not approve ci
any bill which the two Houses may deem it im
portant to pass, to return it with his objections,
that Congress may have an opportunity to ex
ercise their^constitutional right of passing upon
the bill again; or to retain it, without either sign
ing or refusing to sign it, for ten days, when it
would become a law without the agency of the
President. The case of the Land Bill, at the
last Session, neither signed nor returned by the
President, and thus nullified, is one which de
mands this precaution for the future, in regard
to all bills of sufficient consequence to justify
the remaining in session for ten days on their
account.”
In the Senate, on Thursday, Mr. Naudain
presented the proceedings of a public meeting
recently held at Wilmington, in the Stale of He
la ware, expressing their disapprobation of the
Protest sent to the Senate by the President of
the United States, on the 17th of April last:
which were read.
Mr. Naudain then moved that the procee'
ingsbe printed for the use of the Senate.
The motion to print the resolutions Jed '
some discussion. It was opposed by Mr. For
sytb, on the ground that it was imposing an un
necessary expense on the contingent fund of
the Senate; that it had reference to a subject
which was not now before the Senate, hut wine**
had become a portion of history; and that
would be useless, inasmuch as the member5
of the Senate already knew the nature
the proceedings. Mr. Kane moved to amr
the motion to print, by adding to it a } /ovn
that the protest of the President should be *
pended to the proceedings, and printed v
them. This was opposed by Mr. Clay. ■
Clayton, Mr. Forsyth, Mr. Preston, am!
Poindexter. The objection of Mr. Forsyth'j "
that it would show no respect to the l'rc-si*j
to put his protest on the printed fileoi the*
nate, after refusing to put it on the >
By the other gentlemen, it was oppose*.
effort to accomplish that by indirection, " ,1(
the Senate had refused to direct; that the p
test had already been printed and piiblidieu •
the Executive, and that 40,000 had been
from the Globe office.
The amendment was almost unanimous .
jected. and the motion to print was then mu
to without a division.
The following gentlemen are said to ha'» ^
nominated, by the President of the United bt< ^ •
to the Senate, to be Government Director °! f
Bank of the UnitedStates for the current yea1, * }
Henry florn, Roberts Vaux, Charles • J
of Philadelphia; Joseph White, ol Baltin101 J
Saul Alley, of New York.
We find in the Albany Advertiser the .
ing extract from the Montreal (U. U.) ■
It shows the use that may be made, u^, I
and will be made, of the usurpation off0 ' ^
General Jackson. How the monarchist5 0
rope will exult at the prospects before ^ L
“ It appears scarcely possible that t*1^ ^
which tiie Americans are holding VP I
conspicuous characters to our notu ’rjijlCtit
fail of producing its effects in Cannt»• cJlt, ■
ter disregard of all constitutional 1 j j,. I
the setting aside of even the fund*1 ; nr<15t5 m
ciples of the Union; the unpnncip i, tt>e|
tion of place and patronage, to J #>10 dnr**1 I
support of the “ sovereign people..