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% THE GAZETTE: Bv EDGAR SNOWDEN. -—--■*-* Terms. Daily paper * • * 99 per annum. Country paper 5 per annum. The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. All advertisements appear in both papers, ana are inserted at the usual rates. __i—-w - I • ■ ■ —-- -— RECOLLECTIONS OF WASHINGTON. ~ \ I The following extract, on the personal char acter and habits of Washington, is copied from Familiar Letters on Public Characters and Pub lic Events from the Peace of 1783 to the Peace of 1815. The following are recollections of Washing ton, derived from repeated opportunities of see inghim during the three last years of his public life. He was over six feet in stature; of strong, bony, muscular frame, without fulness of cov ering well formed and straight. He was a man of most extraordinary physical strength, fn his house his action was calm, deliberate, and dig-1 nified, witnout pretension to gracefulness, or peculiar manner; but merely natural, and such as one would think it should be in such a man. When walking in the street, his movements had not the soldierly air which might be expected. His habitual motions had been formed long be fore he took command of the American armies, in the wars of the interior, and in the surveying of wilderness lands, employments in which grace and elegance were not likely to be acqui red. At the age of sixty-five, time had done nothing towards bending him out of his natural erectness. His deportment was invariably grave; it was sobriety that stopped short of sad ness. His presence inspired a veneration, and a feeling of awe, rarely experienced in the pre sence of any man. His mode of speaking was slow and deliberate, not as though he was in search of fine words, but that he might utter those only adapted to his purpose. It was the usage for all persons, in good society, to attend if_Iappo pi’ppu TTridnv pvpnina liii o. ti ^ --j --j - -a He was always present. The young ladies used to throng around him, and engage him in con versation. There were some of the well remem bered belles of that day who imagined them selves to be favorites with him. As these were the only opportunities which they had of con versing with him, they were disposed to use them. One would think, that a gentleman and a gallant soldier, if he cOuld ever laugh, or dress his countenance in smiles, would do so when surrounded by young and admiring beauties.— But this was never so; the countenance of Wash ington never softened, nor changed its habitual gravity. One who had lived always in his fam ily, said, that his manner in public life, and in the seclusion of most retired life, was always the same. Being asked whether Washington could laugh, this person said, that this was a rare occurrence, but that one instance was remem bered when he laughed most heartily at her nar ration of an incident in which she was a party concerned, and in which he applauded her agen cy. The late General Cobb, who was long a member of his family during the war, (and who enjoyed a laugh as much as any man could.) said, that he never saw Washington laugh, ex cepting when Colonel Scaramel (if this was the person) came to dine at head-quarters. Scam mel had a fund of ludicrous anecdotes, and a manner of telling them, which relaxed even the gravity of the commander in chief. General Cobb also said, that the forms of pro ceeding at head quarters were exact and pre ' cise; orderly and punctual. At the appointed moment, Washington appeared at the breakfast table. He expected to find all the members of his family, (Cobb, Hamilton, Humphreys, were among them,) awaiting him. He came dressed for the day, and brought with him the letters and despatches of the preceding day, with short memoranda of the answers to be made; also the substance of ordors to be issued. When break fast was over, these papers w’ere distributed among his aids, to be put into form. Soon af ter, he mounted his horse to visit the troops, and expected to find, on his return before noon, all the papers prepared for his inspection and sig nature. There was no familiarity in his pre sence; it was all sobriety and business. His mode of life was abstemious and temperate.— He had a decided preference for certain sorts Throughout the war, as it was understood in his military family, he gave a part of every day to private prayer and devotion. While he" lived in Philadelphia, as President, he rose at four in the morning; and the gene ral rule of his house was that the fires should be covered, and the lights extinguished at a certain hour; whether this was nine or ten, is not recol lected. He devoted one hour every other Tuesday, i from three to four, to these visits. He under- i stood himself to be visited as the President of j the United States, and not on his own account. He was not to be seen by any body and every | body; but required that every one who came i should be introduced by his Secretary, or by I some gentleman, whom he knew himself. He, lived on the south side of Chesnut street, just be low Sixth. The place of reception was the din ing room in the rear, twenty-five or thirty feet in length, including the bow projecting into the garden. Mrs. Washington received her visiters in the two rooms on the second floor, from front to rear. At three o’clock, or at any time within a quar ter of an hour afterwards, the visitor was con ducted to this dining room, from which all seats had been removed for the time. On entering he saw the tall manly figure of Washington clad in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powder ed and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yel low gloves on his hands, holding a cocked hat with a cockade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. He wore knee and shoe buckles, and a long sword, with a finely wrought and polished steel hilt, which ap peared at the left hip; the coat worn over the blade, and appearing from under the folds be hind. The scabbard was white polished leather. He stood always in front of the tire place, with his face towards the door of entrance. The visit or was conducted to him, and he required to have the name so distinctly pronounced, that he could hear it. He had the very uncommon faculty of .associating a man’s name, and personal appear ance, so durably in his memory, as to be able to call any one by name, who made him a second visit. He received his visiter with a dignified bow, while his hands were so disposed of as to indicate that the salutation was not to be ac companied with shaking hands. This ceremony never occurred in these visits, even with his most near friends, that no distinction might be made. As visiters came in, they formed a circle around)the room. At a quarter past three, \ the door was closed, and the circle was formed for that day. He then began on the right, and spoke to each visiter, calling him by name, and exchanging a few words with him. When he had completed his circuit, he resumed his first position, and the vistors approached him, in ^bc-1 cession, bowed and retired. By four o’clock this cermony was over. MR. CALHOUN’S SPEECH, On the President's Protest,—[Conclusion.] Of all the surprising events, said Mr. C., in these surprising times, none has astonished me more, than that there should be any division of opinion, even the slightest, as to the right of the Senate to pass the resolution which has been seized on as the pretext to send us this protest. Before the commencement of the discussion, I would not have believed that there was a single individual in our country, the least conversant with parliamentary proceedings, who entertain ed any doubt ofthe righto/ any free and delibe rative body, fully and freely to discuss and ex press their opinion on all subjects relating to the public interests, whether in reference to men or measures; or whether in approbation or disap probation. I venture the assertion, that such a right has never been questioned before in this country; either here or in the. State Legislature; or in Great Britain, for the last century, by any party, Whig or Tory.^Nor is my astonishment diminished by the distinction, which has been attempted to be taken, between the expression of an opinion, in reference to the conduct of public officers, intended to terminate in some legislative act, and those not so intended—a dis tinction without example or precedent, and without principle or reason. Nor am I less sur prised that it should be gravely asserted, as it had been in debate, that the resolution in ques tion was not intended to terminate in some ul terior legislative measure. How this impres sion was made, or could be ventured to be ex pressed, I am at a loss to conceive, as it was openly avowed, and fully understood, that we only waited for the proper moment to carry the resolution into effect, by giving it the form of a joint act of both Houses. Nor is the attempt to limit our legislative functions by our judicial, in reference to the resolutions, less extraordinary. I had supposed that our judicial were in addi tion to our legislative functions, and not in di minution; and that we possess to the full extent, W1U10UL nmiiauon Ol suosiracuuii, an me iegi* iative powers possessed by the House of Repre sentatives, with a single exception, as provided in the Constitution. Were it possible to raise a rational doubt on the subject, the example of the English Parliament would clearly prove that our judicial functions impose no restrictions on our legislative. It is well known that the House of Lords, like the Senate, possess the power of trying impeachments; and l venture to assert, that, in the long course of time in which it has exercised this power, not a single case can be pointed out, in which it was supposed that its jndicial functions were diminished in any de gree by its legislative; and when we reflect that this portion of our Constitution is borrowed from the British, their-example must be considered as decisive, as to the point under consideration. But let us reflect a moment to what extent we must necessarily be carried, if we once admit the principle. If the Senate has no right, in consequence of their judicial functions, to ex press an opinion by vote or resolution, in refer ence to the legality or illegality of the acts of public functionaries, they have no right to ex press such opinion individually in debate; as the objection, if it exists at all, goes to the ex pression of an opinion by individuals as well as by the body. He who has made up an opinion and avowed it in debate, would be as much dis qualified to perform his judicial functions, as a judge on atrial of impeachment, as if he had expressed it by a vote; and, of course, whatever restrictions the judicial functions of the Senate may be supposed to impose, would be restric tions on the liberty of discussion, as well as that of voting; and consequently destroy the free dom of debate secured to us by the Constitution. I am indeed, (said Mr. Calhoun,) amazed that so great a misconception of the essential pow ers of a deliberative body should be formed, as to d-eny to a legislative assembly the right to ex press its opinions on all subjects of a public na ture, freely, fully, and without restriction or limi tation. It inherently belongs to the law making power—the power to make, repeal and to mo dify the laws—to deliberate upon the state of the union—to ascertain its actual condition—the causes of existing disorders—to determine whe ther they originated in the laws, or in their exe cution, and to devise the proper remedy. What sort of a legislative body would it be, that had no right to pronounce an opinion, whether a law was or was not in conformity to the Con stitution; and whether it had or had not been violated by those appointed to administer the laws? What could be imagined more absurd? and yet, if the principle contended for be cor rect/such would be the character of the Senate. We would have no right to pronounce a law un constitutional, or to assert that it had been vio lated, lest it should disqualify us from perform ing our judicial functions. There seems to be (said Mr. C.) a great mis conception in reference to the real motive and character of the legislative and executive func tions. The former is in its nature deliberative, and involves, necessarily, free discussion and a full expression of opinion on all subjects of pub lic interest. The latter is essentially the power of executing, and has no power of deliberation beyond ascertaining the meaning of the law and carrying its enactments into execution; and even within this limited sphere, its constructions of its powers are formed under responsibility, not only to public opinion, but also to the Legis lative Department of the Government. But wherever the Executive is vested with any portion of legislative functions, so essential ly do those functions involve the right of delibe ration, and a full and free expression of opinion, that they transfer with them, to the Executive, the right of freely expressing his opinions on all subjects connected with such functions. Thus the President of the United States, who is vested by the Constitution with the right of communi cating to Congress information on the state of the Union; of recommending to its considera tion such measures as, in his opinion, the pub lie interests may require; to approve of its acts; and to ratify treaties, which have received the consent of the Senate; has, in the performance of all these high legislative functions, a right to express his opinion as to the nature,* and cha racter, and constitutionality of all the measures, the consideration of which may be involved the performance of these duties—a right which the present Chief Magistrate has, on all occasions, freely exercised, as we have witnessed this ses sion, both in his annual message, and the one announcing his veto on the land bill. In the former he pronounced the United States’ Bank to be unconstitutional, and has, of course, ac cording to his own principle, impeached the conduct of Washington and Madison, (the for mer of whom signed the charter of the first bank, % and the latter of the present,) and all of the mem-1 bers of both Houses of Congress, who voted for j the act of incorporating them^ I am mortified, (said Mr. Calhoun,) that in J this country, boasting of its Anglo-Saxon des- j cent that any one of respectable standing, much j less the President of the United States, should : be found to entertain principles leading to such monstrous results; and I can scarcely believe myself to be breathing the air of our country, and : to be within the walls of this Senate chamber, I when I hear such doctrines vindicated. It is proof of the wonderful degeneracy of the times: of a total loss of the true conceptions of constitu tional liberty. But, in the midst of this degen eracy, I perceive the symptoms of regeneration.; It is not my wish to touch on the party designa- j tions, that have recently obtained, and which | have been introduced in the debate, on this oc-, casion. I, however, cannot but remark, that the ; revival of the party names of the revolution,; after they had so long slumbered, is not without a meaning—not without an indication of a re-! turn to those principles which lie at the founda- j tion of or.r liberty. Gentlemen ought to reflect that the exten-1 sive and sudden revival of these names could j not be without some adequate cause. Names ; are not be taken or given at pleasure: there j must be something to cause their application to ; adhere. If I remember rightly, it was Augustus, j in all the plenitude of his power, who said that 1 he found it impossible to introduce a new word. ! What, then, is that something? What is there! in the meaning of Whig and Tory, and what is j the character of the times, whiok has caused their sudden revival as party (resignations, at this time? I take it, that the very essence of toryism—that which constitutes a tory, is to sus tain prerogative against privilege—to support the executive against the legislative department of the Government, and to lean to the side of power against the side of liberty; while the whig is, in all these particulars, of the very oppo site principles. These are the leading charac teristics of the respective parties, whig and to ry, and run through their application in all the variety of circumstances in which they have been applied, either in this country or Great Britain. Their sudden revival and application at this time, ought to admonish my old friends, who are now on the side of the administration, that there is something in the times—something in the existing struggle between the parties, and . .. • ° . i . _ „ 1 u.. Ill IUg [U IllCIJlICa cJUU uwuuiJKiis uutuvmuu those in power, which has caused so sudden a revival, and such extensive application of the terms. I have not contributed to their introduc tion, nor am I desirous of seeing them applied; but I must say to those who are interested, that they should not be, that nothing but their revers ing their course can possibly prevent their ap plication. They owe it to themselves—they owe it to the Chiet Magistrate, whom they sup port, (who, at least, is venerable for his years,) as the head of th$ir party, that they should halt in their support of despotic and slavish doc ti'ines, which we hear daily advanced, before a return of the reviving spirit of liberty shall overwhelm them, with those who are leading them, to their ruin. lean speak, (said Mr. Calhoun,) with impar tiality. As tar as I am concerned, I wish no change of party designations—1 am content with that which designates those with whom l act. It is, I admit, not very popular, but is at least an honest and a patriotic name. It is sy nonymous to resistance to usurpation—usurpa tion come from what quarter and under what shape it may; whether it be that from this Go vernment on the rights of the States, or the Ex ecutive on the Legislative Departments. I)RA JVS THIS DA V Virginia State Lottery, For the benefit of the Dismal Swamp Canal Co. Class No. 9 for 1834, To be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, West End, on Saturday, May 17 75 Numbers—12 Drawn Ballots SPLENDID SCHEME: l prizes of $25,000 1 prize of $6,000 1 do of 12,000 10 prizes of 2,000 10 Capital Prizes of.$1,500! &c. Tickets $10; halves 5 00; qrs. 2 50; eighths 1 25 Lowest prize $12 To be had in a variety of numbers of .7. W. VIOLETT, Lottery and Exchange Broker, Near the corner of King- and Fayette Streets, Alexandria. 1). C. DR A JfrS THIS DA V Virginia State Lottery, Far the benefit of the Dismal Swamp Canal Co. Class No. 9 for 1834, Will be drawn at Catts’ Tavern, (West End,) Alexandria, Va. on Saturday, May 17 75 Number Lottery—12 Drawn Ballots. SCHEME! 1 prize of $25,000 I 1 prize of $6,000 1 do of 12,000 I 10 prizes of 2,000 10 Capital Prizes of $1,500! &c. Tickets 10; halves 5 00; qrs. 2 50; eighths 1 25 Lowrest prize $12 To be had in a variety of numbers of J. CORSE, Lottery Exchange Broker, Alexandria. DR A US THIS DA Y Virginia State Lottery, For the benefit of the Dismal Swamp-Canal Co. Class No. 9 for 1834, To be drawn at Alexandria, Va. on Saturday, May 17 SPLENDID CAPITALS: 1 prize of $25,000 1 prize of $6,000 1 do of 12,000 10 do of 2,000 10 prizes of $1,500! &c. &c. Tickets 10; iial ves 5 00; qurs. 2 50; eighths 1 25 Lowest prize $12 On sale in great variety by JAS. RIORDAN. U33 Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur chased. PUBLIC NOTICE. MR. MILLS, the celebrated ^Eronaut, whose ascensions in the larger cities of the Unit ed States have excited such universal attention, has consented to afford the citizens of the Dis trict of Columbia an opportunity of witnessing this grand and imposing spectacle, provided suf ficient inducement is offered to remunerate him for the expenses attendant upon the same. The undersigned has therefore thought pro per to offer a subscription paper to the citizens, for the purpose of enabling him to gratify the public curiosity. The ascent to take place from Analostan Island, generally known as Mason’s Island. Due notice will be given of the day of! ascension. Subscription papers left at all the principal Hotels, and at the Alexandria Reading Room. ED’W. M. LAUB. Analostan Gardens, May 7, 1834. ALEXANDRIA MUSEUM OPEN, daily, from 10 to 12 o’clock A. M. and from 3 to 5 P. M, * jan 24 CELEBRATION AT JAMESTOWN. To the Editors of the Norfolk Beacon. The proposal for a celebration at Jamestown on the 24th inst. though not agitated till about 1st May, has been so cordially received by the. neighboring population, that no doubt is enter tained of its being carried into effect. Among the movements of the day, it is contemplated to form, in honor of the Princess Pocahontas, who was so great a friend to the early Colonists, a procession of 227 young ladies, drawn from the neighboring counties and towns, that may unite in the celebration. This interesting procession, for which it is expected considerable numbers of the youthful beauty and fashion of Virginia will prepare, will be followed or attended, in the order which may be determined upon, by a guard of honour, more or le$s numerous, com posed chiefly of Officers and other members of the Volunteer and Militia Corps of such towns and counties as may.be disposed to participate in the Festival. Time not admitting of a more particular no tice, it is hereby requested that the various corps mentioned above, and other'*chivalrous spirits that may be desirous to honour the memory of Pocahontas, will depute one or more members of their respective associations, to attend the previous Barbacue and Ball, at Jamestown, on Friday 23d inst. To these Deputations, in con cert with the Orators and others who may take an active part on the occason, will be confided the care of arranging and regulating the order of the procession, and other movements of the general celebration on Saturday, 24th inst. An invitation, of which the following is a co py, has been forwarded to several of the most distinguished Orators of our country: “ Williamsburg, May, 1834. “ Sir—It has been determined to revive the anniversary celebrations of the first landing of our English Ancestors at Jamestown. It it be lieved that such celebrations may, under judi cous management, be rendered subservient to interesting moral, religious and patriotic pur poses. At the present moment particularly, from the unanimity of sentiment and feeling prevail ing in Eastern Virginia, we are convinced that a very favorable impulse may be given to the public mind, by an address delivered on the 24th May inst. by one or more individuals, in whose patriotism and judgment the people repose con AA V4 VII “ Under this impression, we the subscribers, citizens of Williamsburg, in behalf of a great majority of our fellow-citizens, cordially unite in requesting you to pronounce at Jamestown, on Saturday 24 May, an address to the people, promotive of the objects to which we have al luded.” The Fireman's Dug—We remember having noticed, some time since, in a London paper, an account of a dog in London, who manifested much partiality for firemen, and invariably was present at all fires. His name was Tyke; and his customary home was in one of the recesses of Blackfriar’s Bridge. He died last summer, from some injuries received by being thrown in to the Thames, by some miscreant, in sheer wantonness of mischief. Another dog, of a character somewhat similar, is spoken of in a late London paper: “ A successor to Tyke has started up in a dog which has attached itself to the firemen of the London United Establishment, and which, from the circumstances under which he came to them, has been not unaptly named “ Chance.” He first presented himself at the Watling-sta tion house, and was then in a half-starved con dition; and although repeatedly driven away, he constantly returned. The men at last took compassion on him, and admitted him as one of their body. Like his predecessor, his affection appears to be general, and he will, without any apparent cause, change his abode from one to another of the different stations of the establishment. He is extremely eager to follow' the men to a fire; and no sooner hears the noise of the drawing out of an engine than he displays uncommon anxiety to follow it, though from the dangerous manner in which he rushes into the thick blaze of a fire, the men always secure him in the cellar if possible be fore starting. He takes no notice of the men or engines belonging to any of the other offices. When once he gets to a fire, he will, as soon as the fireplug is raised, rush into the jet of water, and appears to luxuriate in rolling himself about in it. He will then go and take his stand as near as possible to the flank of one of the en gines, and if a means of access to the burning building presents itself, he will rush in and mount upward, fearless of the flames. In several in stances he'has been punished smartly for teme rity, but seems not at all to mind it. At a lire in Bow-lane, after an upper floor was wholly consumed with the exception of the joists, he amused himself by hopping from joist to joist while the fire was raging all round him. At last he missed his footing and fell into the cellar, whence he was rescued with considera ble difficulty. At another time, when one of the firemen had a torch, he made a snap at the blaze, and burnt his mouth and face severely. A few months back the men procured him a brass collar, on which the following distich was engraved: “ Stop me not, but let me jog, For I am the fire establishment dog.” Shortly after, at a fire in Spitalfields, the dog was lost, and is supposed to have been stolen; for, on his return, about three weeks afterwards, he was in a lean condition, and the collar was missing. He is a large dog, somewhat between the black-tanned terrier and the pointer breed. The firemen, as may be supposed under the cir cumstances, are much attached to him.” Two or three years since a dog belonging to a member of the Resolution Hose Company, manifested a similar partiality for freemen, and usually accompanied his master to fires. We have also heard of a dog whose attachment to the Niagara Hose Company is not a little singu lar and extraordinary. It is said that, on hear ing an alarm of fire, he immediately hastens to the Hose house, and barks furiously until the ar rival of a member. He has been known to seize the rope with his mouth and attempt to assist in dragginglhe carriage to a fire. Phil. Gaz. “ Feds.”—There is a party in the U. States, thatmay with great propriety be called “Feds;” not Federalists, for Federalists are much less interested men. There are about forty or fifty thousand “FEDS” in the United States. We had “ Feds” in the time of the Revolution—they were sent here by the British King “ to harrass our people and eat out their substance;” and they were, right or wrong, supported by the to ries. A “Fed” is a man who is fed by the go vernment, and some of the “Feds” of the pre sent day, are well fed; all ol whom, as in the time of the revolution, are supported, right or wrong, by the advocates of power.—Penn. Ini, • ALKXAX Oltl.V: ~ SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 17, mi SIGNS OF THE TIMES. The charter election of the City of \evv Brunswick (New Jersey) took place on Mon clay last. This place has been one of the strong holds of Jacksonism in New Jersey, and the Jackson men were confident of success on t! present occasion. Indeed, before the Whwr were thoroughly rallied, the Jackson men car ried the Inspectors of the Election, which, fm the gross partiality exhibited, gave them’ a -l cided advantage. But when the real trial cam! the Whigs carried every officer in the city. This is good news from New Jersey, and \Vt. have farther good news from New York: The charter election of the enterprising and enlightened City of Troy, was held on Tuesday last. The Whig majority is six hundred and thirty-five: making a clear gain offive hundred and fifty since the election in 1832. These are signs of the times not to be mis taken, and we offer them as cheering indica tions of a political regeneration of the country. At any rate, they afford evidence of a great change of public sentiment, and give a well grounded hope of the success of the Whig cause. _ ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS. Mr. Boon’s proposition for the adjournment of Congress was again taken up in the Horn* of Representatives on Thursday, and gave rise to a long debate. The question upon the motion of Mr. Cam breleng, to postpone the further consideration of the subject to the 29th day of May. being at length taken by yeas and nays, it was decided as follows: Yeas 116, Nays 95. So the motion to postpone was agreed to. ■ The National Intelligencer, on this subject. ; ni “ There was a debate, yesterday, in the Hou«e of Representatives, on a proposition for fixin a term to the present Session of Congress which disclosed enough to satisfy us that Congress will not (cannot, indeed,) adjourn before July, jf jt gets away from here even within that month. If we look for a moment at the many subjects which must be acted upon—the appropriations of almost every sort; the care and custody of the public funds; contested elections in tacli House, &c. &c., one must be satisfied that Con gross lias good twermonths’ work yet in hand. “ The result of yesterday’s debate was the postponement of the whole subject for two en tire weeks. We doubt very much whether, at the expiration of that time, members will be prepared to fix upon a day for adjournment, There is, under recent practice in the Govern ment, one reason against tying up the two Houses by a resolution for adjournment withou day, in addition to the usual and obvious ob jections to a pledge of that sort. Time must henceforth be given to the President of the United States, in case he shall not approve ci any bill which the two Houses may deem it im portant to pass, to return it with his objections, that Congress may have an opportunity to ex ercise their^constitutional right of passing upon the bill again; or to retain it, without either sign ing or refusing to sign it, for ten days, when it would become a law without the agency of the President. The case of the Land Bill, at the last Session, neither signed nor returned by the President, and thus nullified, is one which de mands this precaution for the future, in regard to all bills of sufficient consequence to justify the remaining in session for ten days on their account.” In the Senate, on Thursday, Mr. Naudain presented the proceedings of a public meeting recently held at Wilmington, in the Stale of He la ware, expressing their disapprobation of the Protest sent to the Senate by the President of the United States, on the 17th of April last: which were read. Mr. Naudain then moved that the procee' ingsbe printed for the use of the Senate. The motion to print the resolutions Jed ' some discussion. It was opposed by Mr. For sytb, on the ground that it was imposing an un necessary expense on the contingent fund of the Senate; that it had reference to a subject which was not now before the Senate, hut wine** had become a portion of history; and that would be useless, inasmuch as the member5 of the Senate already knew the nature the proceedings. Mr. Kane moved to amr the motion to print, by adding to it a } /ovn that the protest of the President should be * pended to the proceedings, and printed v them. This was opposed by Mr. Clay. ■ Clayton, Mr. Forsyth, Mr. Preston, am! Poindexter. The objection of Mr. Forsyth'j " that it would show no respect to the l'rc-si*j to put his protest on the printed fileoi the* nate, after refusing to put it on the > By the other gentlemen, it was oppose*. effort to accomplish that by indirection, " ,1( the Senate had refused to direct; that the p test had already been printed and piiblidieu • the Executive, and that 40,000 had been from the Globe office. The amendment was almost unanimous . jected. and the motion to print was then mu to without a division. The following gentlemen are said to ha'» ^ nominated, by the President of the United bt< ^ • to the Senate, to be Government Director °! f Bank of the UnitedStates for the current yea1, * } Henry florn, Roberts Vaux, Charles • J of Philadelphia; Joseph White, ol Baltin101 J Saul Alley, of New York. We find in the Albany Advertiser the . ing extract from the Montreal (U. U.) ■ It shows the use that may be made, u^, I and will be made, of the usurpation off0 ' ^ General Jackson. How the monarchist5 0 rope will exult at the prospects before ^ L “ It appears scarcely possible that t*1^ ^ which tiie Americans are holding VP I conspicuous characters to our notu ’rjijlCtit fail of producing its effects in Cannt»• cJlt, ■ ter disregard of all constitutional 1 j j,. I the setting aside of even the fund*1 ; nr<15t5 m ciples of the Union; the unpnncip i, tt>e| tion of place and patronage, to J #>10 dnr**1 I support of the “ sovereign people..