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By EDGAR SNOWDEN._j Daily paper - - - - ^8 per annum. Country paper - - * 5 per annum. The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE for the coun try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. All advertisements appear in both papers, and < are inserted at the usual rates. | STILL LATER FROM ENGLAND. By the packet ship South America, Captain Waterman, at New York from Liverpool, files ol papers of that city to the eveningof the 14th of April, inclusive, have been received. From the continent, with the exception of Por tugal, our advices, are no later than were re ceived by the Poland, direct from Havre. ENGLAND. The Parliament of Great Britain had re-as sembled on the day of our latest advices, and, although the first sitting is rarely appropriated lo business in any legislative assemblage, we ; perceive that in the House of Lords a great number of petitions were presented, complain ing of agricultural distress—soliciting support of the Established Church—to remove the disabili-! ties of the dissenters—for the abolition of tithes— for the better observance of the Sabbath—and for the redress of various other alleged grievan ces. The House of Commons, too, was not reliev ed from the labor of business. Mr. O’Connell presented sixteen Irish petitions for the repeal of the Union. Various other petitions, princi pally in reference to the same subjects as those adverted to in the House of Lords, were pre sented and referred—atter which the miscella neous estimates were made the subject of con sideration—a few items to the amount of £34, 000 sterling, passed—and at the period of our latest advices, the improvement of me National Gallery was the subject of debate, and Sir Ro bert Peel on his legs. The funeral solemnities of Sir Richard Keats, late Governor of Greenwich Hospital, were per* formed on the 12th ultimo, with all the pomp and dignity of naval military observance. The King had been, in early life, a shipmate of the Admiral, and gave orders to have the funeral conducted with all the honors due to the high station of the deceased in the British service. It was accordingly attended by many noblemen of distinction, and the whole of the great square | ofthe Greenwich Hospital was lined with pen sioners, and the upper quadrangle, in addition to lines of pensioners, was skirted by 100 nurses and 200 girls, whose appearance added much to the interest and impressiveness of the scene. Lord William Russeli, the late Minister from | the British Court to that of Donna Maria, has returned to England. IRELAND. Mr. O’Connell has addressed another letter to the people of Ireland, dated the Sth of April, in which he reproves the snpineness that had been l manifested in procuring signatures for a repeal 1 ofthe Union. His requisition, he says, was for (half a million of names, and fewer than eighty thousand had been obtained. He charitably at tributes the deficiency, however, to the preva lence ofthe cholera, which, he states, had spread 14 more extensively during the present winter, than it did at any former period, reaching dis tricts which it had before spared.” He also ad duces other reasons that had probably contri buted to the result. The general scope and tenor of the letter va ries but little from his previous epistolary effu sions. He ^enjoins the Irish people to renew agitation the moment they hear that his motion I for repeal is defeated; and at the same time fore warns them to be prepared for defeat, and gives them satisfactory reasons for expecting it, by stating that the vote upon the question would be 40 in its favor, and 450 against it; and yet he concludes with the adjuration, 44 Men of Ireland, do not despair.” Really, with such prospects, and especially when he states, moreover, that there will probably be a majority of even the Irish members against the measure, we can per ceive but very narrow room for the indulgence of hope. The following shocking occurrences recent ly took place in Tipperary. A letter dated at Clonmel!, on the 7th of April, states that on Thursday, (the 3d.) a man named Corbett was deliberately shot by a Policeman, near New castle, in that county. The circumstances at tending this affair prove that the murder of Cor bett was deliberate and preconcerted. The vengeance of the people would find vent. They could not suffer a person whom they admired for his many daring deeds, to be deprived of life without visiting with terrible consequences his murderers. Accordingly, at his funeral on the following day, which was attended by up wards of 20,000 persons, some conspirators re solved upon the fate of the policemen. Shortly after the remains of Corbett were deposited in the churchyard, and in a part of the country not more than a few miles distant from the place of interment, three policemen, who were escorting to the neighboring station a person under ar rest, were met by seven or eight young men, who deprived them of their arms, rescued their prisoners, and at 4 o’clock in the day, barbar ously murdered the escort, who were seen short ly afterwards by a gentleman then passing— one of them literally lifeless, his brains protrud ing through terrible woudds, his head cleft asun der, and his comrades in arms, as well as in mi sery, lying, nearly dead, in large pools of blood, on the road. Immediate search was made for the murderous assailants. The military station ed at Cahir Barracks scoured the country, and all the barracks of the district emptied of their police. The result of this search has been the apprehension, on suspicion, of four or five per sons. In the mean time, the country is wonder fully excited. The Police perceive that they are the devoted objects of the deadly malice of the peasantry, and raise, by their obstinate conduct, to a much higher pitch, the hostile dispositions of the people in their regard. It is supposed that a conspiracy, on a very great scale, exists in that part of Tipperary. PORTUGAL. From the scene of fraternal discord, accounts are many days later 4>an before received. The following is the very latest, and dated “City, 12 o’clock, April 14th:” “The letters brought by the Lightning steam-, er, which arrived on Friday at Plymouth, from Portugal, are of the most satisfactory descrip * ^on> ft being positively stated that Braga and Benja have both surrendered to the Constitu tional troops. At Opoito every thing was tran quil, as the following extract of a letter receiv ed by a most respectable house here will prove:— “ Oporto, March 30. " Our political situation has lately presented I . . X '. to us the certainty of a triumph without fear.— The rebels are lost. Our province-of the Minho may now really be said to be free.” In the intermediate period from our last ad vices we perceive that Gen. de Sa had been des patched from Algarves with a few thousand men, and had swept the whole country between it and SL Ubes of the guerillas by which it had been infested. Gen. Torres also had made a successful excursion, and put to the route all the Miguelites that came in his way. Admiral Na pier had likewise doffed his naval uniform, and made a successful expedition on land. He had taken possession of Vienna, with its forts and castle, and was about to proceed to Ponte de Lima. Valencia had surrendered to him, and he was marching onward, with a full tide of suc cess. Without going into further details, suffice it to say that the present aspect of Portuguese affairs is highly favorable to the Constitutional cause. Lisbon and Oporto are declared free ports.— The decree for that purpose has given great satisfaction. It is ascertained beyond a doubt that three battalions iu the service of Don Carlos, and all commanded by Spanish officers, had been for some time united with Don Miguel’s army. 1 hey constituted the right wing of it in time of battle. Of course the troops of the Queen Regent of Spain have as good right to enter Portugal for the defence of Dona Maria, as those of Don Car los have to support the pretensions of Don Mi guel. The reports of a change of Ministry at Lisbon were losing ground, and it was understood that the Emperor had determined for the present to retain the individuals actually in office, in the consideration that to them was to be attributed,i in a great degree, the success with which the cause of the Queen had been attended MR. JOHN Q. ADAMS’ SPEECH On the General Appropriation Bill.—House of Representatives, May 1. Mr. ADAMS said, that, at the adjournment of the House last evening, he had been desirous of saying a few words in reply to the remarks which had been made to what he had before said. He should confine himself as much as possible to those remarks. The gentlemen who had spoken after him yesterday, particularly thp honnrahlp Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, (Mr. Archer) had entered upon subjects of an exciting nature, and which, as they had been discussed heretofore, it was not so necessary to bring now into debate. Mr. “A. had had particular reasons for wishing to avoid these topics; but it was no longer left to Ris choice. The true ground taken, called for the amend ment he had offered. He had not expected that it would call up the friends of the Adininfs tration as it had done; nor that they would have considered it necessary to put forth their whole strength in vindicating the course pursued. The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, with that high and honorable spirit which belonged to him, had considered himself called upon, by the place he occupied, to come forth in support of so much of the course of the Administration, as he believed capable of de fence, and its conduct had been farther and more at large defended by another member of the same Committee (Mr. Wayne,) and also bv the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means (Mr. Polk.) Each of these gentlemen had submitted considerations peculiar to them selves in support of the present item of appro priation. Mr. A. should confine himself, in reply, to those considerations which belong to the merits of the question, and to the grounds on which he should support the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Foot) to strike out the words “ Great Britain” and “ Russia.” He did not advocate the amendment on the grounds assumed by the gentleman from Con necticut, who had moved it: and still less on those which had been taken by the eloquent gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Davis.) As to the principles laid down by the latter gen tleman, they would have all that weight with the House which they ought to have. Mr. A. did not attach the same importance to them which that gentleman did. As to the honorable Chairman of the Com mittee on Foreign Relations (Mr. Archer) so far as Mr.' A. recollected, the principal answer given to his previous remarks had been the ex pression of great surprise, on the part of that gentleman, that Mr. A. should underrate the importance of a mission to Russia. He did not underrate it. He knew its importance. There was no gentleman in that House who knew it so well. He ought to know it better than others, as his opportunities had been better. He had ueen in circumstances tuny 10 uppieeicue me value of a good understanding with that Pow er, in critical circumstances of our own affairs. There had been a period, in which Mr. AK well knew the value of maintaining diplomatic rela | tions there; he did not attach the same import ' ance to it now; but he held it still to be of quite | sufficient importance for us to have a Minister | of the highest grade constantly residing there. His objection to the appropriation did not rest on that ground at all. lie objected to it, because Congress was appropriating, year af ter year, for a Minister to Russia, when we had no such Minister there. The House appropriat ed for a full Minister’s salary; and the country ought to have a Minister of that rank constant ly on the spot. There ought not to be an inter val of a month in which either of these import tant missions should be vacant. The House went on appropriating from year to year, and at the end of the year they were still asked for more. When they inquired the reason, and ad verted to the fact that no Minister had been sent, they were then told that the money had all been spent; just as it would have been had a Minister of the highest grade been resident at the Court in question during the whole year. This was Mr. A.’s objection. In reference to some otthe topics which had been touched upon by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Wayne.) and the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, (Mr. Polk,) he felt himself under a restraint which would compel him to avoid reply, were he otherwise situated. He had stated, w’hen up on the pre vious day, that this state of things to which he objected had happened not at the Court of Rus sia alone. A Minister would be sent, and, on arriving at his destination, would remain but a brief space of time, and then return home, to go elsewhere. He had noticed a case in which one staid but six weeks; this, to be sure, w’as the strongest instance that had occurred; but there were others not much less exceptionable. T. he Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations (Mi. Archer) with that candid, open, manly, and magnanimous spirit, in which he always acted, had undertaken the vindication of the case more particularly adverted to. He appreciated*the feelings of that gentleman; but the nation had agreed in the opinion he had ex- 1 pressed in relation to that embassy. The gen tleman from Georgia (Mr. Wayne) had endea vored to turn w’hat he had said into a person- : al reflection, on the character of the minister who had been sent. Sir, said Mr. A., I am inca pable of making such a reflection, because the person alluded to is in his grave. That is of it self sufficient to seal my lips foi^ever in silence respecting him in this House. It was not to the individual sent, that my remarks were intended to apply; nor shall I refer to him now, with any design of passing censure upon his conduct.— Sir, he is far beyond the reach of my censure, or that of any other human being. But I men tioned that case, in which the conduct of this administration had been justly subject to cen sure. I do not speak merely of the appointment of that individual; I refer to the whole course preceding his appointment; and I mention it only as one instance out of many of a similar kind. . The same gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Wayne) has undertaken, as a sort of apology for what he seemed to admit to have been not very defensible, to bring before the House the important purposes which had been effected by the diplomacy of the present administration; as if the ministers had rendered services which, from their great importance, amply compensa ted for shortness of their stay abroad. Under this head, the gentleman adduced certain trea ties which had been made, and negotiations which had been successffilly carried through. Sir, I admit, that if all the negotiations to which the honorable gentleman alluded had been concluded as successfully and honorably as he says they have been, it might better have answered the objection that, although absent but a month or two, they had been paid for a year. But is that any answer at all? Is it any reason why a Ministers should go and return in a single year? and should get double and treble the compensation allowed them by law? This is the case to which the gentleman from Geor gia should have directed his attention. Sir, this reminds me of an anecdote of Frederick the Se cond, King of Prussia. He had appointed a certain Judge, who turned out to be unfaithful in his office. Complaints multiplying against his numerous malversations, the King sent for him, and inquired into the case. The Judge ap peared in his own vindication, and was going on to tell a long story in his defence; when the King stopped him short in the midst of it, ex claiming stop, stop! I have heard enough; the fault is not in you, but in me, tor appointing such a knave.” I do not find so much fault with the Minister who leaves the court to which he ii'op cont o n rl lfioifc nil ivn^nrinfr nlflf'PC in Europe, and on his return home pockets his sal ary; the blame rests not so much on him, as on the administration who permits such things.— What I say is, that the practice which has arisen, ought not to be suffered to continue. Every foreign minister should be confined to the place and the duties of his mission. As to tiie achievements of these gentlemen, there was much panegyric, and particularly in reference to the arrangement made with Great Britain on the subject of the West India trade. This, sir, is a subject which I purposely pass over; it is fit to be commented on by any person rather than by me; it is a subject concerning which there has been«much controversy, and great difference of opinion. I could wish that much of the angry disputation to which it has given rise, were forever forgotten. I may say of it— “ Incedo per ignes suppositos “ Cineri dolo/’ Sir, I wish the gentleman had not brought up this subject. How must it apply? What will be its unavoidable bearing? Is there not a gentle man in another Hall of this building, who must be immediately and personally affected by any remarks on this subject? And will I say any thing in reference to that gentleman any where but in his own presence? No. sir. And is there not another gentleman now in the Department of State, whose character is deeply implicated? And shall 1 go into any observations on his con duct when he is not present to answer? I will not. But, sir, if we are to judge of these mar vellous negotiations by their effects, I should send tiie gentleman from Georgia to that por tion of the Union more immediately affected by their results, and let him ask of them what they think of the matter. I therefore pass over this topic entirely. I wish to say nothing about it.— Not that my objection to discussing it has any reference to myself: on that score I have none whatever. My objection has respect to individ uals not here. I will not censure any man in this House in a manner which I would not were he personally present. The gentleman from Georgia, in answering my objections to the short duration of certain missions abroad, alluded, by way of retort, to an unfortunate appointment made by the Ad ministration preceding the present, in which case the individual appointed happened to fall sick and to die, and on that account did not re main seven years, or three years, at his post.— Does a case like that justify us to appropriate, from year to year, for a Minister at a foreign Court, when we have no Minister there? The case referred to has happened, but not in the way the gentleman had stated it. It is true that the eminent individual was appointed, nor does this nation contain a greater statesman, nor one who has rendered to his country more important ser vices; and it is true that he was prevented by illness from continuing abroad. But does thfs justify an Administration in appointing a man, with liberty beforehand, to go where he pleases, instead of remaining at his post? The gentle man will not pretend it does. But further. In that very case, although the gentleman stated that he imputed no blame to the Administration for the appointment, and on lyjbrought it forward by way of precedent; but if the gentleman will go back beyond the last four years, (I will not say what that gentleman him self said on the subject.) but if he will take the trouble of looking at the journals of that day, or if he will consult the record of the debates of this very House, he will find that that appoint ment was held up before the whole country as one of the most heinous sins of that administra tion. Well, sir, and are we now to have the ve ry worst acts of that administration adduced as precedents for the very best acts of this? I will add a word as to that letter from the State Department which was read to us by the honorable Chairman of the Committee on Fo reign Relations. Sir, it is an oracle. [Here Mr. Archer interposed, and reminded Mr. A. that the paper he had read was not a let ter from any body; but his own written memo randum of the reply he had received from the Secretary of State.] Well, sir, it was information in some shape. It was the answer of the State Department, made in such manner that the gentleman thought pro per to take it down, word for word, as he re ceived it. The gentleman could not have con sidered it as a casual communication, in an or dinary form, or he would not have immediate ly reduced it to writing. Sir, I again say it was m oracle. I did not say that my friend, the Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, was the God from whom this oracle was issued. He was only the-[Priest, said Mr. Archer.] yes, the Priest, (resumed Mr. Adams) to communicate the response of the deii}' to the Worshippers. Mr. ARCHER here rose to explain. He said, that, in consequence of the peculiar position he occupied in respect to the Administration, he considered it his duty to let the House under stand why he had been so exceedingly precise in stating what had been said to him by the Se cretary. He had thought that if he should an swer in any different mode, lie might perhaps commit the Administration farther than the Pre sident wished. There was a reservation in the answer which he was bound to give precisely as he had received it—lest he might be represent ed as having made a positive declaration that the President would nominate during the ses sion. Mr. A. did not wish to commit himself, or to commit the President farther than he was warranted in doing. Mr. ADAMS. Precisely so. The Chairman acted with perfect prudence,and perfect honor,as he always does. But still, sir, Isay this statement is an oracle. Understand it who can, I am un able to penetrate its meaning. It is much such a reply as that famous response of the Oracle to Pyrrhus, “ Aio te &cida Romanos vine ere posse.” I declare that you will conquer the Romans, or the Romans will conquer you. Sir, if the an - swer is equivocal, it is not my fault, or the fa«lt of the honorable Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. For myself, I take it for granted that no nomination will be made. My word for it, some little incidents will arise, con nected with the public interest, which will cause no nomination to be made. And this is reason enough for me to vote against this appropria tion. 1 will not put it in the power of the Exe cutive to make the happening of a vacancy, and then enable him to fill it. I do not, indeed, adopt this as a general principle, but, owing to the peculiar circumstances of the times, I will not be accessary to granting any appropriation, so long as this matter remains in dubio—not until this ocular style shall be laid aside, and the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re lations shall say distinctly that the nomination will be made as it ought to be made. Sir, I will not pledge myself to any thing, (because, if I do, 1 shall be accused of a Bargain,) but I will say. with a distinct and explicit declaration that if the nomination be made, I shall lose all my ob jections to this appropriation. I would vote it most cordially, and I believe Congress will do the same, if that gentleman will give us a pledge that the nomination shall be made to the Senate before the close of the session. I say that the nomination ought to be so made. I say that no contingency that can arise can take from the Executive the duty of making it. Sir, in these portentous times, it may not be proper for ine to speak of any doctrines of which 1 have heard, but concerning which I can produce no conclu sive or authentic testimony. But I have heard of certain Messages sent to the other House of Congress, signifying, that, if certain nomina tions submitted to them shall not be confirmed, no others for the same offices will be made. I have heard of such things: and I would call for copies of such communication, if I were not confident that any thing I shall ask for from the ' Executive Department will not be obtained. In this matter of Calls, a new practice has ob tained (1 do not charge it upon the present Ad ministration,) but in the days with which 1 have been acquainted, it was enough fora member to say that he wished for any information for him to obtain it. Why, sir, in the days of a for mer Administration, I well remember that all the Departments were ransacked, at every ses sion of Congress, to satisfy the calls of mem bers of this floor: at that time, any member could obtain whatever information he demand ed. But how is it now? I have offered resolu tions calling for information on the Depart ments, which have lain there for weeks and months. I have endeavored to get them up, but never could succeed. This House is hermetical ly sealed. Why, sir, what did we see this very day? My colleague (Mr. Lincoln) offered a re solution calling for information touching the condition of the Post Office Department—reso lutions going to the deepest foundations of its honor and honesty; but the House after hearing the resolution read, refused to permit it to be sent. And this is our situation. Wecangetno information: or I would send an inquiry to the Executive, and endeavor to learn if the fact be as 1 have stated. But as this would be in vain, I am reduced to the necessity of believing that it is so. The character of the answer given by the honorable Chairman does not, certainly, tend to remove such an impression. I say again, that assuming that the appointments are to be made, it is the duty of the Executive to present the nominations at the present session. It is his duty, under the oath of God which is upon him. to carry the laws into effect. But if, instead of this, the Executive refuses to tell whether he will make any nomination or no, I am compel led to conclude that he does not intend to make them. 1 connect this conclusion with rumors that are abroad. The next step will be to make a vacancy, and to fill it by his own authority.— At the next session, he must be convinced, that his nomination will not be confirmed by the ad vice and consent of the Senate. It will be the du ty of that body to reject it. And what then? The Minister will come home, and yon will have ano ther Minister, who, for an absence of a few months, will thus receive 20 or 30,000 dollars. Sir, these are changes not produced by a change of the Constitution—not by an open os tensible proposal to the People of the Union, but simply by the possession of the Executive pow er. “Executive power shall be vested in a Pre sident of the United States,” and “the President shall see that the laws are faithfully executed.” By these two talismans have all these metamor phoses been effected. It is for this House to awake to its duty; and this is one of the occa sions on which it is their duty to act. They have the power to act, and it is their duty to exercise it in emergencies like the present There was one observation which fell from the Chairman of the Committee of Ways & Means, that struck me as somewhat oracular. Sir, it was much like that with which we are favored from the Department of State. The gentleman referred to a case in which a Minister had been sent out, but that had not bepn able to find his place of destination. My reply to this will be nearly the same as to the remark made by the gentleman from Georgia. I ask the gentleman what was his opinion respecting that mission? What did the gentleman think and say? An'j what did all those that acted with him tell the people concerning such appointment? Was n ot that one of the heaviest charges which they pre ferred against that Administration? Andvill the gentleman stand here, and bring up o’oe of the worst acts of the Administration he opposed, in justification of a measure he now recommends? I am not, however, quite certain that I know what he means. He says that there was one Minister who went out from this country, and never could find the place to which he was sent. Yes, sir! And why could he not find it? Be cause he found a grave in seeking it. Of that man I will say as I said of another, to whom allusion was made in this debate, that, if he was not a man whose name ought never to be mentioned with reverence and honor in thia ,• \ know not who is deserving such feeling Th** I suit of their labors was not unanticipated \?-ere- jl to that mission, it -would be a waste of t’lr ,as I! me to undertake to justify it. It is no. lnie ^0| r of our history. But if the gentleman wn?Parl I the trouble of looking at the Executive 1 incuts, he will see that the result of that d°Cu I tunate mission was not unforeseen. It w. Uf1°r I seen and it was foretold, as not improbab]S °fe t when the House was called upon for the ^ 311(1 V site appropriation, it was with full noti^1 I them that the result could not be foretold*-*0 I certainty, but was in the decision ofthe 8., wll‘* Ij Disposer of Events. And is this to be tl V up as a charge against that Administration' * to be quoted in support of what is askJ?Van'J ’ ’ us now? eaIrom h Mr. A. concluded with an apology rm. r! . sultory character of Iiis speech, and for, 1] i it liad occupied. 1,ln>? A DEVELOPMENT!! Profligacy in the Collection of the PuLl;• nue! 1 \ We were never so much astounded as publication of the following official letter - * the Secretary ofthe Treasury, exposing the m 1 gross, wanton, and corrupt squander ofthe i* pie’s money, upon the slaves ofthe Album- P gency, that ever met the public eye. Albany Efining Jourv.nl Erom the Rochester Daily Democrat, Genessee District. Treasury Department, April 2S js'-i Sir—I have the honor to transmit you il, with, incompliance with the request in ui. your letter of the 24th ultimo, a statement f nished by the Register of the Treasury, ex; ing the amount of Revenue collected in ilR* p trict of Genessee, together with a list ofthe sons employed in the collection of the same li the amount paid to each, during the years is 1832, and 1833. R. B. Taney. Secretary of the Treasur Hon. Fred. Whittlesey, House of Representatives, Washington Statement, exhibiting the gross amount of R, venue received at the Port of Genesee, in State of New York, and the expenses of c.i' lection of the same, during the years endin 31st day of December, 1831, 1832, and IS33 r 18:31 ' iflQo rM.' Gross amount) , cnn ori .. of revenue \ 1’690 22 755 $43 h E collection^S 3-775 30 ^,263 01 4,198 0) +± '©o© © © © —« © © . fO © © © © © © Co OOOiO x o £ £? © © © *r 03 33 •© S $2-10*- w^.00 i 2 o n »- v-1 rf o d, 1 ■ ^ — CO ,t o — co - "2 ^ ^ O O © © © © -H (b (M'^COO © © © © ^ *k - (— CO © r- „ r.( w © QO c 00 w OJ (Oioo CO W _ O rt _ CO © CO © *T r* 03 o o JI 5 4) , **^0 e* <M C3 1» O) u _.4>gf ~ ^ * r 7: ^ g 00 >>$ ~ 5 .2 w -X' © © © © © —1 o © r; CO . © © O C8J o C © CO u “ C0r*<(>)©©x2?© ‘O - 03 y .. « z; £ f5 O C 5 W .. im » i-H O © 1 ^ ■—l (— £ — U. —• r" © 2 r_J'_r «^T ^ TO o .2 ^ 2? n ^ fc* . ^ 03 i: , - - © - 03 g O c J- —i « «-» _ . £ O tt r- r ^2^°°ooco b 2© ■sit I s ■• nil °s~ .. 2 : £ > o _ C -•* ^ K -£2“ 2 g £ =£ 5 - '£ g CiJ'2 3-a 50 v"ox u s E-w~ g 3^ s J 8)1§*05 o fr < ^,9sSacn«b ■'’* E-1 - ^ . >» . ow . . * co >-jCCKCh'QS But for the official form in which this expo sure comes, we should he utterly unable to ere dit it. The naked facts are too startling for be lief! Such enormous prodigality, such stnpend ous corruption, is without a parallel in thehisto ry of party profligacy. Fellow-citizens, read over this statement again and again, and still again. Assure yourse of the shameful fact, established by the official, sanction of the Secretary of the Treasury, that tor the collection of about EIGHT HUNDRED DOLLARS OF REVENUE, at the Port of Ge nesee, Jacob Gould and his band of subordi nates, draw over Four Thousand Dollars annu ally from the public Treasury!! View this statement in any manner that i possible, it still remains the most alarming an* sickening exposure of venality and corruption ever exhibited to the public view. How many such thirsty leeches are there gorging them selves from the public Treasury? Ilow many such panders fattening upon 11 spoils?'1 At how many other Ports, are the people paying at the rate of SIX DOLLARS from the Treasury, for every ONE DOLLAR collected in Kevenin And is this the kind of “RETRENCHMENT AND REFORM” which Gon. Jackson pronir cd the people? gyny>t— .— Runaway Slaves.—On the arrival, yesterday ot the ship Mississippi from New Orleans, to tie* great surprise of the captain and crew, two r.< gro men made their appearance on deck, having secreted themselves in the hold of the ves><*! where they remained undiscovered since then departure. Captain Miner, aware of tiie seven penalty which the laws of Louisiana inflict j.. persons who illegally convey slaves out of r; , State, instantly made application to the R ecord er for a permit to reship them to the yort from whence they absconded, and also order f?r their commitment to prison for japing. un til the ship returns to New Orleans. The Recor der, in consonance with r.,ur revised statutes, granted the permit for Yeshipmeni. but refuse’ theorder for coin mite, ent not having the power to do so legally. 7i,e captain then took the ne grops to dew oil, but the keeper refused to de tain the^ii without a warrant. In the nieantiC' some members of the Manumisson Society ha become informed of the circumstance, and i P'aireu to Rridewell in order to effect their hm ration. After much altercation on the subject the captain again conveyed the runaways ■ hoard his vessel, where they will be detained! she reaches her port of destination. | A. K Daily W The severest example recorded in hstory 1 the punishment of a corrupt administratorol is that which Cambyses, king of Persia, cau^l to be inflicted on the person of Sisanmes, one o* the royal judges. Having learnt that this gistrate allowed himself to be swayedby bri lie ordered him to be flayed, and caused the ^ bunal where he used to sit to be covered with n*' skin. He then appointed Ostanes, the son 11 Sisamnes, as his successor, and made hnn his place at the tribunal covered with hi> u»f skin.