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Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, May 24, 1834, Image 2

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Daily paper - - - - ^8 per annum.
Country paper - - * 5 per annum.
try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
All advertisements appear in both papers, and <
are inserted at the usual rates. |
By the packet ship South America, Captain
Waterman, at New York from Liverpool, files
ol papers of that city to the eveningof the 14th
of April, inclusive, have been received.
From the continent, with the exception of Por
tugal, our advices, are no later than were re
ceived by the Poland, direct from Havre.
The Parliament of Great Britain had re-as
sembled on the day of our latest advices, and,
although the first sitting is rarely appropriated
lo business in any legislative assemblage, we ;
perceive that in the House of Lords a great
number of petitions were presented, complain
ing of agricultural distress—soliciting support of
the Established Church—to remove the disabili-!
ties of the dissenters—for the abolition of tithes—
for the better observance of the Sabbath—and
for the redress of various other alleged grievan
The House of Commons, too, was not reliev
ed from the labor of business. Mr. O’Connell
presented sixteen Irish petitions for the repeal
of the Union. Various other petitions, princi
pally in reference to the same subjects as those
adverted to in the House of Lords, were pre
sented and referred—atter which the miscella
neous estimates were made the subject of con
sideration—a few items to the amount of £34,
000 sterling, passed—and at the period of our
latest advices, the improvement of me National
Gallery was the subject of debate, and Sir Ro
bert Peel on his legs.
The funeral solemnities of Sir Richard Keats,
late Governor of Greenwich Hospital, were per*
formed on the 12th ultimo, with all the pomp
and dignity of naval military observance. The
King had been, in early life, a shipmate of the
Admiral, and gave orders to have the funeral
conducted with all the honors due to the high
station of the deceased in the British service. It
was accordingly attended by many noblemen
of distinction, and the whole of the great square
| ofthe Greenwich Hospital was lined with pen
sioners, and the upper quadrangle, in addition
to lines of pensioners, was skirted by 100 nurses
and 200 girls, whose appearance added much to
the interest and impressiveness of the scene.
Lord William Russeli, the late Minister from
| the British Court to that of Donna Maria, has
returned to England.
Mr. O’Connell has addressed another letter to
the people of Ireland, dated the Sth of April, in
which he reproves the snpineness that had been
l manifested in procuring signatures for a repeal
1 ofthe Union. His requisition, he says, was for
(half a million of names, and fewer than eighty
thousand had been obtained. He charitably at
tributes the deficiency, however, to the preva
lence ofthe cholera, which, he states, had spread
14 more extensively during the present winter,
than it did at any former period, reaching dis
tricts which it had before spared.” He also ad
duces other reasons that had probably contri
buted to the result.
The general scope and tenor of the letter va
ries but little from his previous epistolary effu
sions. He ^enjoins the Irish people to renew
agitation the moment they hear that his motion
I for repeal is defeated; and at the same time fore
warns them to be prepared for defeat, and gives
them satisfactory reasons for expecting it, by
stating that the vote upon the question would
be 40 in its favor, and 450 against it; and yet he
concludes with the adjuration, 44 Men of Ireland,
do not despair.” Really, with such prospects,
and especially when he states, moreover, that
there will probably be a majority of even the
Irish members against the measure, we can per
ceive but very narrow room for the indulgence
of hope.
The following shocking occurrences recent
ly took place in Tipperary. A letter dated at
Clonmel!, on the 7th of April, states that on
Thursday, (the 3d.) a man named Corbett was
deliberately shot by a Policeman, near New
castle, in that county. The circumstances at
tending this affair prove that the murder of Cor
bett was deliberate and preconcerted. The
vengeance of the people would find vent. They
could not suffer a person whom they admired
for his many daring deeds, to be deprived of
life without visiting with terrible consequences
his murderers. Accordingly, at his funeral on
the following day, which was attended by up
wards of 20,000 persons, some conspirators re
solved upon the fate of the policemen. Shortly
after the remains of Corbett were deposited in
the churchyard, and in a part of the country not
more than a few miles distant from the place of
interment, three policemen, who were escorting
to the neighboring station a person under ar
rest, were met by seven or eight young men,
who deprived them of their arms, rescued their
prisoners, and at 4 o’clock in the day, barbar
ously murdered the escort, who were seen short
ly afterwards by a gentleman then passing—
one of them literally lifeless, his brains protrud
ing through terrible woudds, his head cleft asun
der, and his comrades in arms, as well as in mi
sery, lying, nearly dead, in large pools of blood,
on the road. Immediate search was made for
the murderous assailants. The military station
ed at Cahir Barracks scoured the country, and
all the barracks of the district emptied of their
police. The result of this search has been the
apprehension, on suspicion, of four or five per
sons. In the mean time, the country is wonder
fully excited. The Police perceive that they are
the devoted objects of the deadly malice of the
peasantry, and raise, by their obstinate conduct,
to a much higher pitch, the hostile dispositions
of the people in their regard. It is supposed
that a conspiracy, on a very great scale, exists
in that part of Tipperary.
From the scene of fraternal discord, accounts
are many days later 4>an before received. The
following is the very latest, and dated “City, 12
o’clock, April 14th:”
“The letters brought by the Lightning steam-,
er, which arrived on Friday at Plymouth, from
Portugal, are of the most satisfactory descrip
* ^on> ft being positively stated that Braga and
Benja have both surrendered to the Constitu
tional troops. At Opoito every thing was tran
quil, as the following extract of a letter receiv
ed by a most respectable house here will prove:—
“ Oporto, March 30.
" Our political situation has lately presented
I . . X '.
to us the certainty of a triumph without fear.—
The rebels are lost. Our province-of the Minho
may now really be said to be free.”
In the intermediate period from our last ad
vices we perceive that Gen. de Sa had been des
patched from Algarves with a few thousand
men, and had swept the whole country between
it and SL Ubes of the guerillas by which it had
been infested. Gen. Torres also had made a
successful excursion, and put to the route all the
Miguelites that came in his way. Admiral Na
pier had likewise doffed his naval uniform, and
made a successful expedition on land. He had
taken possession of Vienna, with its forts and
castle, and was about to proceed to Ponte de
Lima. Valencia had surrendered to him, and
he was marching onward, with a full tide of suc
cess. Without going into further details, suffice
it to say that the present aspect of Portuguese
affairs is highly favorable to the Constitutional
Lisbon and Oporto are declared free ports.—
The decree for that purpose has given great
It is ascertained beyond a doubt that three
battalions iu the service of Don Carlos, and all
commanded by Spanish officers, had been for
some time united with Don Miguel’s army. 1 hey
constituted the right wing of it in time of battle.
Of course the troops of the Queen Regent of
Spain have as good right to enter Portugal for
the defence of Dona Maria, as those of Don Car
los have to support the pretensions of Don Mi
The reports of a change of Ministry at Lisbon
were losing ground, and it was understood that
the Emperor had determined for the present to
retain the individuals actually in office, in the
consideration that to them was to be attributed,i
in a great degree, the success with which the
cause of the Queen had been attended
On the General Appropriation Bill.—House of
Representatives, May 1.
Mr. ADAMS said, that, at the adjournment
of the House last evening, he had been desirous
of saying a few words in reply to the remarks
which had been made to what he had before
said. He should confine himself as much as
possible to those remarks. The gentlemen who
had spoken after him yesterday, particularly
thp honnrahlp Chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Relations, (Mr. Archer) had entered
upon subjects of an exciting nature, and which,
as they had been discussed heretofore, it was
not so necessary to bring now into debate. Mr.
“A. had had particular reasons for wishing to
avoid these topics; but it was no longer left to
Ris choice.
The true ground taken, called for the amend
ment he had offered. He had not expected
that it would call up the friends of the Adininfs
tration as it had done; nor that they would have
considered it necessary to put forth their whole
strength in vindicating the course pursued.
The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Affairs, with that high and honorable spirit
which belonged to him, had considered himself
called upon, by the place he occupied, to come
forth in support of so much of the course of the
Administration, as he believed capable of de
fence, and its conduct had been farther and
more at large defended by another member of
the same Committee (Mr. Wayne,) and also bv
the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and
Means (Mr. Polk.) Each of these gentlemen
had submitted considerations peculiar to them
selves in support of the present item of appro
Mr. A. should confine himself, in reply, to
those considerations which belong to the merits
of the question, and to the grounds on which he
should support the motion of the gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. Foot) to strike out the
words “ Great Britain” and “ Russia.”
He did not advocate the amendment on the
grounds assumed by the gentleman from Con
necticut, who had moved it: and still less on
those which had been taken by the eloquent
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Davis.)
As to the principles laid down by the latter gen
tleman, they would have all that weight with
the House which they ought to have. Mr. A.
did not attach the same importance to them
which that gentleman did.
As to the honorable Chairman of the Com
mittee on Foreign Relations (Mr. Archer) so
far as Mr.' A. recollected, the principal answer
given to his previous remarks had been the ex
pression of great surprise, on the part of that
gentleman, that Mr. A. should underrate the
importance of a mission to Russia. He did not
underrate it. He knew its importance. There
was no gentleman in that House who knew it
so well. He ought to know it better than others,
as his opportunities had been better. He had
ueen in circumstances tuny 10 uppieeicue me
value of a good understanding with that Pow
er, in critical circumstances of our own affairs.
There had been a period, in which Mr. AK well
knew the value of maintaining diplomatic rela
| tions there; he did not attach the same import
' ance to it now; but he held it still to be of quite
| sufficient importance for us to have a Minister
| of the highest grade constantly residing there.
His objection to the appropriation did not
rest on that ground at all. lie objected to it,
because Congress was appropriating, year af
ter year, for a Minister to Russia, when we had
no such Minister there. The House appropriat
ed for a full Minister’s salary; and the country
ought to have a Minister of that rank constant
ly on the spot. There ought not to be an inter
val of a month in which either of these import
tant missions should be vacant. The House
went on appropriating from year to year, and
at the end of the year they were still asked for
more. When they inquired the reason, and ad
verted to the fact that no Minister had been sent,
they were then told that the money had all
been spent; just as it would have been had a
Minister of the highest grade been resident at
the Court in question during the whole year.
This was Mr. A.’s objection.
In reference to some otthe topics which had
been touched upon by the gentleman from
Georgia, (Mr. Wayne.) and the Chairman of
the Committee of Ways and Means, (Mr. Polk,)
he felt himself under a restraint which would
compel him to avoid reply, were he otherwise
situated. He had stated, w’hen up on the pre
vious day, that this state of things to which he
objected had happened not at the Court of Rus
sia alone. A Minister would be sent, and, on
arriving at his destination, would remain but a
brief space of time, and then return home, to
go elsewhere. He had noticed a case in which
one staid but six weeks; this, to be sure, w’as
the strongest instance that had occurred; but
there were others not much less exceptionable.
T. he Chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations (Mi. Archer) with that candid, open,
manly, and magnanimous spirit, in which he
always acted, had undertaken the vindication
of the case more particularly adverted to. He
appreciated*the feelings of that gentleman; but
the nation had agreed in the opinion he had ex- 1
pressed in relation to that embassy. The gen
tleman from Georgia (Mr. Wayne) had endea
vored to turn w’hat he had said into a person- :
al reflection, on the character of the minister
who had been sent. Sir, said Mr. A., I am inca
pable of making such a reflection, because the
person alluded to is in his grave. That is of it
self sufficient to seal my lips foi^ever in silence
respecting him in this House. It was not to the
individual sent, that my remarks were intended
to apply; nor shall I refer to him now, with any
design of passing censure upon his conduct.—
Sir, he is far beyond the reach of my censure,
or that of any other human being. But I men
tioned that case, in which the conduct of this
administration had been justly subject to cen
sure. I do not speak merely of the appointment
of that individual; I refer to the whole course
preceding his appointment; and I mention it
only as one instance out of many of a similar
kind. .
The same gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Wayne) has undertaken, as a sort of apology
for what he seemed to admit to have been not
very defensible, to bring before the House the
important purposes which had been effected by
the diplomacy of the present administration; as
if the ministers had rendered services which,
from their great importance, amply compensa
ted for shortness of their stay abroad. Under
this head, the gentleman adduced certain trea
ties which had been made, and negotiations
which had been successffilly carried through.
Sir, I admit, that if all the negotiations to
which the honorable gentleman alluded had
been concluded as successfully and honorably
as he says they have been, it might better have
answered the objection that, although absent
but a month or two, they had been paid for a
year. But is that any answer at all? Is it any
reason why a Ministers should go and return in
a single year? and should get double and treble
the compensation allowed them by law? This
is the case to which the gentleman from Geor
gia should have directed his attention. Sir, this
reminds me of an anecdote of Frederick the Se
cond, King of Prussia. He had appointed a
certain Judge, who turned out to be unfaithful
in his office. Complaints multiplying against
his numerous malversations, the King sent for
him, and inquired into the case. The Judge ap
peared in his own vindication, and was going
on to tell a long story in his defence; when the
King stopped him short in the midst of it, ex
claiming stop, stop! I have heard enough; the
fault is not in you, but in me, tor appointing
such a knave.” I do not find so much fault with
the Minister who leaves the court to which he
ii'op cont o n rl lfioifc nil ivn^nrinfr nlflf'PC in
Europe, and on his return home pockets his sal
ary; the blame rests not so much on him, as on
the administration who permits such things.—
What I say is, that the practice which has arisen,
ought not to be suffered to continue. Every
foreign minister should be confined to the place
and the duties of his mission.
As to tiie achievements of these gentlemen,
there was much panegyric, and particularly in
reference to the arrangement made with Great
Britain on the subject of the West India trade.
This, sir, is a subject which I purposely pass
over; it is fit to be commented on by any person
rather than by me; it is a subject concerning
which there has been«much controversy, and
great difference of opinion. I could wish that
much of the angry disputation to which it has
given rise, were forever forgotten. I may say
of it—
“ Incedo per ignes suppositos
“ Cineri dolo/’
Sir, I wish the gentleman had not brought up
this subject. How must it apply? What will be
its unavoidable bearing? Is there not a gentle
man in another Hall of this building, who must
be immediately and personally affected by any
remarks on this subject? And will I say any
thing in reference to that gentleman any where
but in his own presence? No. sir. And is there
not another gentleman now in the Department
of State, whose character is deeply implicated?
And shall 1 go into any observations on his con
duct when he is not present to answer? I will
not. But, sir, if we are to judge of these mar
vellous negotiations by their effects, I should
send tiie gentleman from Georgia to that por
tion of the Union more immediately affected by
their results, and let him ask of them what they
think of the matter. I therefore pass over this
topic entirely. I wish to say nothing about it.—
Not that my objection to discussing it has any
reference to myself: on that score I have none
whatever. My objection has respect to individ
uals not here. I will not censure any man in
this House in a manner which I would not were
he personally present.
The gentleman from Georgia, in answering
my objections to the short duration of certain
missions abroad, alluded, by way of retort, to
an unfortunate appointment made by the Ad
ministration preceding the present, in which
case the individual appointed happened to fall
sick and to die, and on that account did not re
main seven years, or three years, at his post.—
Does a case like that justify us to appropriate,
from year to year, for a Minister at a foreign
Court, when we have no Minister there? The
case referred to has happened, but not in the way
the gentleman had stated it. It is true that the
eminent individual was appointed, nor does this
nation contain a greater statesman, nor one who
has rendered to his country more important ser
vices; and it is true that he was prevented by
illness from continuing abroad. But does thfs
justify an Administration in appointing a man,
with liberty beforehand, to go where he pleases,
instead of remaining at his post? The gentle
man will not pretend it does.
But further. In that very case, although the
gentleman stated that he imputed no blame to
the Administration for the appointment, and on
lyjbrought it forward by way of precedent; but if
the gentleman will go back beyond the last four
years, (I will not say what that gentleman him
self said on the subject.) but if he will take the
trouble of looking at the journals of that day, or
if he will consult the record of the debates of
this very House, he will find that that appoint
ment was held up before the whole country as
one of the most heinous sins of that administra
tion. Well, sir, and are we now to have the ve
ry worst acts of that administration adduced as
precedents for the very best acts of this?
I will add a word as to that letter from the
State Department which was read to us by the
honorable Chairman of the Committee on Fo
reign Relations. Sir, it is an oracle.
[Here Mr. Archer interposed, and reminded
Mr. A. that the paper he had read was not a let
ter from any body; but his own written memo
randum of the reply he had received from the
Secretary of State.]
Well, sir, it was information in some shape.
It was the answer of the State Department, made
in such manner that the gentleman thought pro
per to take it down, word for word, as he re
ceived it. The gentleman could not have con
sidered it as a casual communication, in an or
dinary form, or he would not have immediate
ly reduced it to writing. Sir, I again say it was
m oracle. I did not say that my friend, the
Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs,
was the God from whom this oracle was issued.
He was only the-[Priest, said Mr. Archer.]
yes, the Priest, (resumed Mr. Adams) to
communicate the response of the deii}' to the
Mr. ARCHER here rose to explain. He said,
that, in consequence of the peculiar position he
occupied in respect to the Administration, he
considered it his duty to let the House under
stand why he had been so exceedingly precise
in stating what had been said to him by the Se
cretary. He had thought that if he should an
swer in any different mode, lie might perhaps
commit the Administration farther than the Pre
sident wished. There was a reservation in the
answer which he was bound to give precisely as
he had received it—lest he might be represent
ed as having made a positive declaration that
the President would nominate during the ses
sion. Mr. A. did not wish to commit himself, or
to commit the President farther than he was
warranted in doing.
Mr. ADAMS. Precisely so. The Chairman
acted with perfect prudence,and perfect honor,as
he always does. But still, sir, Isay this statement
is an oracle. Understand it who can, I am un
able to penetrate its meaning. It is much such
a reply as that famous response of the Oracle to
Pyrrhus, “ Aio te &cida Romanos vine ere posse.”
I declare that you will conquer the Romans, or
the Romans will conquer you. Sir, if the an -
swer is equivocal, it is not my fault, or the fa«lt
of the honorable Chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Relations. For myself, I take it for
granted that no nomination will be made. My
word for it, some little incidents will arise, con
nected with the public interest, which will cause
no nomination to be made. And this is reason
enough for me to vote against this appropria
tion. 1 will not put it in the power of the Exe
cutive to make the happening of a vacancy, and
then enable him to fill it. I do not, indeed,
adopt this as a general principle, but, owing to
the peculiar circumstances of the times, I will
not be accessary to granting any appropriation,
so long as this matter remains in dubio—not
until this ocular style shall be laid aside, and
the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re
lations shall say distinctly that the nomination
will be made as it ought to be made. Sir, I will
not pledge myself to any thing, (because, if I do, 1
shall be accused of a Bargain,) but I will say.
with a distinct and explicit declaration that if
the nomination be made, I shall lose all my ob
jections to this appropriation. I would vote it
most cordially, and I believe Congress will do
the same, if that gentleman will give us a pledge
that the nomination shall be made to the Senate
before the close of the session. I say that the
nomination ought to be so made. I say that no
contingency that can arise can take from the
Executive the duty of making it. Sir, in these
portentous times, it may not be proper for ine
to speak of any doctrines of which 1 have heard,
but concerning which I can produce no conclu
sive or authentic testimony. But I have heard
of certain Messages sent to the other House of
Congress, signifying, that, if certain nomina
tions submitted to them shall not be confirmed,
no others for the same offices will be made. I
have heard of such things: and I would call for
copies of such communication, if I were not
confident that any thing I shall ask for from the
' Executive Department will not be obtained.
In this matter of Calls, a new practice has ob
tained (1 do not charge it upon the present Ad
ministration,) but in the days with which 1 have
been acquainted, it was enough fora member
to say that he wished for any information for
him to obtain it. Why, sir, in the days of a for
mer Administration, I well remember that all
the Departments were ransacked, at every ses
sion of Congress, to satisfy the calls of mem
bers of this floor: at that time, any member
could obtain whatever information he demand
ed. But how is it now? I have offered resolu
tions calling for information on the Depart
ments, which have lain there for weeks and
months. I have endeavored to get them up, but
never could succeed. This House is hermetical
ly sealed. Why, sir, what did we see this very
day? My colleague (Mr. Lincoln) offered a re
solution calling for information touching the
condition of the Post Office Department—reso
lutions going to the deepest foundations of its
honor and honesty; but the House after hearing
the resolution read, refused to permit it to be
sent. And this is our situation. Wecangetno
information: or I would send an inquiry to the
Executive, and endeavor to learn if the fact be
as 1 have stated. But as this would be in vain,
I am reduced to the necessity of believing that
it is so. The character of the answer given by
the honorable Chairman does not, certainly,
tend to remove such an impression. I say again,
that assuming that the appointments are to be
made, it is the duty of the Executive to present
the nominations at the present session. It is
his duty, under the oath of God which is upon
him. to carry the laws into effect. But if, instead
of this, the Executive refuses to tell whether he
will make any nomination or no, I am compel
led to conclude that he does not intend to make
them. 1 connect this conclusion with rumors
that are abroad. The next step will be to make
a vacancy, and to fill it by his own authority.—
At the next session, he must be convinced, that
his nomination will not be confirmed by the ad
vice and consent of the Senate. It will be the du
ty of that body to reject it. And what then? The
Minister will come home, and yon will have ano
ther Minister, who, for an absence of a few
months, will thus receive 20 or 30,000 dollars.
Sir, these are changes not produced by a
change of the Constitution—not by an open os
tensible proposal to the People of the Union, but
simply by the possession of the Executive pow
er. “Executive power shall be vested in a Pre
sident of the United States,” and “the President
shall see that the laws are faithfully executed.”
By these two talismans have all these metamor
phoses been effected. It is for this House to
awake to its duty; and this is one of the occa
sions on which it is their duty to act. They have
the power to act, and it is their duty to exercise
it in emergencies like the present
There was one observation which fell from the
Chairman of the Committee of Ways & Means,
that struck me as somewhat oracular. Sir, it
was much like that with which we are favored
from the Department of State. The gentleman
referred to a case in which a Minister had been
sent out, but that had not bepn able to find his
place of destination. My reply to this will be
nearly the same as to the remark made by the
gentleman from Georgia. I ask the gentleman
what was his opinion respecting that mission?
What did the gentleman think and say? An'j
what did all those that acted with him tell the
people concerning such appointment? Was n ot
that one of the heaviest charges which they pre
ferred against that Administration? Andvill the
gentleman stand here, and bring up o’oe of the
worst acts of the Administration he opposed, in
justification of a measure he now recommends?
I am not, however, quite certain that I know
what he means. He says that there was one
Minister who went out from this country, and
never could find the place to which he was sent.
Yes, sir! And why could he not find it? Be
cause he found a grave in seeking it. Of that man
I will say as I said of another, to whom allusion
was made in this debate, that, if he was not a
man whose name ought never to be mentioned
with reverence and honor in thia ,• \
know not who is deserving such feeling Th** I
suit of their labors was not unanticipated \?-ere- jl
to that mission, it -would be a waste of t’lr ,as I!
me to undertake to justify it. It is no. lnie ^0| r
of our history. But if the gentleman wn?Parl I
the trouble of looking at the Executive 1
incuts, he will see that the result of that d°Cu I
tunate mission was not unforeseen. It w. Uf1°r I
seen and it was foretold, as not improbab]S °fe t
when the House was called upon for the ^ 311(1 V
site appropriation, it was with full noti^1 I
them that the result could not be foretold*-*0 I
certainty, but was in the decision ofthe 8., wll‘* Ij
Disposer of Events. And is this to be tl V
up as a charge against that Administration' *
to be quoted in support of what is askJ?Van'J ’ ’
us now? eaIrom h
Mr. A. concluded with an apology rm. r! .
sultory character of Iiis speech, and for, 1] i
it liad occupied. 1,ln>?
Profligacy in the Collection of the PuLl;•
nue! 1 \
We were never so much astounded as
publication of the following official letter - *
the Secretary ofthe Treasury, exposing the m 1
gross, wanton, and corrupt squander ofthe i*
pie’s money, upon the slaves ofthe Album- P
gency, that ever met the public eye.
Albany Efining Jourv.nl
Erom the Rochester Daily Democrat,
Genessee District.
Treasury Department, April 2S js'-i
Sir—I have the honor to transmit you il,
with, incompliance with the request in ui.
your letter of the 24th ultimo, a statement f
nished by the Register of the Treasury, ex;
ing the amount of Revenue collected in ilR* p
trict of Genessee, together with a list ofthe
sons employed in the collection of the same li
the amount paid to each, during the years is
1832, and 1833. R. B. Taney.
Secretary of the Treasur
Hon. Fred. Whittlesey,
House of Representatives, Washington
Statement, exhibiting the gross amount of R,
venue received at the Port of Genesee, in
State of New York, and the expenses of c.i'
lection of the same, during the years endin
31st day of December, 1831, 1832, and IS33 r
18:31 ' iflQo rM.'
Gross amount) , cnn ori ..
of revenue \ 1’690 22 755 $43 h
E collection^S 3-775 30 ^,263 01 4,198 0)
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But for the official form in which this expo
sure comes, we should he utterly unable to ere
dit it. The naked facts are too startling for be
lief! Such enormous prodigality, such stnpend
ous corruption, is without a parallel in thehisto
ry of party profligacy.
Fellow-citizens, read over this statement again
and again, and still again. Assure yourse
of the shameful fact, established by the official,
sanction of the Secretary of the Treasury, that
tor the collection of about EIGHT HUNDRED
DOLLARS OF REVENUE, at the Port of Ge
nesee, Jacob Gould and his band of subordi
nates, draw over Four Thousand Dollars annu
ally from the public Treasury!!
View this statement in any manner that i
possible, it still remains the most alarming an*
sickening exposure of venality and corruption
ever exhibited to the public view. How many
such thirsty leeches are there gorging them
selves from the public Treasury? Ilow many
such panders fattening upon 11 spoils?'1 At how
many other Ports, are the people paying at the
rate of SIX DOLLARS from the Treasury,
for every ONE DOLLAR collected in Kevenin
And is this the kind of “RETRENCHMENT
AND REFORM” which Gon. Jackson pronir
cd the people?
gyny>t— .—
Runaway Slaves.—On the arrival, yesterday
ot the ship Mississippi from New Orleans, to tie*
great surprise of the captain and crew, two r.<
gro men made their appearance on deck, having
secreted themselves in the hold of the ves><*!
where they remained undiscovered since then
departure. Captain Miner, aware of tiie seven
penalty which the laws of Louisiana inflict j..
persons who illegally convey slaves out of r; ,
State, instantly made application to the R ecord
er for a permit to reship them to the yort from
whence they absconded, and also order f?r
their commitment to prison for japing. un
til the ship returns to New Orleans. The Recor
der, in consonance with r.,ur revised statutes,
granted the permit for Yeshipmeni. but refuse’
theorder for coin mite, ent not having the power
to do so legally. 7i,e captain then took the ne
grops to dew oil, but the keeper refused to de
tain the^ii without a warrant. In the nieantiC'
some members of the Manumisson Society ha
become informed of the circumstance, and i
P'aireu to Rridewell in order to effect their hm
ration. After much altercation on the subject
the captain again conveyed the runaways ■
hoard his vessel, where they will be detained!
she reaches her port of destination.
| A. K Daily W
The severest example recorded in hstory 1
the punishment of a corrupt administratorol
is that which Cambyses, king of Persia, cau^l
to be inflicted on the person of Sisanmes, one o*
the royal judges. Having learnt that this
gistrate allowed himself to be swayedby bri
lie ordered him to be flayed, and caused the ^
bunal where he used to sit to be covered with n*'
skin. He then appointed Ostanes, the son 11
Sisamnes, as his successor, and made hnn
his place at the tribunal covered with hi> u»f

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