Alexandria gazette. [volume], December 22, 1834, Image 2

About Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974

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T H IHt AZETTE.
By EDGAR SNOWDEN.
Daily paper - - - - 58 per annum.
Country paper - - -.5 per annum.
The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE forthe coun
try is printed on Tuesday, Thursday, and
Saturday. A
All advertisements appear in both papers, an
are inserted at the usual rates. _
DEBATE IN THE SENATE,
Immediately after the reading of Mr.
Repot t. ]
Mr. Benton rose and sam, mai unurc uie rc- ,
port was ordered to be printed he had a word
ortw.i tosay. His name, he hadobserved, was
mentioned in ttie report, but to be sure in good J
company, tor it w.is coupled with the names of]
Andrew Jackson, Marlin Van Buren, and Felix
Grundy. Before the Senate adjourned, he wish
ed to nave an opportunity of showing the Se
nate that the committee hud been most unwor
ttiily treated by the Bank, and had been made
the means, so far as he was concerned, of re
p >rtmg to the American People what was an
untruth. He had written to the President of the
Punk of the United States, and he had done so
at the request of some merchants in Missouri.—
He had written to him with cordiality so far as
their object was concerned, and with a view to
promote the object of their application. The re
port stated, that, upon this application, a branch
was established there as a business institution,
and not a political one. Now, mark, he wished
to inquire of the chairman if there was commu
nicated to him a report made to the Directory by
Gen. Cadwallader, who was sent to St. Louis,
in consequence of the petition, in order to report
to the directory w hether the business of the place
would require a Branch.
[Mr. Tyler said, “There was not."]
Mr. Benton continued. Then, he would re
peat, the committee had been most unworthily
treated, and had been made the instrument of
f iving an untruth to the American People.
Vhen he went home from this city the mer
chants of St. Louis told him that the petition
would be unavailing—that Gen. Cadwallader,
on the part of the Bank of the Un ted States,
had examined into the business of the place,
and, in consequence, had reported to the Direc
tory that it was not sufficiently extensive to au
thorize them in establishing a branch there.
Well, in contempt of that report, that it was un
necessary to establish a branch, the President of
the Bank of the United States had since direct
ed that one should he established, as lie (Mr. B.)
would now proceed to shew. Now, about that
time, he struck the first blow at the Bank, which
nenaaine prouu cons«*ittiiuii iu wnc»r,
means of first exciting public indignation
against it. To the astonishment of the mer
chants of St. Louis, after having only a short
time previously received the information that a
branch was nut be established in their city, cme
wassuddenly opened, and. as it was ulieged, “Tor
the convenience of the Government;” and the
funds of that branch had been applied to-political
objects: Yes. a speech which he had delivered on
the floor of the Senate on the Veto message, had
been reviewed; and 75,000 copies of the “Re
views” on it were distributed by the Bank, and
a large portion of them hud been poured into
his State at the time of the election; while the
speech itself was suppressed in the Register
of the Debates in Congress on the* subject.—
Yes, 75,000 copies hud been distributed, 'while
the speech itself was suppressed! or, at all events,
was withheld. He had not seen a better des
cr.ption of this affair than what he would now
lelaie. A gentleman had once made a speech,
and sent it to a certain press, the editor ol which
took great liberties with it, and when it came out
the author said *• it was nothing but a diminu
tive metamorphosis of what he had said.”
So much for this subject.
In order that the Senate might bring the mat
ter to an issue, he had drawn up a resolution,
which he wished to have considered as a part of
his remarks:
«• h'esoJceil, That the Committee of Finance be
instructed to obtain from the Bank of the United
States a copy of the report made by the agent
who visited St.Louis, in consequence of an appli
cation from the merchants of that place. Also,
the answer; and a copy of the letter making
known t<» the >aid merchants that a branch would
be soon established there.5
If the committee had sent him a note, he would
have put then in posssession of the (acts, and the
mortification would have been spared to them
of having communicated to the public an un
truth. Now. this went to show the necessity of
putting on every Committee at least one indivi
dual who differed from the rest, if it was only as
a spy. He was not going into an examination
ofthe report then, as time would not permit of
it. But there were some things in it which he
could not avoid noticing. W hat the t. ommittee
quoted, it.adopted as its own. The Committee
had quoted the expression “ hostility and vindic
tiveness on the part ofthe President of the Unit
ed States towaids the Bank;” and in quoting the
charge, had adopttnl it, and made it its own.—
Now this point had been so often brought before
the pubic that every one must be at no loss to
understand it. The moment it was mentioned,
every mind would comprehend what was meant
to be inferred. He (Mr. Benton) touched no
truth in contradiction of the report, but what
was to be found on the journals of the Se
nate. And he would say, it was not for
any Committee of the Senate to report a
thing which was condemned by tire journals
of their own body. VN hat had they done:
What had th**y charged? That the President
oftheUmted State had turned round against
the Bank because he could not manage the Di- i
rectory, and make them subservient to his politi-1
cal purposes! This was the charge which had
gone through the country for the last two or three
years. ... ,
w ■ __Avnmlno «• n •» 1 ll Q r! ,
cu i • li. ii iv 11 jin/vtvuvu iv ' ..—-*
been the course of the President of the United
States in reference to the nomination of Go
vernment Directors.
Who did. he name as the Directors of that
Bank in 1830. on the part of the Government?.
Nicholas Biddle and some ot his friends. And '
yet it is said that he is desirous of destroying the i
institution because he could not manage it; be
he could not make others “ fiddle at his bidding. I
Who did ho nominate as Government Directors
In 1831? Nicholas Biddle and some of his f riends.
Who he (Mr. B.) would ask, were nominated
to that Bank in 1833? Nicholas Biddle and
aome of his friends! Three years was he plac
ed at the head of the Government Directors, by
consequence indicating that he was placed
there by the nomination of Andrew Jack
son. Notwithstanding this, for three years had
that exalted personage been charged with being ;
ini mica! to the Bank because ho could not ma
nage it: Yes! the journals of the Senate con
tained the recorded .evidence of the falsehood
of these Charges, and from those journals It
could not be erased.
He (Mr. B.) would not go into the matter, but,
when he saw that the oommittee had struck ano
ther blow at the purest man in America, he
felt bound to vindicate his character. When
the committee had brought out a decision against
him on the general ground thut he had alleged ,
that the Bank had violated its charter by creat
ing an exchange cortuhittee, be (Mr. B.) would 1
tell them they ought to have made a closer ex
amination. Thus they had made a false issue.
The charge was-not made against the Bank for
creating an exchange committee. (without i
which, he presumed no Bank in the world exists,)
but the charge was of an entirely different cha
racter; the issue ought to be correctly staled,
and met in the presence of the Senate and the
country.
He (Mr* 1i ) naa one single iact to present.
When the American people came to read that
elaborate report in defence of the Bank and in
culpation of the administration,,he should then
owe it to them to show the truth as it appeared
on the face of the monthly returns of the Bank
itself; which, when it should be confronted with
the statement made by the committee, would ex
cite astonishment, not only throughout our con
tinent, but Europe also. The conduct of this
Bank, doubtless, had occasioned the pressure of
the last year. Now, the statement of the Bank
showed to what extent they were liable to this
charge. He had taken from the monthly state
ments of the Bank the following facts.
[Here the honorable Senator read the state
ments of the various sums which had been trans
ferred by the Bank to their agents in London,
the gross amount of which was $3,115,313.] All
of which, he averred, had been squeezed and
pressed out of a few Branches at the South and
West, to be forwarded to their agents, in w hose
hands it was to remain until the Bank gave fur
| tljer orders. By the last report, it appeared
I mere was the sum ol tw o millions remaining in
i the hands of Barings in London. Now, gen
tlemen could not have lookeddnto the monthly
returns, or they would have seen that fact, not,
however, in the language which he had used,
but they coyld have detected it in the papers to
which he had just referred, lie would assert
that when the people should he tn possession of
the facts which he had mentioned, it was impos
sible that the Committee could stand justified in
their statement that the pressure was not brought
about by the Bank.
Another fact was also shown by the monthly
returns, viz: that, during the panic of last win
ter, there were two transfers of specie from the
Branch Bank of New Orleans, one of about
$500,000, the other ol $S00,000, making, toge
ther, a million and a quarter, which was press
ed out of the merchants ol that city, and w hich
occasioned a depression in the price of flour,
and oth.er articles, to about one-half; and all
this w as done under the pretence of supplying
the vacuum created by the removal of the de
posites. No doubt that million and a quarter
which were carried away from New’ Orleans
was invested in bills of exchange, to be trans
ferred to the Barings. Would to God that he
hadtbe-power to examine the report before the
American people, and to call witnesses, as lie
could do, to disprove at least forty of the state
ments made in it. After this, he would ask,
must* not the Committee feel the necessity of al
tering the report?
rar. r>. m conclusion, again u [jt-iuru » mu ur
could do if lie possessed the power of examining
witnesses, and dun resumed his seat.'
Mr. Tyler s«tid that nothing would please him
more than to have the report of the committee
which had been so furiously assailed by the Se
nator from Missouri, referred to another -com
mittee for their most rigid examination—and he
would like the honorable Senator (Mr. Benton )
to be one of the committee—I Mr. Benton rose,
and extending his hand to Mr. Tyler, and ap
proaching him at the same time, said, “Give
me your hand on that— 1 should like it too”! and
took his seat by Mr. T.
Mr. Tyler proceeded. Let the honorable Se
nator summon his witnesses, and take deposi
tions without number—let him then return with
his budget to this House, and lay them, w ith or
\CSthout an air of triumph, on the table. But he
would find himself mistaken. All his witnesses
combined would not be able to overthrow the
testimony upon which the report of the Com
mittee is based. There is not a single declara
tion in the report which is not founded upon tes
timony which cannot lie— written documentary
evidence which no party testimony can over
come. In times like these the gentleman might
be able to procure witnesses without number,
but here (said Mr. Tyler, laying his hands on
the documents and papers referred to in the re- J
port) is proof too strong for the most furious;
partisan to assail w ith success. Upon it, he for |
one. would rest.
The honorable Senator had denominated the j
report “ an elaborate defence of the Bank.”—
He had said that it justified the Bank in its
course of curtailment during the last winter, and
the early part of the summer. Sir, if the ho
norable Senator had paid more attention to the
reading, or had waited to have it in print, he
would not have hazarded such a declaration.
He would have perceived that that whole qnes ,
tion was submitted to the decision of the Senate, j
The committee had presented both sides of the !
question—the view most favorablp, and that
most unfavorable, to the institution. It exhibit
ed the measures of the Executive, and those of
the Bank consequent upon them on the one side,
and the available resources of the Bank on the
other. The fact that its circulation of nineteen
millions of dollars w-as protected by specie to
the amount of SIO.OOO,000, and claims on the:
State Banks exceeding 82,000.000, which were I
equal to specie—that its purchase of domestic
exchange had so declined from May to October, {
as to place at its disposal more than 85.000.000;
something more than a doubt is expressed whe-1
tlier, under ordinary circumstances, the Bank
would have been justified in curtailing its dis
counts. So, too, in regard to a perseverance in ’
its measures of precaution as long as it did, a
summary of facts is given to enable the Senate ,
to decide upon the propriety of the course pur-'
sued by the Bank. The effort of the committee
has been to present these subjects fairly to the
Senate and the country. They have sought
“nothing to extenuate, nor have they set down
aught in malice.” The statements are present
ed to the Senator for his calm and deliberate
consideration—to each Senator to be weighed
as becomes his high station. And what is the !
course of the Honorable Senator? Xbe mo-,
ment he (Mr. T.) could return fo.bis seat from
the Clerk’s table, the gentleman pounces-upon*
the report, and makes assertions which a care
ful perusal of it would cause him to koow it does
not contain. On one subject, the controversy!
relative to the bill of exchange, and the dajri j;
ages consequents its protest, the Committee'
had expressed the opinion that the Government*,
was in error, and he, as a member of that-Conv- •
mittee, would declare his own conviction, that
that opinion \vas sound and maintainable,- be-»
fore any fair and impartial tribunal in the world*,
Certain persons started bacir with alarm a^the
mere mention of a court of justice. The trial
by jury had become hateful in their eyes. The
great principles of mugna charta are to be
overlooked, and- the declarations contained in
the bill of rights are become too old fashioned
to be valuable. Popular prejudices are to be
addressed, and, instead of an appeal to the
calm and deliberate judgment of mankind,
every lurking prejudice is to be awakened, be
cause a corporation or a set of individuals have
believed themselves wronged by the accounting
officers of the Treasury, and have bad the te
merity and imnudence to take a course calcu
lated to bring their rights before the forum of
the courts. Let those who see cause to pursue
this course, rejoice as they may please, and ex
ult in the success which attends it. For one, I
renounce it as unworthy American Statesmen.
The Committee had addressed a sober and tem
perate, but firm, argument upon this subject to
the Senate; and standing in the presence of
that august body, and before the whole Ame
rican People, he rested upon that argument for
the truth of the opinion advanced. An opinion,
for the honesty of which, on his own part, he
would avouch, after the most solemn manner,
under the unutterable obligations he was under
to his Creator.
The Senator Man also sponen in strong ian
| guage as to that part ot the report which related
I to the Committee of Exchange. He had said
that a false issue had been presented; that the
late Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Taney)
had never contended that the bank had no
right to appoint a Committee of Exchange; that
such a committee was appointed by* all Banks.
In this last declaration the gentleman is correct.
All Banks have a committee to purchase Ex
change. But, Mr. T. would admonish the gen
tleman to beware. He would find himself con
demning him whom he wished to defend. Mr.
Taney’s very language is quoted in the report
He places the violation of the charter distinctly
on the ground that the business of the Bank is en •
trusted to three members on the Exchange Com
mittee, when the charter requires that not less
than seven shaII constitute a board to do business.
His very words are given in the report, so that
he cannot he misunderstood, and the commen
tary of the Committee consists in a mere narra
tive of facts. Little more is done than to give
facts, and the honorable Senator takes the
alarm, and in his effort to rescue the late Secre
tary from their influence, plunges him still deep
er intef difficulty.
The Senator had loudly talked of the Com
mittee having been made an instrument of by
the Bank. For himself, he renounced the as
cription. He would tell the honorable Senator
that he could not be made an instrument of by
the Bank, or by a still greater and more formi
dable power, the administration. He stood up
on that floor to accomplish the purposes for
which he was sent there. In the consciousness
of his own honesty, he stood firm and erect.—
He would worship alone at the shrine of truth
and of honor. It was a precious thing in the
eyes of some men to bask in the sunshine of
power. He rested only upon the support w hich
had never failed him of the high and lofty feel
ings of his constituents. - He would not be an in
strument even in their hands, if it was possible
for them to require it of him to gratify an un
righteous motive.
He had not called for Gen. Cadw'ailudefs re
port upon the subject or the Branch of St. Louis,
because lie did not see the necessity for it. The
Bank was charged, in the report of the Commit
tee of the other House, in 1832 with having es
tablished branches without motive other than
the spread of its influnce. This is the charge
which was inquired intp, and the gentleman’s
letter, forwarding the application of the citizens
of St. Louis, and that of Mr. Rush, the Secreta
ry of the Treasury, contained high evidence of
the propriety of the establishment of a Branch
| at that place and relieved the Bank from any
improper ascription as to that Branch. The re
port stated the fact that the Senator wrote that
letter. Was it true or false?
Mr. Benton. True! true!
As well, said Mr. T. might the Senator from
Tennessee (Mr. Grundy) complain that his first
application, in 1817, for a Branch at Nashville
was rejected, as well as all subsequent applica
tions until 1827. The honorable Senator, after
all, has no great cause to complain of the Bank
in regard to the Branch at St. Louis. True,
when be smiled, the bank refused; he gave it a
blow and straightway it was kind. Whether his
smiles or frowns obtained the Branch did not
seem to him, Mr. T., to alter the matter: The
gentleman had said that he stands in good com
pany. True, he stands in good company. Per
haps he could not have selected a company to
suit him better. To be with you sir, (addressing
himself to the Vice President,) would be high
honor; but to have you, and the president of the
U. S. along with him, is certainly no ordinary
good fortune. He had one word more to say
on this subject. It wras due to the Committee to
say, that the facts adduced upon this point of
inquiry, were elicited in the prosecution of their
legitimate inquiries, relative to the management
of the Bank. They sought cause of offence
to no one; but they could not withhold in
formation necessary to an elucidation of the
truth.
Thegentlemen had complained ofa publication
by the Bank of a review of his speech. Mr. T. I
said that he too complained of the extent of the j
publications of the Bank. He knew that the '
gentleman had been frequently reviewed—he ‘
had probably still to pass through other editions
—but if the Senator had delayed his attack on
the report for a few hours until he could have
read the the documents, he would have seen u
full account of “the Review,” and also of “Gen
eral Jackson vetoed” (alluding to a publication
paid for by the Bank.) Now sir, I object to all
this, and this elaborate report in defence of the
Bank condemns these publications, and others of
a similar character, as highly impolitic. He
charges the Committee with having endorsed
falsehoods. [Here Mr. Benton disclaimed any
persona! allusions.] I do not believe there ever '
has been any thing in our past lives that could [
lead to any personal difference between us. But, !
said Mr. T. as one of the committee, I must de- I
iena me report against nincib nui
an assertion in it which is not sustained by proof.
If the Hon. Senator will look to the report he
will find no charge against the President of vin
dictiveness, or an attempt to use the Bank for
political purposes. The first is a quotation from
Mr. Duane, late Secretary of the ‘Treasury.!
-[Mr. Benton. By quoting it you-made it your
own.] ' Mr. Tyler. Indeed, sir, .than the Com
mittee lias much to answer-for. They have
quoted numerous passges I row Mr. Taney and
others, and woful is their plight -if they have to
answer fbr all they contain. The Committee
has quoted the Hon. Senator's own letter, in re
gard to (fie Vrartch :at St. Louis'. Now, sir^ we I
claim no divided authorship of that letter, or of
tl>«-President’s or Vice President’s for Pensacola'
of Albany. v ' ■ ' / - - j
One word more befor-e I fake my seat. The
committee* in tberr’irivestigations, have sought)
for nothing butthe truth. I am opaoserL to- the
Bank. In-Ko creation^) f ^gard the Constitution I
as having been violated; I desire to see it expire.
But the Senate have appointed me with others
to inquire whether it be uilty of certain charg
es—and I should regard myself as the basest of
mankind, if I could consent to charge it ialsely.
The report is louaded on unquestionable docu
umentary evidence. The gentleman may have
as much opportunity as he pleases to review it,
and he has already commenced the task, and I
shall be ready to answer all the objections that
can be raised against it by him or any others,
and to prove, from the documents themselves,
that the report is made with the utmost fairness,1
and with the most scrupulous regard to truth.
— —■ _ i
Sentence upon the Pihates.—The Circuit
Court of the United States assembled on Tues
day at Boston to decide upon the motion for a
new trial, made in behalf of the persons found j
guilty of piracy in the case of the Mexican.
Two points were discussed by the Court in;
the delivery of its opinion, the reading o( which j
occupied about two hours. The first was the
competency of the Court to grant a new trial.}
This w as decided in the negative, and for rea- ■
sons which we can easily conceive, must have
been perfectly conclusive to the mind of any i
man at all conversant with the principles of ju
dicial proceedings.
rr» I__I " * i » (U.. i.kiAAllAnr
that had been taken by the prisoners’ counsel to
the conduct of the Court during the trial. This
also was overruled, and its conduct vindicated ,
in a manner equally satisfactory and conclusive.
The counsel for the prisoners then tentiered a |
bill of exceptions, but were informed by the
Court that although they would readily sign it, j
if, after advisement, they found themselves au-J
thorized to do so, yet it could not be done until ■
after sentence had been pronounced upon the:
prisoners.
The District Attorney then rocp and stated !
that it was his duty to move that ihe sentence of j
the law be pronounced upon the prisoners. The j
Court then directed the Clerk to put to them se-!
verally the usual question, whether they had any
thing to offer why the sentence of the law should
not be pronounced upon them. Hereupon Cap
tain Gilbert presented to his counsel a written
paper, containing a long account of the voyage j
of the Panda, and attributing his present condi
tion to the misconduct of Captain Trotter, of
the British brig of war Curlew, who captured
him unlawfully and unjustly, and to cover which
injustice, these false charges had been made
against him and his companions in suffering.
De Soto, the Lieutenant, also presented a si
milar paper containing the like accusations n
galnst Capt. Trotter.
The other prisoners likewise presented writ
ten papers confirmatory of the declarations of
the Captain.
Judge Story then passed sentence of death in
the usual form upon Pedro Gilbert, Barnardode
Soto. Francisco ltuiz, Manuel Boyga, Manuel
Castillo, Angel Garcia, Juan Montenegro, other
wise called Jose Basilic de Castro, and designa
ted an-J prescribed the 11th day of March next
ensuing as the day of their execution. After the
solemn sentence of the law had been pronounc
ed, his Honor addressed them in the following
terms:—
I earnestly recommend to each of you to em
ploy the intermediate period in sober reflections
upon your past life and conduct, and by pray
ers, and penitence, and religious exercises, to
seek the favor and forgiveness of Almighty God,
for any sins and crimes which you may have
committed—and for liii? purpose, I earnestly re
commend to you, and each of you, to seek the
aid and assistance of the Ministers of our holy
Religion, of the denomination of ChristiaiiS to
which you severally belong:—And in bidding
you, so far as 1 can presume to know, an eter
nal farewell, I offer up my earnest prayers that
Almighty God may, in his infinite goodness,
have mercy on your souls.
DR A IIS TINS DA V
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class 2-1 for 1831
To be drawn at the City Hall, in the City of
Washington, on Monday, December 22
66 numbers—12 drawn ballots
HIGHEST PRIZE 15,000 DOLLARS.
10 do 1,000, <fcc.
To be had in a variety of numbers of
J. W. VIOLKTT,
Lottery and Exchange Broker,
Near the corner of King and Fayette Streets,!
Alexandria. D. C.
Drawn numbers in the Virginia Petersburg Lot
tery, Class 16:
57 28 6 19 33 55 18 50 68 69 62 9 j
I)R A WS THIS DAY j
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class *21 for 1834 |
To be drawn at the City Hall, in the City of '
Washington, on Monday, December 22
66 numbers—11 drawn ballots.
HIGHEST PRIZE $15,000,
10 do 1,000, &c.
Tickets 85 00, halves 2 50, quarters 1 25.
To be had in a variety of numbers of
.1. roitsp.
Lottery if Exchange Rroker. Alexandria.
Drawn numbers in the Virginia Petersburg Lot
tery, Class 16:
57 28 6 19 33_55 18 50 08 69 62 9
DR A It'S THIS DA Y !
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class 24 for 1834,!
To be drawn at the City Hall, in the Ciiy of'
Washington, on Monday, December 22 |
66 numbers—11 drawn ballots.
HIGHEST PRIZE $15,000
10 _ do 1.000, &c.
Tickets $5 00; halves 2 50; quaiters 1 25.
For sale, as usual, in great variety, by
JOS. M. RI.AItKR,
(Sign of the Flag of Scarlet and Gold,) King si
Alexandria. D. C.
DR A IIS THIS DA ) j
Grand Consolidated Lottery, Class 21 for 1834.
To be drawn at the City Hull at Washington,
on Monday, December 22
66 numbers—11 drawn ballots.
HIGHEST PRIZE $15,000.
10 do 1,000, &c.
Tickets 81; halves 2 00; quaiters 1 00.
On cutp in rrrpat v:iri*»fv liv
JAN. KIOKDAK.
D3* Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur- j
chased.
WAS COMMITTED I
TO the Jail, for the County of Alexandria,!
D. C., on the 10th inst.. as a runaway, a
black man, calling himself JOHN TURNER.'
He says that he belongs to a Mr. John Taylor,'
of Georgetown, D. C. He is 5 feet 7J inches
high, has a scar below the right ear. He ap
pears to be about 2!> years old. The owner is thpre-^
fore requested to come forward, prove proper
ty? pay'charges and take him away, otherwise
he w ill be disposed of according to law*,
dec 12—3taw2w D. MINOR, D. M. j
ALEXANDRIA MUSEUM~
OPEN, daily, from 10 to 12 o’clock A. M. and ,
from 3 to 5 P. M jan 24 ‘
coromrivicAiioft,
TO THE HON. JOH\~C~CALH0U\
From an expression of yours, during th i
session of Congress, to one of our citizen/,
induced to take the liberty of addressing *m
this letter, upon a subject vitally intere<tin>0U
the people of this town, and one on which ,5 ‘°
is but little diversity of opinion. Theexn ■
alluded to was “You ought to g0 back /v**0*
nia.” The question of Retrocession hast/'
agitated in this town and county twice- the/1
timents of the people were taken in the
of 1834, upon the application of the lame™?
Doddridge, and the people, by an unequal
majority, decided not to retrocede th_ 4
this decision will be briefly staled, and I thjnk°J
am fully competent to do it, being one of the m
jority and active in producing that result W
are incumbered with a debt, including that du?
to Holland, of nearly 8400,000; the interest on
this debt, with the disbursements for municipal
affairs, with the most rigid economy, brings o,Jr
annual expenditures to upwards of S30 000 per
annum—about four dollars per head on t!*
whole population !—which fulls heavily upon
a small community, with a declining commerce
and it was considered madness to increase these
burthens, by the additional one which would fall
upon us in the State taxation. We, who 0
posed retrocession, were then of opinion, that
the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal would be
completed in two or three years, and would
thereupon, soon relieve us of part of the interest
of the Holland debt, and, eventually, of the
whole of that burthen, if it did not leave us a sur
plus. Our town had engaged in the construe
tion of our own work from Georgetown, and we
had confidence that Congress, as our local Le
gislature, would assuredly aid us, liberally, to
complete our canal. Having these burthens
pressing upon us, and these benefits to antici
pate from Congress, we deemed it unwise to
add to the one. and. at the same time, relinquish
the hope of the other. Since that period, we
have continued to struggle, with less and lesa
prospect of relief. The Chesapeake and Ohio
Canal has expended all its means, is still in debt
and embarrassed, and has not reached more
than two thirds of the distance to the Coal banks,
w hence much of the expected profits are to be
derived. One session of this Congress has
passed without further aid to it—a bill for a sub
scription to our Canal has been postponed—
and, in addition to the agony of hope deterred,
is the unwelcome truth, that our prospects aie
becoming more and more gloomy with each
succeeding year. Under these discouraging
circumstances, we have naturally turned our
attention as to w here we should look for relief.
The attention of Congress (at least the liberal
and enlightened portion of it) being engrossed
by the great affairs of the country, and the mem
bers having the particular interests of their in
dividual sections of country to attend to, but lit
tie time can be allow ed for the consideration of
the affairs of the District. In addition to this,
the necessary expenditures for theCity of Wash
ington, for government purposes, and the con
stant demand upon the liberality of Congress by
the City, for its own purposes and relief, have
very naturally wearied Congress, and incline
them to receive, with distrust, all application*
from the District for appropriations of money.
Ti.is operates almost to our entire exclusion
from the notice of Congress; and yet we can
shew strong claims upon, not their liberality •
lone, but upon their justice. To say nothing of
the indirect tax we pay, in common with tkie
whole people, we paid in the direct tax, during
the years 1813 and 1814, a large sum—besides
the internal revenue, the amount of which, I un
derstand, cannot be obtained even from the
Treasury of the United States, fiom defect* in
the returns of the collectors—taxes, in the opi
nion of many enlightened men, w holly improper,
unconstitutional and unjust. The State of Vir
ginia, after the cession of part of her territory
to Congress, passed an act (December 27,1791)
appropriating $120,01/0 to the general govern
ment, to aid it in the construction ol public
buildings “at the Seat of the General Govern
ment, o. the banks of the l’otomac. ’ We have
laid claim to the merit of this act, on the part
of our parent State;—and why/ When Vir
ginia ceded us, and made this grant, she did it
because she believed it would subset ve her own
interests, and the interests of the people she
ceded, to have the seat of the General Govern
ment on her borders und among them, h**
this anticipation been realized ? As to the Stab,
no one can point out, it is believed, one
solitary advantage she has gained. *
to the people ceded, nothing but disaster ha*
followed the cession; and, it is firmly believe ,
disastei s arising from the very act itself—the ac
tion of Congress, or the want of proper action
on the part of that body in behalf of the* people
The want of the proper action is seen in the
barbarous and uncertain code of laws un er
whose influence we live; while our neighbor*
of Virginia have theirs ameliorated and
proved from time to time as experience P°‘n
out their defects— a set of Judges not living
among us, and careless of the interests oi
portion of the District—a Magistracy *ho ^
tail justice for a livelihood; and, finally) an u
ter disregard by the Executive (Irom
Monroe down) to the representations o
people as to federal officers when appointment*
are to be made. .With respect to positive legis*
lation, injurious to our interests, I might naffl*
the injudicious multiplication of Banks c,>iar*e
•d by Congress; but that our own people broug
that evil upon themselves: the contrast of t e
policy and jealousy of our parent State, how
ever, shews her wisdom, and under her care *e
should have been forced to a more prudent us*
>f this delicate power. One act of Congress
low’evcr, has caused our town positive and