Newspaper Page Text
Bt EDGAR SNOWDEN. §3? Terms. Daily paper - * * * *| ££raainttm* Country paper 5 P®* !•?“"* The ALEXANDRIA GAZETTE fortbecpun tryis printed on Tuesday, TUamfilf, ®nd All advertisements appear in both jjaperi, and are inserted at the usualjate^gljg GOV. McDUFFIE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives: Ifanv thing could increase the intensity of that ▼ivid sense of gratitude, which has been ex cited in my bosom by the generous support and sustaining confidence I have uniformly receiv ed from the people of South Carolina, ever since I first entered into their service, as a represen tative in this Hall, it would be the distinguished honor they have now conferred upon me, by vour kind and partial agency, in summoning me to the helm oi their affairs, in a manner so high ly fl ittering to me, and under auspices so ex ceedingly gratifying to us all. But while we sincerely rejoice, as every patriot must, in the restoration of harmony to the too long distract ed counsels of the State, let us not be tempted to withdraw our most vigilant attention from the dangers which surround us, or to neglect the cor responding duties of precaution and prepara tion they so inperiously enjoin upon us. It can not’be disguised, that we have reached an eventful era in the history, not only of South Carolina, but of the whole American Contede racy, and whether our descendants, of the very next generation, shall recur to it with exulta tion and pride, us an era of constitutional liber ty or wi'h h nniliution and sorrow, as an era or consolidated despotism, will very much depend upon the manner in which we now discharge the duties of our respective stations. In entering ui>on the high and eminently responsible trust you have committed to my hands, l bring wit 1 me, gentlemen, if nothing else, an absolute and unqualified devotion to the State of South Ca rolina After an absence of thirteen years in the councils of the Federal Government, 1 return to the councils of the State, with a heart unaliena ted by absence, unseduced from its true alle giance by the blandishments of federal power, and undefiled by the worship or false gods and foreign idols- flavin* anxiously and attentive, lv marked the progress, and studied the tenden cv of the Federal Government, during the whole period of my service in Congress, I am firm ly and solemnly impressed with the conviction, that the sovereignty of the several States, prac tically asserted and maintained, is the only bar rierwhtch can arrest the Federal Government in its fatal proclivity towards absolute despo tism and the only means under heaven, by which therights, the liberties, or the property of fhe planting States, can be rescued from impending destruction. And I have the more confidence in this opinion, because it has been gradually and deliberately formed, as the result of actual ob servation and experience, in opposition to the preconceived theories of youth and inexperi ence. with which l entered upon the tlieatie of ^However they may be amalgamated in the crucible of an executive proclamation, or of speculative theory, history bears testimony, that the States are. in point of fact, distinct and sepa rate communities, mutually independent of each other, and each possessing the inherent and underivtd attribute of sovereignty. Not only are they separated geopraphically. and by a dis tinct and independent political organization, * but they are still more practically separated by the diversity of their staple productions, creat ' ing a direct ami irreconcilable conflict of in terest between the exporting and manufactur ing States, as decided as ever existed between anv two independent nations, ancient or modern. It is. f >r example, the undoubted interest, as it is the'sacred right of the planting States, to ex change (heir staples for the manufactures ofLu * rone free from every obstruction or incum brance. It is the interest of the manufacturing Stab's to abstract, incumber, and even prohib it commerce of exchange, between the planting states and the manufacturing nations of Europe: and because it is their interest, they have avail ed themselves of the ascendency of superior numbers in the federal Legislature, to impose high and prohibiting duties on imported munu facturesin violation ol every principle of natura justice and the mod sacred of our constitutional rights. A more vital opposition of interest cannot be conceived. Fut the full extent and depth of the danger which impends over the planting States, has not yet been disclosed,and del1 cate as the subject is. I feel it to be my painful duty to present it distinctly to your view. The great agricultural staples of the planting States, are produced by a species of labor, peculiar to those states, ami cannot be successfully produced by anv other It is demonstrable.that cotton could not be produced by the labor of hired freemen, for double the average price it has commanded for ten years past. As it is the cheapness only of our staples of exportation, that enables us to ini* port foreign manufactures cheaper than they ?an*he made by American manufacturers, it is obvious that the abolition or that kind of labor wh.ch is the basis of our wealth and prosperity, would annihilate at a single blow that entire branch of foreign commerce, which brings the indusiryofthe exporting States into competition with that ofthe manufacturing States. Here,then is the deep foundation of our past oppression and our future danger. The labor of hired free men cannot successfully contend with the labor of slaves; and it has been and openly avowed in Congress, by a distinguished representative, that thelabor of a Northern freemen should nev Serbe putin equal competition w ith thelabor of a Southern slave. With these facts before his eyes can any Southern statesman, who is not blinded by some strange infatuation, contem plate the relative position of the Southern States, without being deeply impressed with the sense of their insecurity? Here is a conflct ot pecuniary interest uc ; tween seperate and distinct cotnmuniiies of men, £nrgravate<l by the prejudices of a blind fanati ^ cism against our domestic institutions, on the nartof a large portion of tha people of the North ern and Middle States. And shall we. under these circumstances, fold our arms in fatal apa ' thy and permit the Federal Government, to es I ♦■hlish its supremacy and omnipotence upon the subverted sovereignty of South Carolina? When up that it is the interest of those states which control the operetion of the Federal Govern I. * ent ,o shackle our commerce and destroy our ® «hall South Carolina prostrate the en S«e sovereignty before them and submit ! and liberties to their maenanmity and lusttc?" Let not deceive ourselves, nor vam Iv hope to avoid danger by closing the eyu of ! n.1„j-rctandinir against the evidence of its aDDroaches However melancholy the fact may • befall history is but a bloody testimonial to es lablish it, that no community of men upon the \ race of the earth, in any age or under any dis pensation, political or religious, ever has been governed by justice in its negotiations or its con- ( tticts with other states. No, gentlemen, it is not justice and magnanimity, but interest and ambi-. tion— dignified and disguised under the name of' State Policy—and ever has governed, and ever will govern masses of men, acting as politi cal communities. Individuals may be actuated by a sense of justice, but what citizen in any country, would venture to contend for justice to a foreign and rival community, in opposition to the prevailing policy of the state, without forfeit ing the character of a patriot? W e habitually speak of Roman virtue and Roman patriotism as proverbial, and they are held up, throughout Christendom to the rising generation as models for imitation. And yet, in every period of the republic, with scarce an interval, these virtuous and patriotic citizens were engaged in vexing the ocean and desolating the earth, by wars of plunder and conquest. These are not mere ab stracted truths and barren speculations, but they practically illustrate the peculiar and perrillous condition of the exporting and slave holding states, as members of the great North American confederacy, and demonstrate the imperious ne cessity of rallying all parties around thestandard of State Sovereignty, resolved in the spirit of our glorious motto—“ Animis opibusque parati” to maintain and preserve it untarnished in every emergency and at every hazard, as the last hope of transmitting to our posterity the bles sings of constitutional liberty. The entire legislation of Congress, on tne con flicting interests of the planting and manufactu ring States, has been a war of communities against communities, carried on by making un just and unconstitutional laws, instead of fight ing hazardous and bloody battles. In this legis lative warfare, I have seen the truth of all that I have said as to the injustice of communities, ac ting as such, most strikingly illustrated. I have seen men ol high honor and unblemished integri ty in all the relations of private life, w ho would shrink with abhorrence from the perpetration of an act of individual injustice, voting with an un disturbed concience for measures of legislative plunder; and though fully convinced ol their un equal and oppressive operation, it would have been just as vain to think of restraining them by shewing their injustice, as it would have been to arrest the march of a Roman army by demon strating the injustice of the war. The rights and liberties of the minority States —so to speak—are in much greater jeopnrdy from the majority States, acting thro’ the feder al government, under an assumed and practical omnipotence, than they possibly could be, if there existed no compact of Union, and each were separate and independent. I do conscien tiously believe that the smallest State on the continent of Europe, amidst the gigantic strug gles of wrarring monarchies, holds its rights and liberties by much surer guaranties, under the law’s of nations, than South Carolina now holds her rights and liberties, under the Federal Con stitution, subject to a construction which abso lutely inverts its operation, rendering it a chain to the oppressed and a cobweb to the oppressor. It is not to be doubted, for example, that if a league of the mightiest potentates of Europe were to assume and exercise the power of pro hibiting the trade of the most insignificant king dom with the other nations of the earth, or of imposing restrictive duties upon that trade, w ith the avowed purpose of promoting the interest of the confederated powers, the whole commer cial and civilized world would be animated by one common sentiment of indignation at the outrage, not less vehement than that which was excited, some hnlf century ago, by the infamous partition of Poland. And yet, strange and ex traordinary as it may appear, this is precisely j the outrage, with no circumstance of mitigation, I but many of aggravation, which New York, I Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and their associ I ates, have committed against the planting States 1 of this Union, through the perverted agency of ! a government, created to prevent such outrages, ! and which that government hud deliberately j prepared to enforec against the sovereign State 1 of South Carolina, by the bayonets of mercen | ary soldiers, under all the pretended sanctions ! of human authority. The federal government has already passed through the first stage of its progress to military (despotism. Congress has assumed and prac j lically maintained the right of deciding in the : last resort, the extent of its own powers—which ; is but another form of affirming that the nets of Congress are paramount to the constitution.— And in the natural course of things, the chief magistrate of the confederacy, following the example of the legislative department, has assu ■ med and practically maintained the right of de i ciding, in the last resort, the extent, not only of his own powers, but of the powers of all the l other departments, thus making his own arbi trary will, paramount to the acts of Congress, I the adjudications of the courts and the constitu tion itself. [Gov. McDuffie here enters into an examina tion of the principles, w hich governed those who ! were in favor of the law called the “Test Oath,” and then proceeds.] * | Our attention has, for many years past, been so exclusively directed to the Federal Govern ment, from the necessity of resisting its alarm ing encroachments, that we have too much ne glected the appropri ate field of State legislation and State policy, and permitted our domestic institutions to fall into the most deplorable state of decay and dilapidation. The present condi tion of the college—an institution established by an enlightened patriotism, and munificently endowed by the State, calls for our most prompt and anxious attention. Jn that state of intel lectual excitement and activity by which the whole civilized world is remarkubly character ized, in which the ascendancy of mind over matter, is illustrated by the daily triumphs of science, in all the departments ol industry and art , an educated and enlightened population is the great and primary element of the wealth and power of states and empires; and what is much more important, the only substantial ba sis of free political institutions. As our College, therefore, is at the same time a pillar and an or nament of the social fabric, we should carefully explore the causes of its declining and almost ruinous condition, and devote our zealous and united exertions to the work of its revival.— Among the most sacred of the obligations which we owe to posterity, is that of preparing the ri sing generation to* act well their part on the grand theatre of human affairs, according to the emergencies in which Providence may place them; and I am impressed with a solemn and painful conviction, that however rude have been the storms which we have had to buffet, they are but refreshing zephyrs in comparison with those which some of our children, that are now in all the security of unconscious infancy, will yet live to encounter. Under this impression, I shall devote my most zealous and indefatigable efforts, to infuse into the militia that high military spirit, which recently animated that patriot hand of citizen soldiers, “ the volunteers of South Carolina, and to introduce the most efficient organization and the highest possible state of military im provements, in stratagy, tactics, and general discipline. In this great labor, I earnestly soli cit and confidently anticipate your hearty co operation. Some of the profoundest maxims of political wisdom, have been so long the hack neyed themes of declamation, that they have come to be regarded rather as mere idle topics for the hustings and the rostrum, then as the basis of a wise and practical statesman. Among these maxims, none seems to have been more e minently destined to be preached and not practi sed, than that which affirms that a well regula ted and well trained militia is the palladium of our liberties. To what portion of the whole world is this maxim more strikingly applicable than in the slave-holding states, of this confed eracy, and in which of these states should it be more solemnly and impressively realized than in South Carolina. ii very buiau enuo^iurm ui uioi.|»whmvm. gacity ‘ which looks before and after,’ will ena ble any statesman to perceive, without looking very far back or very far forward, that among those probable contingences against which it is the high office of wisdom and patriotism to pro vide, is the occurrence of a crisis in our politi cal relations, at no distant period, in which Sou'll Carolina, in common perhaps, with all or a portion of the other states, will have to main tain her sovereignty, and defend the rights .and liberties of her citizens before the great tribu nal of ultimate resort, by muniments of title and guaranties of quiet enjoyment, much more po tent and efficacious than the miserable mockery of blurred and obliterated and tattered parch ment, the Constitution of the United States. If communities will ever learn w'isdom from experience, can it be more than necessary to appeal to the impressive lessons wre have receiv ed from the occurrences of the last two years, as an admonition for the regulation of our future policy? When my distinguished friend and pre decessor, entered upon the duties of that station, which he so signally illustrated by that rare com bination of prudence, patriotism, wisdom, and energy, that has so largely contributed to carry ustriumphantly through thedifficultiesand perils of an unequal contest, what was the condition and whut the attitude of South Carolina? It is true that almost her entire population, of all ages —and 1 might almost add sexes—were prepared to march forward as a forlorn hope of constitu tional liberty, animated by a spirit not less self devoting and heroic than that w hich prompted Leonidas and his three hundred Spartan follow ers to offer up their lives at Thermoplyae, for the common liberties of Greece. And here,fellow-citizens, permit me to say, tha1 it was a proud and glorious day for South Caro lina, w hen her public functionaries, in all the de partments of her government, fired by a spiri of patriotic indignation which pervaded the whole state with an electrical rapidity, hurled back with scorn and contempt, that bloody edici of federal despotism, which its infatuated advi sers confidently anticipated, would instantly in i duce a terror-stricken people to furl the bannei ; of their pretended sovereignty, and prostrate ii at the feet of their oppressers! But no, thank God, on that eventful occasion, South Carolina exhibited a spectable of the moral sublime, un surpassed by any thing recorded inhistory— : standing alone amidst all the combined fury 01 the surrounding elements, “ Firm as a rock of the ocean, that stems A thousand w ild w aves on the shore.” It was that imposing spectacle, and the prepa rations which followed it, that enlisted in our cause the advocates of constitutional liberty every where, and commanded the respect and ! admiration even of our oppressors; and it is not to be doubted, that it was the unequivocal evi dence thus given that the state could nof be dra gooned and frightened into submission, which, operating upon the patriotism of some and the calculation of others, led to the adoption of that adjustment of the tariff, which restored harmo ny to the country. But I never look back to that trying anti peri lous crisis without instinctively shuddering at the reflection, that if the madness of the fede ral authorities had driven the country to the dreadful extremity of a civil war, thousands of the chivalry of the Slute would have been slaughtered by federal mercenaries, solely for the want of that strategic and tactical skill in the officers, and that exact discipline in the sol diers wnich could only be acquired by assidu ous study and laborious training. Let us not, then, permit ourselves to be lulled into a fatal security by the peace and unexampled prospe rity which have crowned our exertions, or se duced by the spirit of acquisition, or the allure ments of indolence, to relax our efforts to put the State in an “armor and attitude” adapted to the worst emergency that can arise. It is a melancholy reflection, forced upon us by histo ry, that skilful generals and well trained armies, have been generally found fighting for emperors and kings, or in wars of ambition and conquest, while the cause of liberty has been almost ex clusively defended by armies badly trained, commanded, to be sure, by brave patriots, but hardly ever by great captains. Let us blot out from the page of history this deep reproach upon free institutions. Liberty is surely as well worth the labor, and toil, and expense of military preparation, as any object of ambition possibly can be; and we have read history to very little purpose, if we have yet to learn that, in this world of injustice and violence, liberty can be preserved only by being prepared to defend it. But for a State having the peculiar institutions, and occupying the peculiar position ofSouth Carolina, to think of preserving her libeities without a vigorous state of military preparation, is thatsort of mad ness with which the heathen gods of antiquity were supposed to afflict a State which they had predestinated to destruction. I am aware that the wealth and intelligence of the northern and middle States, are opposed to any direct and unconstitutional interference with our domestic institutions and our rights of property; but I am also aware that there exists a fanatical spirit of blind and heartless philan thropy, embodied in the form of abolition socie ties, which looks with cold indifference upon the starving white pauper in the next street, and at the same time sheds tears of commisseration over the hard fate and imaginary sufferings of the distant black man of separate and indepen dent communities. This fatal and ferocious spi rit—the same that covered St. Domingo with blood, and more recently coerced the British mi nistry to depopulate their West India islands, combined with the kindred spirit of agrarian ism which is now making the most alarming progress in those States, will soon obtain an in fluence over public opinion which neither wealth nor intelligence, nor authority, can control.— When these two combined elements of anarchy and mischief shall be embodied by needy and j desperate politicians, into an organized politi- \ cal party, no human institution will be regarded as a guaranty of any human right and the proper-1 holders of the North, so far from being able to t. do any thing to secure our property from these | fanatics ana plunderers, will tremble for the se-1 curily of their own. It is my deliberate opinion that the unbalanced democracy of the middle and some of the Northern States will pass, by a rapid transition, through anarchy to despotism, and I am thoroughly convinced that the institu tion of domestic slavery, paradoxical as it may seem, is an indispensable element in an unmixed representative republic. _ How sacred, then, is our obligation to provide our posterity all the necessary means of defend ing and preserving an institution, as essential to their existence and their liberty as it is obnoxious to the prejudices of those who have the greatest t possible facilities for assailint it. Under these solemn convictions 1 should be a faithless and ; treacherous sentinel upon the watch tower of the State, if 1 were to lull my fellow citizens in- , to a false and fatal security, by crying “alls well” when the incendiary,brandishing his torch, j is in the very act of passing the barriers of the fortress, with the purpose of putting fire to the temple. i It is in vain that we labor to transmit to our children a barren inheritance of wealth, ii unac companied by an adequate guaranty that they will enjoy it as freemen. And I do awfully ap-, prehend that if we do not now provide such a guaranty, after all the admonitory lessons we have had from experience, and all the porten tous signs we have seen in the heavens, the next; generation may not pass away, before the crits of our posterity, from amidst the smouldering and bloody ruins of the Slate, will rise up in judgment against us. . I am now prepared, sir, (said Mr. McU., ad dressing the Speaker) under the solemn sanc tion of an oath, to pledge my undivided alle giance to the State of South Carolina—and at the same time to pledge myself, under the same sanction, to “ preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,” even against the violations and infractions of those who may pretend to act under its authority._ From the Albany Microscope. THE QUILTING. The following is a description of a scene in which I lately participated with a circle of my friends in this city. If you publish it. you will have the approbation of NANCY. The day is set, the ladies met, And at the frames are seated, In order placed, they work in haste, To get the quilt completed. While fingers fly, their tongues they ply, And animate their labors, By counting beaux, discussing clothes, Or talking of their neighbors. “ Dear, what a pretty frock you’ve on”— “ I’m very glad you like it.” “ I’m told that Miss Micomicon Don’t speak to Mr. Micate,” “ I saw Miss Bell the other day Young Brown’s new gig adorning—” “ What keeps your sister Ann away?” “ She went to Troy this morning.” 4 ’Tis time to roll—my needle’s broke”— * “ So Tabor’s stork is selling;” “ Abhy’s wedding gown’s bespoke,” “ Lend me your scissors, Ellen.” “ That match will never come about”— “ Now don’t fly in a passion.” “ Corsets, they say, are going out”— “ Yes, busks are all the fashion.” The quilt is done, the tea begun— The beax are all collecting; The table’s clear’d—the music heard, His partner each selecting. The merry band, in order stand The dance begins with vigor— And rapid feet, the measures beat, And trip the mazy figure. Unheeded by. the moments fly, Old Time himself seems dancing, Till night’s dull eye is op’d to spy The steps of morn advancing. Then closely stow’d, to each abode, The carriages go tilting, And many a dream has for its theme, The pleasures of the quilting. DRAWS TO-MORROW Literature Lottery of the State ol Delaware, Class No. 52 for 1834, To be drawn in Wilmington,Del. on Wednesday December 24, HIGHEST PRIZE $7,000 Tickets 82 25; halves 1 12$; quarters 56$ cents. To be had in a variety of numbers of j. roitsr. Lottery $ Exchange Broker. Alexandria. 5Cj*An Official List of the drawing of the pro perty lottery at Ellicott’.s Mills, is received, and may be examined at CORSE’S Office. DBA IPS TO-MORROW Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware, Class No. 51, for 1834. To be drawn in Wilmington. Del. Wednesday December 24. CAPITAL PRIZE $7,000, Tickets 282 25—shares in proportion. To be had in a variety of numbers of J. W. VIOLRTT, Lottery and Exchange Broker, Near the corner of King and Fayette Streets, _ Alexandria. D. C. DBA WS TO-MORROW Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware, Class No. 52, To be drawn at Wilmington, Wednesday, De cember. 24. HIGHEST PRIZE $7,000, Tickets $2 25—shares in proportion. For sale, as usual, in great variety, by JO*. Iff. CLARKE, (Sign of the Flag of Scarlet and Gold,) King at Alexandria. D. C. 'DBA WS TO-MOBHU H Literature Lottery of the State of Delaware, Class 51, To be drawn at Wilmington, Del. Wednesday, December 24, HIGHEST PRIZE $7,000 Tickets $2 25—shares in proportion. On sale in great variety by JAS. RIORDAN. Uncurrent Notes and Foreign Gold pur chased. NOTICE. THE Stockholders of the Farmers’ Bank of Alexandria are notified, that an election j of Directors for the ensuing year will be held at | their banking house, on Monday, the 5th day of January next. JOHN HOOFF. dec 3—lawte ROOKWOOD, J A ROMANCE in two vols., from the 2d Lon-' don edition, price 81 25 Just received by i dec 20—eo3t E. KENNEDY. I LATEST FROM FRANCE By the packet ship Normandie, arrived New York from Havre, files of the Paris j0ur '! ties Debats and Galignani’s Messenger d ^ to the 14th ultimo, inclusive have beenVec ^ We have copied the extracts furnished in n? New York Journal of Commerce and the <• mercial Advertiser, from which doubt arises"1 regards the dissolution of the Bassano mini ** In our latest numbers of the Paris 7* the statement is questioned. But the articl the 15th, quoted in the Journal of Comm*0' and the Courier and Enquirer, are positive^ Paris, Nov. 14.—There is no longer anv \i nistry. We have this moment learned fro n source that does not allow us to doubt tha»m a Council held to-day, all the Ministers deliv 5 in their resignations. Nothing has yet corri light upon the immediate causes of this »tra l° change. 4 an8e The Journal des Defeats, gravely repeats ih article reporting the resignation of the Mil ters. and adds— ' nb‘ *• We should not have repeated this news on the authority of that Journal alone, if a T mor of the dissolution of the new Cabinet had not been generally circulated last night.'1 a<1 Whereupon the Constitutionnel and the Jm partial state that, “ The report so positively a< serted by the M°ssager occasioned no little n.er riment to the Ministers and other personal who diined with M. Dupin.” * Paris, Nov. 15.—The Moniteur of this morn ing is still silent upon the dissolution of the t'a binet. The Journal des Debuts says—“The Mi nister of the Interior, President of the Council the Minister of War, who has also performed the duties ad interim of Minister of Foreign Af fairs, the Ministers of the Marine, of the Pj. nances, and of Commerce, yesterday tendered their resignations to the King, which his Maje*. ty accepted.” The Constitutionnel mentions only four Mi nisters as having resigned, the Duke de Basia no, and Messrs. Teste. Pasav, and Charles Du pin. It adds—‘‘On Thursday evening. afterM Dupin’s dinner, the Ministry still existed and as gambled in Council. There the first important question submitted to the new Cabinet, the bill lor 25 millions claimed by the United States was discussed. It appears that the Doctrinary coterie. although expelled from the Cabinet, was still powerful enough to give ascendancy to it* opinions, since the bill for 25 millions, precisely as it had been rejected by the Chamber, was re commended. The anathema hurled against the Ministry, by one of the gravest organs of the Opposition (the Courier Francais) seemed to have produc ed an unfavorable impression on the mind of a man, who, nevertheless, had been accustomed to sacrifice to his convictions the transitory sweets ol popularity, which can be be only ren dered durable by knowing how to lose it, in case of need, in order to recover it anew.— Be this as it may, M. Passy thought he saw and we are on this occasion of his opinion, a con tradiction between the principles which fie maintained, and the course into which he was to tie led by this disastrous bill. He firmly sta ted that he could not consistently present, as a Minister, a bill which he had opposed as a depu ty. He insisted, w ith the most honorable eager ness, that it would be flying in the face of the Clianiber to reproduce, w ithout a single modifi cation, a law rejected by the most significant majority. Messrs. Teste and Charles Dupin seem to have supported M. Passv in this strug gle, wherein tlie? word resignation,” which is the reto of every honest Minister, was several times pronounced. The Council was broken up, and Messrs. Teste and Passy, having previ ously concerted together, sent in their resign** tior» at midnight. M. Charles Unpin, on hearing the fact, very early on the following morning sent in his own, which was followed by that of the DukedeBas sano. Messers. Male and Thiers are commis sioned to recompose this Cabinet, twice found to be impossible. To complicate the embarrass ment of the affair, M. Bresson, whoseaccrpt ance was guaranteed, is doublets on his road to Paris, and will learn on the frontier that there is but one resignation more to givein. Hisreturn to Berlin is impossible, for lie would he over whelmed by ridicule, although he is innocent of this deception, which France has participated with him.” The Impartial notices the resignation of the four Ministers mentioned, and adds: ‘‘It was asserted last night that M. Thiers, who seems to have become an indispensable personage, was charged to reconstruct the Cabinet. But how ever strong may he the wish to collect again the elements which composed the preceding Ministry.it is probable that M. Guizot will not be invited to make one of it—but we should des pair of nothing. We have been also informed that Conn! Mole has declared in the most posi tive manner that he will never consent to come in to any Cabinet, and has expressed the utmost disgust at the intrigues to which he has been a witness during the last fortnight.” We discredit the supposition that the Ameri can affair had so much influence in the case. De puted cardinal points of domestic politics were more likely to produce so sudden and violent a change. We have read a number ol the Pan* editorial articles on the formation of the Bassa no cabinet, and not found a word in relation to the American affair. The despatches which it is probable that the Normandie lias brought from Mr. Livingston to our government must possess considerable interest. He had, we may pre sume, ascertained the dispositions of the se'e* ral cabinets respecting the execution of the Treaty. Our impression still is that it w as ma terial for success, that the American question should be rendered important and urgent in the eyes of the principal French statesmen of eve ry party. In what we may term the violent es tuation of domestic questions and party-con tests at Paris, our business was merged, or dis regarded comparatively. NOTICE. THE Bank of Potuinac will be closed, on Christmas day next. All notes falling due on the 25th, are requested to be paid on Wednes day, the 24th; and all notes intended to be of fered for discount, are to be put in Bank on Wednesday, before I o’clock, P. M. dec 22— 3tC. PAGE, Cashier.^ CASH FOR 400 NEGROES, INCLUDING both sexes, from 12 to 25 years of age. Persons having likely Servants to dispose of, will find it to be their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices in cash than any other purchaser who is now, or may hereafter, come into this market, dec 17 FRANKLIN 4 ARMFIELD.