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POBMBHSD Villi ABV Til'Wiill BT anxaaa lz7®'wudmbs. TtM ALEXANDRIA OAZRTTE.for <mi tioastrj.to printed on Tuesday, rhurs 4H, and Saturday* i ■ ■ 1 ■ — ll1|rn^-vw* Duily Paper la fUrntehed fot p$ pea annum—payable half yearly. TfceOeaatty Paper (in-weekly) ie furnished let DP per annum—payable in advance* Ho anbecription iereceived from the country, un lean accompanied by the caah, or by a reapon* eible name. SATURDAY, MARCH 5, 1842. MARYLAND AND PENNSYLVANIA. We aide, in our last, a brief statement of tbe main points of this important case,recent ly decided by tbe Supreme Court of the Unit ed States. We are indebted to a learned j member of tbe bar for the following more particular statement of the judgment ol the Court,than tve,Irani our own knowledge,were able to furnish:—Nat. Int. Coot of Prigs• against the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The points decided by a majority or the Court were— 1st. That the provision in the Constitution ot the United States relative to fugitive slaves executes itself so tar as to authorize the own er or his agent to seize the fugitive in any State of the Union, as property; and that no State law is constitutional which interferes with such right. id. That this provision also contemplates legislation by Congress, to make the delivery if a fugitive slave more effectual against all state or other interference. 3d. That Congress having legislated, such legislation is the supreme law of the land, ex cluding all State legislation upon the same subject; and with which legislation by Con gress, no Stale can pass any law to qualify, impede, or control the remedy given by the act of Congress. 4th. The power of legislation by Congress is exclusive; and no Slate can pass any law to carry iutoeflect the constitutional provision in regard to fugitive slaves, even though Con gress had not legislated upon the subject. 5lh. That the points thus decided are in no manner intended to interfere with the police power of the States to take up runaway slave* and guard against their misconduct or depre dations. _ w _ V ..i_ n __ \\r^ IMPORTANT UKClsiuaa—i^vuci y — »■> learn from Annapolis, that the Court of Ap pals of Maryland, decided yesterday in the ^»se of Lucas and others, against McBlair and Lottery Commissioners) ch-pter 31, confirmed by that of 18^0, chi^Pt 261, tptally abolishes the State Lottery system, and prohibits the drawing of schemes or deal ing th tickets in the State Lotteries or in any foreign Lotteries whatever. The efleet of the constitutional prohibition being in the opinion of the Court to repeal, with refererce to such Lotteries, the Act of 18; 1, chapter 79, under which alone contracts for State Lotteries or licenses to vend foreign lottery tickets could before have been made. In this decision, the Court are said to have been unanimous. In the caseof the same appellants vs. the State Commissioners, involving the continuing existence of the Town Halt lotteries, the Court (Chief Justice Buchanan and Judge Archer dissenting) decided that the grant for these lotteries was also at an end, and it is supposed upon the ground that it was to be considered as executed altogether. No opin fon has as yet been filed. It may, as in the other case, have been upon the ground that the conetitutiooal change operates to prohibit these lotteries as well as those of the State, because of their beiog, in their nature, merely public, and as such, of course, within the constitutional control of the Legislature. These decisions are m< st important, and call for instant attention from the lottery dealers, who may otherwise be involving themselves in the penalties enforced by the laws for selling lottery tickets without au thority. The lotteries drawn under the name of consolidated lotteries (which are private grants) are not affected by these decisions, ahd will therefore continue to be drawn under tjtb authority of the State commissioners — When these private grants are exhausted, * fffe drawing of lotteries, or the sale of lottery tickets, in Matyland, wiil cease to be lawful. [Balliinote Patriot. A Terrible Cr ash.—Last evening the Uo man Catholic Mutual Relief Society held a meeting in Montgomery Hall, corner of Con gress ami Bath streets, and when in ti e act of dispersing, about half past ten, an adjourn ment having been moved and carried, the sleeper upon which one half of the floor was Hiid, having no upright support below, g*ve dray* and in its descent took the floor beUnv with it, hurling about one hundred and fifty men among its ruins. The ground floor brought them up in Rid-I die’s auction store, which it rendered a re-: posilory of boards, benches, beards, sleepers, j broken glass, Ac, &c. ail huddled in common chaos. During the descent of the floor many threw themselves out of the windows. The finis* of the crash and howling, for it cannot bk defined as any thing else, of those inside,1 shift drew together a large concourse of peo- j pid, many of whom renoered efficient aiding Extricating the terrified inmates from lire ruins. , WbkAail were taken from the ruins, it wa9 ; fboM tmit bui three men were severely injpi- ( dd—ooe of them, a Mr. Burns, of South Bos ton, had botffiega broken, and the other two! had received storne serious bruises. Three or four otbers'were reported to have had tlieiri irms ahd legs sprained; these, as far as we ; doiifd ascertain, were ail the accidents. Ta-! ling all the circumstances into consideration, | ivc consider it, du the whole, almost a mirae- ! iflout escape T*here were nearly five hundred people in ; m hall, the greater part of whom were fortu nately on that pari of the floor which was supported below, and witnessed the disaster, ejfyedtinf, as a gtntlemab who was in the hall mfonned Us, every second to follow them. Boston Post, DR. SHERMAN’S LOZENGES. WE have recently been appointed Agents for the sale of Dr'. Sherman’s celebra ted Legengee, ini Att*hhYiria;* and have bow on band a fresh supply of tbk genuine article, eemaisiintof his Cough, Camphor and Worm Loxeajus, which we selNow for cash. A liberal discs *nt allowed to those who buy t* *11 again. BELL fc ENT VVISLE, fth 5 ft i.reutou Times,) MR. CLAY’S SPEECH. In Senate, March 1, 1842. Mr. CLAY addressed the Senate in support of his retotafttotis for about two hours and s half. The Mlowing alietch will give Miner al idea of the grounds taken by Mr. Llay* He commenced by stating that the renolu* lions just read, be considered of great impor tance; involving interests ol the highest char-i acter; and the system of polity proposed in them, lay at the bottom of all efforts to re store the prosperity of the country. He had not conic to the Senate to-day to cull the flowers ol oratory, for the puppoae ol regal ing the eyes of fair ladies Neither was it his wish to revive animosities heretofore exist ing between political parties. Hts object was to speak on the sad condition of the country, and to suggest some remedies. If any persona had come under the ex pec tati«mi ol hearing from him, on this occasion, an ambitiona display of oratory, or expecting him to deal in »nf other tropes and figure* than those of arithmetic, they would be sad ly disappointed. . . .. . These resolutions were the stakes to which be, as a ploughman, aiming to make a straight furrow, would direct his attention. It had been urged against them that they were general, not practical; and that, il in earnest, the measures proposed ought to hive been brought st once under discussion 10 sep araie hills. Bui he argued that «be practice of the British Parliament, from which this country borrowed its parliamentary usage, . ..b ....ft nrindules D/hI. in great leading measure* of policy, and then I to carry iheinout by special enactments. Another objection wat, that no measure of revenue, or effecting purposes of revenue, can originate any where but in the House of Representatives. He, however, maintained that the Senate had a right to control, not on ly the amount of expenditures and appropri aiious suggested by the other House, but to carry out such alterations of existing mea— gores and such re trench me ills as the public service might justify. He considered that ro mode was so fit lor discussing these resolutions as that of taking them in detail, and iu the order In which they had Decn submitted. The first res«dution is based upon the pnn ciple that it is the duly of Congress to provide adequate revenue to meet its expentiituies. It has been said that this is nothing new; it is a mere truism. Certainly it is; hut has it been carried out ? During. Mr. Van Bureii s Administration* iustead id* resorting to reve nue, what was the expedient to>ineet expen ditures ? Treasury notes; the effect of which has been to cast upou a succeeding Adminis tration a debt incurred by his Administration There was an excess of expenditures over income of between seven and eight million* of dollar* annually, and it was the duty or that administration, as soon as the excess became apparent, to supply a sufficiency of revenue by an increase ol tariff. The next three resolutions relite to one subject, and he would therefore consider them together. ,. x flit first, (the second in the senes,) assumes that an adequate revenue cannot be obiaiued by duties on foreign imports, without adopt ■ _ . l ■ _i ikut Oil ,,*»r r>ni. uk nmviCed lilt; - - I • ill the compromise act; and then supposed sufficient lor an economical administration of the Government. The secoud (third in the series.) assumes that the rate ought to be augmented bcyoud twenty per cent, so as to produce a nett rev entie ot twenty six millions. The third (fourth in the series) assumes that the principles of the Compromise act «lwU.!ii be adhered to, and a maximum rate ol reapL% __ pretenirttf i»ive a precise answer. U depends on circum stands. All that can be done, was to make an approximation to what ought to be the ex pend nine. It had been stated that the Whig party, when out of power, asserted they would, when tiiey came into power, reduce the ex penditures to thirteeu millions. He denied that any such assertion had ever been made; ami he challenged the proof that such a plrdge had been given by the Whig parly. What they did say, was, that during Mr. Ad am’s administration the expenditure of bis Government was thirteen millions; and that the party succeeding him pledged themselves to lessen the expenditures ; instead of which they carried them up to an unprecedented a mount. He admitted Mr. McLean had sug gested fifteen millions as a reasonable expen diture of the Government; but the Whig par ty never did pledge themselves to comedown to either thirteen or fifteen millions; but they did pledge themselves to economize and re trench, and that process was now going on as would be proved hy the labors of the com mittee now sitting in Congress on the sub ject. He knew of no other course to pursue in reachtn* retrenchment than to look back to past expenditures, and ascertain from exam inations tu detail, what existing charges on the Government can be reduced. lie t numerated the annua) expenditures of Mr. Van Buren’s four years of administration, and struck an average of thirty five millions. The rate proposed in these resolutions was but twenty-two millions,showing a reduction of thirteen million*—equal to the expenditure of Mr. Adams’ administration. He knew that various reasons were assigned for the extraordinary expenditures of Mr. Van Bu ren’s administration. But he maintained that • irjrv A ilminiut ration r.milii m.ikp mint, nrp. lexis—t*II Administrations had their “exffa ordmary occurrences”—and he denied, that such could be any excuse. But he insisted that, making all reasonable allowances, it would he found Mr. Van Boren's admirustra lion expended an annual sum far beyond that proposed by the present resolutions. Thirteen millions was the average expendi tores of Mr. Adams* administration. Adding half his term to the time since it expired— making fifteen yeais—or supposing at the end of thirteen years—it has been found necessary to increase it to twenty two millioiaS, was there any thing extraordinary in that? The « army has been doubled; eight or ten ships of the line have been added to the navy; new < States have been added to the Union—when these things, and the necessary progress ol < the naiion were taken into account, was-it to be wondered at that the expenditures should I ‘he raised to twenty-two millions? It is not ati increase in proportion to the annual in crease of population. The increase of the j population i* four per cent ; thatol expendi- i tore would not exceed that ratio. i The addition is about 1700,000 per year.— < No young Government like this can be c harf* I ed with rash and extravagant expenditures it I its ratio of increase in expenditures does not i exceed this* Posterity, in another century, I when our population will be a hundred mil* < lions, will have no reason to complain. I These resolutions were not to preclude fur- i ther and future reductions when investigs < tmns shall point out fresh sources of reform, i in allusion to the statements made by the I Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhooc,; < with regard to the didieuities which he eo countered when at the head of the War De* j panment, in bringiog about a system of refu- j larity, in which it took him four years to bring < the expenses of the army per man to what he i did, he would iak, was it kiod of ihe Senator ; to uunt the Whig party with not having ac- ( compliahed is one year, what it look him four -i years to accomplish? < Mr. Cslhouu corrected the Senat.tr. He i had always said it was a work of time. All i lie asked ol the present Administration was i to begin—to show an earnestneka in com* < menfcfiigihe work \>t ref Arm. 4 Mr. City continued. The gentltmaii will be gratified. The reform bbgan, and would be carried out. He maintained, m detail, that the Whiga bad more than fulfill** their pledges, aud that amidst discouraging ffrcutes lances of the most unexpected and extraordinary kind. If the Senator required foiir. years to bringdown the department ever which he presided, it was not uureaaouahie togiVc the present party in power one or two years to carry out their good intentions. He did not mean to preclude further re trenchment; no man wak more desirous than he was to see this Government administered with economy, and if the expenditures could be got d twn to fifteen or even thirteen mil lions, without detriment to the public service* none would unite itt that tteflrabte object more cheerfully than he woul* Now, as to the twenty-two millions assumed in those resolutions to be the sum necessary* he Mould enumerate (he itemk which would make up the aggregate. Here Mr. Clay stated in detail the items or bis estimate—namely, three and a half mil lions for the civil list, tew millions for the ar my* seven millions for the navy, and one and a half millions for other purposes—making in the aggregate, twei»ty-tH*o millions. With regard to the estimate* of the Depart nents tor this jeti, those wfurtuuk ouly at the surface of things might suppose that eleven millions for the army was a very extravagant sum; but it was composed of items not strict ly chargeable to tne mere military service, which was really hut four millions, about double the sum which the army coat at the time the Senator from South Carolina was at the head of the service. Ti e expenditure per man is not greater. [It was here suggest ed that an increase of $) per man per month had since been made.] That must have add ed considerably to the expei.se ot the army proper. Here Mr. Clay went into many details with regard to appropriations exceeding the esti mates, and admitted there was great difficul ly hi coming down irorn twenty-six millions next year to nventy-two millions. He sup posed the civil list might be cut down half a million. The expenditures of the army might be cut down a million and three quarters, leaving ihe estimate ten millions. The esti male of the Navy department is eight mil millions and three quarters. He had said before, that it was too high; still, as the navy was the boast of the nation, and the great re source in case of war, no man would be in favor of cutting that down excessively; but he would suppose the same reduction as in the army one million and three quarters—it would be the most that could be dong—the reduced estimates would then be three millions and a half for the civil list, ten for the army, seven fur the navy, and one and a half for miscella neous expenditures; making the estimated sum of twenty-two millions, Which he aop posed the expenditures of trie Government could be confined to for four years to come.— it two millions more be appropriated to ex tinguish the national debt, hc; also supposed two milliutis more ought to he provided as a reserved fund for contingencies. Thus he proposed to raise a revenue of twenty six millions. The next inquiry is, how ought this revenue to be raised? There are two modes of estima ting the revenue of the country from loreign imports. He took ihe exports as the best basis to make his estimates. The Treasury Depart ment had taken the imports, and he was greatly gratified on comparing notes with the Chief Clerk o! the Department, to find that both agreed in the results of their calcula tions. , , , Mr. Clay here went into details toshow that the true value of exports was the price at the place ofexport. This he considered the fairest means of arriving at the value of imports for revenue. He supposed that if the exports fell short of imports one year, the excess of the latter created a debtnhroaa, v*»uch was to be *** “ o*<eedin?£ The exports from 1836 to 1&41 amounted to oiv linn.irwil amt t lunnlu.^wm millinns • nual average is one hundred three and a half millions. That lie considered the sate average for the future. He took fifteen and a half per cent, as the profit to be added; making one hundred and nineteen millions. From this he supposed ten* millions should be deducted fur the interest of the State debts abroad. That leaves one hundred and nine millions. How much is dutiable and how much is free ? it has been estimated that the free articles amount to thirty millions; from that he proposed to de duct twelve millions lor lea and coffee, which 1 ought to be taxed, leaving eighteen millions Iree, and giving ninety-one millions to be as sumed as the dutiable articles, for years to come. How is the sum of twenty-six millions to be got from these iuipoits.' He took it for granted no man in the Senate would venture in time of peace to raise the proposition that we ought to resort to direct taxation. At what rate percent, will it he necessary to go, in or der to raise from ninety one millions of im ports, twenty-six millions of revenue.' A friend at the head of the Committee on Mann fact urea, lie understood, had a plan to propose. At present, subject only to the operations in form, the foreigner fixes the value. If you give me, observed Mr. C. the fixing of the value. I care not what rate of duty you adopt The foreigner fixes your rate of duty by fixing the value. But independent of all the considerations affecting the dignity and honor of the country, this Government ought to make the value at home. It has been estimated at from fifteen to twenty per cent, but he thought it ought to be Ir.im iicAntu tii ta'Piil v . hvp npr ppiit. which would amount to an addition ol five per cent, to the compromise act. Without entering into the question of home value, he would treat the subject an if the pre sent system were to he continued, and proceed to estimate what rate ol duty would be neces sary lo give twenty six millions ol revenue.— Supposing every article subject to thirty per cent, the result would be twenty-seveu millions, and deducting expenses of collection, the nett revenue would be but less than twenty-five millions and three-quarters. It has been sup posed that wheu he proposed a fixed rate ad valorem, his intentiou was that every ariicle was to be brought up to thirty per cent. i>ul such was not the case; his object was to dis criminate ; lm example, jewellery and articles af great value and small hulk, easily smuggled, should be at a lower rate; but as thirty per cent, on all articles would be requisite to raise i revenue ol twentv-five millions and three quarters, it follows that something beyond thir ty percent, will be necessary, il the home va luation is not adopted* He.ptoceeded to review what lie considered a very important branch of i the subject—that in relation to the Compromise ict. At the tune it was proposed, he thought t right the country should make a fair experi ment; and that, in good faith, it ought to be carried out •• ft* as possible or practicable, hie was animated hy ihe same principles of good aith now as then. But it becomes necessary o consider the true prlnciplesol that act. The Irst is, that there should be a fixed ad valorem i iuty at twenty per cent, and a discrimination < >eiow it. That the tarifi should be gradually ’educed to twenty per cent, and then »h»t rev* i tnne should be adequate to an economical ad ninistration of the Government. Mr. Clay lere read the fourth, filth, and sixth sections if the Compromise act. H These six compose ail the leading princi- : lies of the Compromise set. it has been sup- I awed that twenty per cent was not to be ex- f needed. That be denied. He admitted that (j it the time it was not supposed that it was I probable the expenditures of economical Gov- !i iroment could require a doty exceeding twen- t ,y per cent. There was, at the time, an ov- | s ;»flowing Treasury, and the great anxiety (1 eat, how to dispose o! it. But that the rate 11 if twenty percent, should not, under any cir- i mmstaoces, be exceeded, wae not, he insist- < ?d, a principle: of the act. To sustain this 4 hew, he went iti(o details showing the process I - ' < of reduction to twenty per cent, and denied that there was any thing in the act to .say the duty should remain stationary ft twenty per cent, He read the conclusion of the clause beginning, “and after the 30th of June such duties shall be laid, as shall furnish such rev enue as shall be necessary for an economical administration of the Government.” He ad mitted the obligation to administer the Gov ernment economically; but maintained that the obligation was eqttaUy great to provide a sufficient revenue for the public service. The inference he drew from the words of the clause, was, that the duty was not to remain stationary at twenty per cent; and concluded that, in virtue of ibis act, Corlgfeaa could lay duties if necessary, to the amount of forty, fifty, or one hundred per cent. He was willing to abide knr that provi sion in the Compromise Act. Vagu$ notions exisi in relation to discriminating duties. He saw no difficulty in ascertaining the value of every article. He maintained that the ad valoreui.form was the best. . The specific sys tem maintains that articles of di|ferent val ues should pay the same duty. No respect is paid to value; but all have to pay alike. He admitted theie was one objection to the ad valorem form—that of differences of opinion as to real value; but be contended the ad val orem principle could be carried out better than any other. * He believed it was best,arid when uniform, frauds could be better escaped than under a different form. He quoted instances of fraud under specific duties. He was therefore wil ling to adhere to the principle of the ad valo rem duty, even if dbliged to go tip to 33 1-3 per cent. In England, the principle of specific duty was about to be given up, and the ad valorem principle was going to be Universally adopted. T,i that nritirinlf* tip was in favnrnf adhering. He again denied that the spirit, the principles, or provisions of the Compromise Act Sanc tioned the idea that a fixed and immutable duty of 20 per cent, was to be adhered to. Fie next ad verted to the provision m the dis tribution bill restoring the land fund should the 20 tier cent, he exceeded. He denied that the restotation of the land fund would supersede the necessity of raising the tariff He esti mated that the land fund was but a million and a half, 8nd contended that its restoration would only, instead of requiring 30 per cent duly to be laid, require 28 1-2 per cent. ; and if the land fund should be three millions, it would only cause a reduction of so much horn the 30 per cent. And he asked Senators, would they, for the sake of such a trilling re duction, disturb the subject wh ch had so long agitated the country, and exhibit to the woild a specimen of of such unstable legislation as that of repealing a great measure not six monthsinexisiet.ee? The next resolution affirms a proposition which be hoped would receive the universal as sent of the Senate, as he trusted all the resolu tions would, when duly considered. It had appeared to him that a retrenchment of expenses and reform in administration ought to begin in Congress. It was due to the country for Congress to set the example itself of relorniand retrenchment. He had docu ments embracing a period of 20 years, divid ed into periods ol 4 years each, from which he enumerated the annual expenditures, charge eable on ihe contingent fund, showing the in crease till the amount had reached three hun dred and thirty ihree thousand dollars. On this increase iie commented lor some time.— lie insisted that the estimates should be brought down; and spoke of the work ol re form already begun in the other House, by which the estimates had been reduced one hundred thousand dollars lor both Houses.— It ought to go farther, and he hoped it would not stop at that amount of retrenchment. He adverted to the expenditures of the ju dicial department, and asked, could any one suppose that the increase to four hundred and odd thousand dollars, had grown up without great abuses; and he feared instances were uot wanting in which » collusion between the c»>r«* ~r,.! ‘‘-vicl K.-J countenanced these abuses, lie could one district court in which the expenditures were four limes greater than any other of corresponding duties He next alluded to the diplomatic corps— Our foreign ministers, he insisted, weie in ma ny instances useless. It was well known min is;ers to foreign countries were appointed for portions of the earth which the officers them selves were puzzled to find out. The next resolution was, as to the abuses ol the franking privilege. This he considered a great abuse. He had heard that in the first 50 years ol this Government, a system of a buse had grown up, greater than had grown up in the course ol centuries in England. He enumerated many. He understood that 05 per cent of the mail despatches went free, and the other 5 per cent, had to bear all the charg es. He also understood the law was uncer tain as to the mode of estimating distances — He took, for example, the distance to Freder ick City; by the stage route it is but 40 miles —yet if the rote by railroad is taken, it ex credsone hundred miles, and ine rate oi post age is charged lor the long distances instead of the short, as lormerly. The next resolution was that calling for re trenchments in the departments. He took it for granted that every or.e would concur that it would be impossible for Congress to accotn plish reform if the heads of Departments did not co-operate iu the good. work. But he was sorry to say that two of the Departments, in full view of the exhausted and bankrupt state of the public Treasury, had already come for ward with unusual and greatly enlarged esti mates. He trusted, however, if the3e re?olu lions were adopted, and a proper call were made on the heads of Departments, they would co operate. He would, in conclusion, enumerate some of the advantages to result from the adoption of these resolutions. The first would bean adequate revenue,in dependent of discreditableexreuients Proud England owes her vastness—her greatness— to the attention she has always paid to the preservation of her credit. The next was retrenchment anil reform— and was it not due to n bleeding country to fix expenditures at the lowest possible stand ard? . j Another advantage would be the check up on the refiux of our precious metals. It was not his purpose to go into the question of those causes which had brought the country into iu i present embarrassment. He would not touch j upon the past, because he would not open! bleeding wounds on this occasion. He mere- i ly wished to state facts, and allude to a prox- | imate cause—the withdrawal of the precious' metal* from the business of the country. It, Jisabied the banks,and caused them to act up j mi their ilebiorsytnd upon the circulation—one jirectly on the p ecious metals themselves, amd the other on the banks. Gentlemen de- j ceive themselves, if they suppose it would al-, ford relief to destroy the banks. Let every one of them be extinguished, and the tariff, which now exists would, if continued at its present rate, draw the precious metals to for feign countries. He was willing to make one | concession to the gentlemen on the other side —that if nothing but the precious metals were j in circulation, there would be less fluctuation, hut so long as a tarifl is continued in existence ivInch banishes the precious metals, there would be fatal fluctuations. What is to be June? Free trade has been tried for nine rears past. That will not do, it id plain; and ie would call to the recollection o! Senators he arguments held lorth at the time the com promise act was in agitation. When ten years ago one of the most gifted ons of South Carolina, now no more, was Irawiog frightful pictures of what was to re mit—pictures which really, at the moment, illed all with horror ana dismay—“reduce he tariff,’ ’ said he, “to the standard of reve lue, and once more you will have the fields pf South Carolina flourishing, and its homes imiltng and happy.** Well, now, ten years of rce trade have existed. Hga the South been '.improving, and has it recovered from the wretchedness imputed to a high tariff: If South Carolinians were interrogated, and if they answered with truth, as they undoubt edly would, they would say the anticipated I results hove not been realized. So far from it, the exports of the staple States were high ! er during the tariff years than during the years i offree trade. And he understood, the staple article, cotton is now lower than it ever was. He knew how mere theorists mystified such subjects; and he did not mean to go into dis cussions with them; but he gave the facts, ! and let casuists and theorists say what they please in favor of a one sided paralytic free , trade. When Great Britain is pushing the growth hfcotton in her Eastern colonies, is this a - time to talk against protecting the produce of this country, and encouraging home indus try ? - . .1 He did not wish to he misurdersfood: if, in j laying a duty (or a revenue, an incidenta I pro jection can he given to the home manulactur er, he was in favor of it. This country should , learn dependence on herself. He knew of no | where else to go for revenue than to the im ports. No man would at this time propose dl* j reel taxation; what then could be looked to for revenue hut imports? # A fourth advantage would he that the Ie3 would be left in possession of the land fund, ■ so essential to them in their present state of j embarrassment. | The fifth would he that this system would afford protection to the interests of the coun try. He maintained that it was the right amt the duty of Government to lay duties for re vpmip snas to owe this nrotectiou It had been argued that some interests may j not receive such protection as they luve a right to expect. He enumerated some, *uch as ehoes, iron, paper, &.c. but if they should not receive adequate protection under Jos sys tem, he would say now as he did Idrmerly, that he did hope there would be such a spirit of patriotism pervading the country as would stimulate those interests to a compromise and forbearance for the common good. The iron interests lie considered in the cen tre ol the Union; whether iron, under the maximum of duty, would or would not be protected, he could not tell, hut he would sa y to the delegation Irom that portion of the L ni on, that they must take up the subject and urge it upon Congress themselves; be was willing to bean humtde follower,but he would not take thelead. j With him. from the first moment that he brought his mind to the consideration ol the subject of providing at home lor the wants ol the country, he never could believe there was anything in a constitutional principle which slept from the year ’aO tiil it waked lip in the year 1820, that the General Government could not, in laying duty for revenue, afford inciden tal protection to home industry. He did not hesitate, on hoard grounds, to approve ol ex pedients which he thought less exceptionable ! than not protecting at all. j He had not gone into minute details; he i had embodied great principles, which he con j sidered necessary to be acted upon lor the relief of the country. He had indulged the ( hope that these principles would be received ill a spirit of patriotism and candor; and he had oliered them for the purpose of consult « i mg together as to wiu* is rv?st 10 ue <umr.— And he trusted that Senators on all sides | would refrain from that doubting and oppos-j ing which all men are tot) prone to—himseit amongst the rest, he acknowledged—and ex amine these resolutions*in a spirit ot uirness, so as to enable them to decide upon them with sound judgment according to their in trinsic merit.__ RETRENCHMENT. There is Mr. Summers’ report on the sub ject of reducing the expenses of the House of Representatives. 1 he discussion and the votes thereon, denote a spirit of reform. The first ^solution iccomponying lire report, not only lessens <h# numbe* be ecnpioytd, but ! forbids the calling in of any additional clerk that siiail not be ordered by a vote of the House. Here is the beauty of the thing--! disposition to arresl this business of contingent appointments and contingent salaries, tha c are so unfriendly to the Treasury as well a* to the purity of the Government. This is <ine good sign. Another cheering indication). When the jpproprialion hill was before t lie House a short time since. Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee, submit ted a proposition to recor.jinit the biil with instructions to strike out every appropriation not expressly authorized by act of Congress. Sufficient weight has roc been accorded to this movement. It is a telling blow at the cor rupting and a nlj-economical system of contin gencies which has been so long pursued. It is pregnant with Reform. And the country should know thru it succeeded by a large ma jority, and the Locofocos remember that it was a Whip, proposition and sustained by the almost unr pinions vote of the Whigs ol Con gress. Ry the way, I should like to see more of Mr. ft entry in the doings of Congress. I le is not only & Whig of the right stamp, but his shrewdness and sagacity qualify him (or doing much (or the party to which he is attached, ani on whose shoulders so much responsibili ty rests. Again. A standing committee of Retrench ment has been raised in the Senate—a Whig propos'tion, and one that affords earnest proof of a determination to retrench. When, I I crave to know, did the l.nmlbco party, when in the ascendant, propose so serious a measure of Reform? Yet another evidence of Whig intention to retrench. Mr. Merrick submitted recently a Joint Resolution requiring that no amendment*! shall be made to an appropriation bill, il the I ' effect of such amendment be to add any ap* | i propria turn not called for by an existing law. j Thi«j Resolution received every Whig vote in 1 the Senate, and is an important measure in j this—that it prevents all tackng on u.f irrele vant matter, and brings up every appropria tion on its naked merits. It puts a stop, in deed, to the worst species of log-rolling ;n leg islation—that which carries through unrneri torious subjects of expenditure, by connecting lupin vv:ui ih'jsff>run x r? rner^oroiM. But the cheerif.4 omen of mi, is the grand : proposition of Mr. Clay to limit the oniif ,*ry ; expenses of the Government to twenty-two* millions.—Independent. j • < Great Corporation —A bill is noiv under j discussion in the Legislature for the creation of the “Pennsylvania Canal and Railroad' ! Co npany, from Philadelphia to Pittsburg.” It j is understood this company will purchase all ; the public improvements belonging to the 1 State, and manage them as the Eastern peo~ U pie manage their corporations. The capital \ proposed is Sl0,0o0,0t 0, in IOO shares at $100 j each. The names of George M. Dallas, Ben* ( jamin W. Richards* and Evans Rogers, of t Philadelphia; Harmar Dennv an<! William c Wilkins*of Pittsburg; and Charles M. Reed, \ of Erie, are inserted as Commissioners.—Phil, j t Gazette. t —-—-- - c A very sudden death occurred in this city I this morning, Philip H Nicktin, one of our most ; esteemed citizens, left his dwelling in his usu* s si health, but in the course of the morning, ; fee I ingjsome what indisposed, want into an a* < pothecary’s shop and fell dead instantly. Mr. r Nicklin was about sixty vearsof age, and is l known to the legal profession generally as a s publisher of taw books. a Condy Raguett, one of the most distinguish* r ed o! our citizens lies dangerously ill. Phila- f delphia has very recently lost some of her i brightest intellectual and moral ornaments.— J Judge Hopkinson and John Vaughan are fresh < tu our memories.-Letter (rout Philad elphia. I | TENNESSEE’S ADOPTED SENATORS. ' i We find, in the Memphis Inquirer, the fol lowing very handsome letter from Messrs. Clay and Preston, acknowledging the receipt of the proceedings of the meeting held in that city on the 10th January, and acquiescing in the guardianship of the interests of Tennes see, enjoined upon them by that meeting: Washington. Feb. 4, 1842. fiir._We have duly received your letter of the 14th ult., transmitting the resolutions and "oceedingsol a public meeting oi a portion of the citizens of Memphis, at which you presid id'.,cto,r,n.». b, .« »l «b*b««22> in consequence ci the failure 0*l^Lefisa ture of Tennessee to appoint Senators of the Umied Stales, the meeting has done us he honor to adopt us as the Senators of that State, as fully as the meeting has the power to do, and to request us to watch <)Vrr» Pr‘’,ecW and defend the peculiar interests of 'heSta-e ol Tennessee, as lar as may be compatible with the constitutional- obligations which we are respectively under to the States whose Se nators we are. • t^it We regret extremely the failure or the Leg islature ol Tennessee hitherto to execute !he duty which the Constitution ol ih* Uiiiiea mates lias devolved upon it,-to a ppoini Sena - tors of thawSiaie, since it depfivesthe Senate ol ibe benefit of their counsels and co-opera tion in promoting the welfare of our eominou country, and because it is a dangerous prece dent, which, if followed by a sulficient num ber of Slates, might lead ma subversion of the Government, and a consequent dissolution ©. the Unmri. • • • _ In Hie absence of Senators from ieflnessee, independent of any par neuter request. we should have felt it our duty to attend, as far as was in our pov* er, to any interests of that Slate involved in the deliberations of the> Se nate; but, afier the distinguished proof of con fidence, with which we are so highly honored by the meeting at Memphis, we shall,during cur continuance in the Senate of«he U.S. per form that duly with in itch greater pleasure and satisfaction. We request you, sir, to communicate to our fellow citizens wno composed that meeting our profound and grateful acknowledgements for the honor \vfnrh they have been pleased to confer on ns, and to assure them that we shall ever treasure it among the most cher*. ishedand agreeable recollections ol our lives. We are. with great respect, *. Your Inends and obedient servants. II. CLAY. •• WM.C. FHESTOJf. J.T. Lea lb, Esq. chairman, Sts. MR. CLAY’S RESIGNATION. For a long period the public the ol Mr. Clay has been blended with the public history of the country, Ills political principles, the ema nations of a sound understanding and of an ar dent patriotism, have been formed with an in dependence anaiaguus lo the frankness and decisive energy with which they have beet* mantamed. Throughout his long career, ex - hibiung almost every variety of vicissitude, he lias never been found enacting the dema gogue, or swerving from his course in any vvaj? to secure ad vantages for bin,self by a sacriics ot cimy. Whatever may be the lauits which* his political opponents inifute to )uib» even. they cannot withhold the uu mission tkatlei his position be where it might, they always knew where to find him—mat hvj bearing was manly and above dissimulation—tint hi* views, whether m their en mauoa erroneous or not, were large and comprehensive—aud that the abilitv and eloquence with which he maintained them were quickened by a more magnanimous spirit than that of a mere selfish ambition. Since Mr. Clay became prominent in the public ,ervtce tie has seen the principles ol police tor which he contended, at one period in ci* e ascendency, and at another overruled. Lev. the two periods be compared *ogclti«:/ the comparison may lurnibh some criterion fora rational judgment upon met; and meas ures. It we take the last thirty years, including the war of kSlki, the party with which Mr. Clay acted, aud of which he was a distin guished leader, continued in power until the accession of Gen. Jackson in With the policy of a National Bank, a I’roteetive Sys* tern »n behalf of American industry and do mestic resources, and a judicious system of internal improvements, he was idemHied— and these constituted the leading features of i . . , . ii i me liaiiciiai policy imm me) were an cnaug* ed by Gen. Jackson. Under the influence of this policy and hv means of it, the public debt, largely augmented by the war, was paid ntt to tlie last dollar—me country was restored from distresses which ensued at the close of hostil ities, to a condition of high prosperity—thg currency was established on a firm basis and was so admirably arranged that a better cur rency probably never existed in any country.. Such was the general result of the policy, which prevailed w hen Mr. Clu«y had influence m the public councils. What the condition of things has been jtinre, we need not say. Most persons are aware of* it- they cannot escape the knowledge ol it il they would. The terrible realities of power abused, of government perverted, ol errors persisted in with infatuated recklessness—are upon us now, w uh ail the lemfu! concomitsntsof disorder, distress, torturing uncertainty, aiuit gloomy forebodings. To the rulers ofthelast twelve years or so. active to destroy without the will to reconstruct, the undoers of a ben eficient system wfuch wise statesmen matur ed and which lire country prospered under— to them the responsibility belongs of a nations grievances. Bui we shall go no further with this con trast. !n resisting the onward progress <'f 4 misrule, Mr. Clay has exerted hunsell with a patriotism and energy with which the country / is familiar. F! is position long was like that of one contending against In'pe, yet he haled not his spirit nor striving. In hisinefieclu.il efforts to stay the hand o( the desiroye'he performed as worthy a ber-. vice, if not successful, as when he (oiled to build op the system amid the rums of which and of die country’s prosperity, the work of . resistance was done. If it be a consolation to turn to know* tha t lie lias suffered no politics! reverses except such ashave bionvbt iiiikW. lime upon the country—that lie h*s biu parii ripaied in calami lies under which the genius )ft;te Constitution endured alli.cuon—he may iave such assurance—and patriotism need i>k n«* other lest ot its sincerity.—Ball. Am. f — -*»■ -m March or Misu. — Af ?r having been, for »ome time, withdrawn to the qu el of thecoun ry» h* one ol the most unsophisticated regions, >1 Virginia, it is quite a marvel ami a delight o os to see how beautifully last the world is letting along, since we left it. We are esie naJly charmed to see how rapidly two of th^. nain signs of advancing civilization, French looking and .stealing, are goi ig forward. They vho, hi our time, were boys, are now designs* ed as voung gentlemen ” and vindicate that lignity by wearing bools, when they shoujd jo barefooted, by smoking cighis, chewing to tacco, and other manlv accomplishments. As or what used to wear bibs, eat bread and but er, and be called girls, or, more unaffectedly I dll* “gals,” nothing of the surt *k left, we / erceive. In their places, we discover a kind »f pigmy, dressed in ihe extremity ol Parisian nodes, gabbling fashions, politics, a little bro ;en French, arid scraps of what are termed ciences ; and figuring at dinner parties, balls., nd Temperance societies. As lor what, in ude times, was called “the gentler sex,” it las assumed ail the masculine offices; spouts n Debating Clubs, hirangues at Abolition rieetmgg, marshal Mohs, writes Books, and mines into Congress to dictate laws to th(T Juion,—Independeht.