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KDOAH 8MOWPEX._ ALEXANDRIA; FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 5, 1854. The lT. S. sloop-of-war Jamestown, has just arrived at Philadelphia, after a three years cruise on the coast of Brazil. On her pas sage home, she got on a reef of rocks six miles from the shore, and within sight of the harbor of Pernambuco, and with great difficulty was rescued from this perilous sit uation. On board arc a large number of in valids sent home from the various ships belonging to the Brazil Squadron. Her officers and crew will be detached in a few days. The following is a list of the former : Samuel W. Downing, Commander; ('has. F. McIntosh, 1st Lieutenant; Roger X. Stem bel, 2d do.; Chas. Deas, 3rd do.; John 1*. llall, 4th acting do.; John M. Foltz, Surgeon; John S. Gulick, Purser; Frederick Horner, jr., Assistant Surgeon; Joseph Dellaven, Act ing Master; George Holmes, Lieutenant ol Marines; William C heerer, Midshipmen ; Henry A. Adams, do.; All»ert J. DeZevk, Captain’s Clerk. _ The President's Veto Message ou the bill granting lands to the States for the benefit of the Indigent Insane, we publish at length. Whilst the Land is going, for everything ami every body, we were quite willing to see a portion of it devoted to charitable purposes— especially as the old States were to have their • A_ 1__ * *1 * I'aI/. >D«n?i VUl liupt IIUW lo lllilt V Viv help to put dowu some laud schemes, yet iu the hack ground. The American Scientific Association ad journed on Wednesday. They meet next year in Providence, R. I. Previous to their adjournment they passed resolutions oi thanks for kindness tendered, to the authorities of Alexandria, the President and Directors of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, Ac. Quite a spicy debate took place in the House of Representatives, on Wednesday, when the hill in relation to the Surveyor General of New Mexico was up, concerning citizenship, white and black, in the territo ries. _ The Legislature of Rhode Island, has elec ted Hon. John Reynolds as Lieutenant Go vornor, and inaugurated Mr. lloppin, the Governor elect. ______-—< -— The funeral of the late Rev. AN m. Mat thews, took place in Washington, on AVed nesday, with every mark of respect. There was a heavy frost in Natchez, Miss., on the 30th ult. It is thought the young cotton has been injured. Impsrttat Cases In Loudoun. The time of the Circuit Court during the past week, has been consumed in the investi gation and disposition of two important ea ses upon the docket. The Pott’s A\ ill case was disposed of—the jury sustaining the will. The Ramey Will case, from the general in terest created in the public mind, and the numbers summoned as witnesses, deserves a abort recapitulation. The cause stood upon the docket, sty led Ramey vs. Ramey’s Adm’r. The counsel employed were Messrs. Harrison and Scott for plaintiff, and Messrs. Jauncy and Tebbs for the defendant'. The facts ol the case as brought out upon the trial, were as follows: In 1825 Sand ford Ramey made his last will and testament by which his slaves were to be free at such time as his wife, Lydia Ra mey, should appoint. In 1828 said Ramey, revoking Ins former will, by a deed executed to Dulaney, in trust for his wife, conveyed the property to be dis noaed of by her at her pleasure. In 182!) Mrs. Ramev directed her trustee Ihilaney, to convey said slaves and other property to Sandtord I. Ramey, which was done, and is now of record in the Clerk’s office ot this county. In 1845, a period of 16 years hav ing elapsed, Mrs. Ramey made her last will and teatament in which she emancipated the distributed the rest of said pro pertj among her heirs at large, excepting 8*ndford I. Ramey, whom she “cut oil." These circumstances gave rise to two suits. One instituted by Rarnev for the purpose of breaking Lydia flamey's will, and the other in stituted by the slaves suing for their freedom. The first case was the one tried at the pre sent term, in which the jury set aside the will. We do not presume that the grounds are sufficient to sustain the second suit and therefore consider the matter at an end and Sandford I. Ramev the safe possessor of an mfiffi valued at eighty thousand dollars. We consider this by lar the most important auit in Court, and its decision has met the general expectation and removed a source of terror to those whose causes were behind it upon the docket.—Loudoun Vem. The Tarktah Lo»u. The attempt of the Turkish Government to efleet a loan in Western Europe has totally failed. Neither Governments nor private capitalists are willing to risk their money in suck perilous adventure. England will give men, out no more subsidies. France will ■pend Wood ad libitum, but is chary of her money. The loan from the Rothschilds failed because the Sultan was unable to pro cure the endorsements of France and Eng land. The paltry sum of $374,000 has in deed been advanced to the Turkish Govern ment by France; but this sum is known to base been extracted from the vaults oi the Bank of France, and to have been aeat purely in the character of payment m advance, for provisions and forage to be fur nished by the Sultan. The English Govern meat refused to make a similar advance. Ji would seem, therefore, a settled thing that the Sultan is to get no money from AV estern Eu rope. Hie agent in despair has returned tc Constantinople. ^ Hekraikt. A letter front William Walker, chief of th€ Wvandotte tribe of Indians, formerly oi OyTamT|kfd slavery exists in Nebraska *»4»rthe whites and Indians, in defiance oi SbeiMHHmmiaeof 1820. %It has been in ex istsmoeaTereSnoaiti" organised as an In diw Tertiterv.' True there are net manj t|iTm hat still slaverr exists. Some slave; •rabdd bj the Induii* bj virtue of theii owe lane end aetme, and mine bj reguUi bill* Mttle from oitieene of Missouri, whili whiteaattlere from the Utter State never he* itttetobrm* slave* with them. Hews of the Day. “ To show the very aye and body of the times. ” The Obsequies of the Firemen who were killed by the late disaster at New York, took place on Sunday afternoon. The New York Courier says that the occasion was one of the most solemn ever observed in the city. All the tire companies were represented in the procession. The bodies of the deceased were taken to the City Hall, from whence the pro cession commenced moving at about three o’clock. The Hall bell tolled during the mo I ving of the funeral. The members of the j department appeared in citizens’ dress, with crape about their arms, but without banners or music. The only banner was that of the department in general. There were six hear ses, each drawn by four grey horses, wearing plumes and other mourning, and escorted by the company to which the deceased belonged, i acting as a guard of honor. The crowd of spectators was immense. A pet rat is the strangest of ideas, yet it is most fully realized in one, belonging to and educated bv Mr. Aaron Howell, Jr., of i Springfield, Massachusetts. The little ani mal is harmless, playful and devotedly at | tached to his master. It will run about his clothes, mount his shoulders, steal into his pockets, and perform various simple tricks at liis bidding. The animal avoids others of its species, and seems perfectly contented aud happy in its new life. ! The Washington Star says:—“President Sullivan of the Central Ohio Kail Road, in his reply to certain charges preferred against him by the citizens of Zanesville, Ohio, speaking of the locomotives made by Smith it Perkins at Alexandria, says that they are • cheaper than engines made in New England, and of a superior model. He also gives their capacity as being 50 f4 cent, greater than that of the engines made bv Mr. Blanchy.” The Railroads in Canada are rcvolutioni zing the country, aud especially the lauded estates there. Where recently but only two I thousand passengers passed over the stage route fr»>m Niagara t<> Detroit in a year, now tifteeu hundred pass over the same route every day. The number of passengers also onlv foreshadows the increased amount ot freight taken between the same points. There is a school house so situated that it ! corners on the town of Kludge and Now i lspwich, New Hampshire; and AN inchendon I and Ashhurnham, Mass.; also upon the couu ; ties of Hillsboro’, and Cheshire, X. Jl., and ; AVorcester, Mass., situated in four towns, | three counties and two States, it is under : seven distinct governments. The political organization of Know-Xoth ; ings,” it is said, dates further back than the I Masonic fraternity. Absolom was the head or leader of the first party. See *2 Samuel I xv 11 : “And with Absolom went two hun ; dred men out of Jerusalem, that w ore called : —and they went in their simplicity, aud they kneic not anythin*/” The total amount of Coal sent from the j Cumberland coal region, for the week ending ; ‘2Uth ult., was 15,575.8 tons, and since the 1st ; of January 84,4*27.18 tons, of which 10,758 I tons descended the Chesapeake and Ohio Cu ! nal, and G7.00U.18 tons were transported over the Baltimore and Ohio Bail Bond. The canal boat Canonicus, loaded with coal for the Borden Mining Company and j belonging to Hr. B. S. McKaig, was sunk in the canal at the nine mile level, on Thursday : She was soon raised, and no interruption to i navigation occurred by the accident. In Frederiekton, New Brunswick, they are i blow ing up the ice w ith gunpowder. An ex periment was made on the 2*2d ultimo, where the iec was twenty two inches thick, and over it were four inches of half-melted snow. m m Mynttrloiw Affair. The Petersburg Express of yesterday, says; “A gentleman of our acquaintance, a resi dent of Dinwiddie, whose veracity is unim peachable, came to our office yesterday, and I informed us, that a story was current in his j neighborhood of a foul deed committed as long ago as January last, in a woody dell near bv. lie proceeded to the spot designa ted, a little to the west of Vaughn’s road, | about three quarters of a mile from Poplar ! Spring Church, and six miles from this city, j and there, in a deep, dark ravine, he dis 1 covered a small market or pedlcr’s cart, con taining two empty boxes, an empty barrel, and the gear belonging to a horse. About two hundred yards beyond, the carcase of a horse lay, whose throat had been cut; and j scattered along the hollow, was a sack coat, nearly new, ripped up the back as with a knife, a shirt, the left breast of which has two boles resembling the perforation of bullets, the collar of which is torn as if by violence; and two empty bags. These are still lying there, and can be seen by the interested or _ . •• p ii . carious. The ravine is wuniu a unit* <u mu Petersburg and Koanoke Railroad, and it a I murder has been committed and the bod\ ; buried, escape was easy by the cars. No person has been missing in the neighborhood, nor is the cart or clothes recognisable. It sure!v ought to be investigated, and tlu* affair made public, that other places, where per | sons may be missing can have cognizance of the above facts, with the possibility of its leading to an elucidation of the mystery. Whether a murder or not, there lias been foul play in some way. AN ho would drive a horse and cart away off the road into a dark dell aud kill the horse, if murder or robbery was not the motive? The driver may have plundered the boxes, and took to the cars, or . one mav have killed another, stripped and buried him, and made off with the spoils. It is all supposition, but it is all mysterious and worthy of minute enquiry. ’ The Old Dominion. y paragraph lately circulated repeats the common error that Virginia acquired the ti tle of the ancient dominion as a compliment to her loyalty to the royal house of Stuart, in Cromwell’s time. Ihe AN heeling Argus i corrects the error, and says that A irginia nei j tlicr received nor deserved such a compliment. “Dominion” was a term used as equivalent U colony, and it was applied to A irginia as n might bo to any other of the King’s dominions “Ancient" came to be prefixed to it by wav of honor, became appropriate to the antiquin . of this colony, as compared with the others At least, that appellation of honorsee rstohayi been claimed bv the colony itself in this seuse. Thus in ‘ 1099, the General Assembly in one of its laws speaks of the “whole budj of the laws, of this his majesty[s ancient colo ! uv and dominion of A irginia; and again oi “this his majesty’s colony and dominion. — ' In earlier acts it had been styled “his inajes ty’s dominion" or his “dominion of A irginia, To the Public. , A young man by the nnme of Enwm ■ Rock,» lunatic, escaped from the jail of Lan , caster city, Pennsylvania, a«d 7*s ■ County during last summer. Letters hav< : been received from hi. friends in Germany . desiring to take him hack. Any °n , - ing of tis whereabouts will confer a favor bj i ■ addressing a letter to II. L. Locke, ncas e . City, Pennsylvania. lie was well educate * —about 5 feet 6 inches high, sUm bu‘u an< % brown hair. Calls himself Eucber Kock.' . Editors will confer a favor by uiakiug a now of this.—Loudoun Democrat. | Russian Possessions In North America. The probability that, in the impending war ia Europe, the possessions of Russia on the North West Coast of this Continent, may be subjected to a blockade, and perhaps to a seizure, renders it a matter of some interest . to know something, both in regard to Rus I sian America, and also the present condition i of their squadron in the Pacific. Although a writer in the North American, in an apparent disposition to make the most of ! the colossal proportions of Russia, on the ! map. refers in passing to these possessions in America, as if they were of some moment, I their value is, in reality, of the most nomi nal description. To be sure, on the map it extends from 55 deg. to 71 deg. north lati- , tude, from 137 deg. to 168 deg. west longi • tude. Yet the total population of this vast ( region, aborigines included, is but 60,000 , inhabitants. The whole interior is unex- j j plored and unknown, and at least one-third ! lies within the arctic zone. The whole area j h about four hundred thousand square miles, i The settlement of the tract of country origi- i nated with on association of Russian nier- j ■ chants belonging to Irkutsk, who obtained from the Kmperor Paul the grant of a mo- j I nopoly in trading in peltries in the A'eutian j : islands and the adjacent coast; this was sub- j sequeutly extended by Alexander to the whole of Russian America, and renewed by ; the present Czar in 1849. Kodiac was the : first capital and the seat of the principal factory. It was subsequently removed to j ! New Archangel, which has since become the I chief depot of the Russian fur company. It is situated on an island called Sitka, in lati tude 57 deg. min. north, and contains : somewhere about a thousand inhabitants, i There are no Russian settlements on the : main land, only the islands being occupied 1 bv them. The Governor of the territory do mes his authority from the company at Irk utsa. Its commerce has been almo t exclu sively confined to the transportation of furs to Canton, and the import of provision? and , agricultural supplies from the Pugent Smind Company of Vancouver’s Island. It is of j small value, hardly amounting to a quarter of a million of dollars in a year, and will of j course, be interrupted so long as the war | ; lasts. The continental portion of the Rus 1 sian possessions is under lease to tlie British , fur company, which ot course stands annuli- i ed in time of war. We learn from the New j York Albion that the present British squad ron on our North Pacific coast is under the command of Bear Admiral Price, whose flag is in the President, of f»0 guns. I nder his | order are the Amphitheatre 24, the Dido 18, j the Thetis 38, the Trincomalee 24, and the j steam sloops Virago and Cockatrice 0 and 4: ; in all 104 guns. It has been stated, we know not on what j authority, that the British Government have ! notified our authorities at W ashington that ! immediately upon the commencement of | hostilities, a blockade of all the Russian : ports on the Pacific would l>e established. ' If this be so, we shall soon hear of its having been promptly carried into execution, upon the news of the war reaching the Pacific. This will interrupt the commerce which, within the past year, has grown up between the Russian settlements and San Francisco, ' and may involve considerable loss to the ! parties engaged in it. An American mining company, with a large capital, has recently made arrangements for working the Russian coal mines. The interruption of this under taking promises to be attended with serious disadvantages, especially in San Francisco, i where enormous quantities of coal are re i quired for the steamers plying in those wa ] ters. It was hoped that this new source ! would have abundantly supplied the market at less than half the present rates.—Boston Atlas. m University Reform. The University of Virginia has undoubted ly contributed much to the diffusion of an accurate and thorough scholarship, not only throughout the State but the entire South.— Its efficiency in this regard is the result of ! that admirable organization which tho ge ; nius of Jefferson projected, and which was j perfected by the earlier professors in rigid | accordance with the plan of its illustrious founder. In one particular, and one particular only, was there a defect in this model. Complete as is the curriculum of studies at the l ni i versity there is a singular absence of any pro i vision for instruction in History and Aestlie ! tics. The Chair of Moral Philosophy embra ! ces Rhetoric within the range of its instruc ! tion, but it is utterly impossible that anything j more than an exceedingly contracted ac ! quaintance with English Literature, and a | very superficial appreciation of the princi ples of beauty in art and Jeters, can be derived from an occasional prelection on such ele mentary treatises as Blair and Hume.— There is, however, not even this imperfect | provision for the study of History. The Pro | lessor of Moral Philosophy, consulting his j own taste and ideas of propriety rather than ! the regulations of the Institution, makes an occasional excursion in the field of historic speculation as much to the delight as to the • instruction of his class. Now, this omission i destroys the completeness of that academic ! course which the University was instituted * »• i 1 . _ l , MIMippil. UIBKin IS IIWl UIJM ini' liwuuwi i inquiry that can employ the energies of the | mind, but it is the richest in practical results. : Rhetoric, too, is no longer a superficial and : empirical study of arbitrary rules. The Gcr ! man writers have analyzed the principles of j literary beauty, have referred them to their appropriate springs in human nature, and have thence developed the science of Aesthe tics. Wc must regard the absence of any provision for instruction in these important | provinces of learning and philosophy, as a defect which the Board of Visitors should take measures to repair. Mr. Jefferson, i though somewhat imbued with the spirit of the utilitarian school, saw the necessity in a I wise system of education of cultivating the beautiful as well as the useful. He did not I omit the Corinthian column from the solid j structure of the Rotunda: nor would lie, in I cultivating the mind up to the highest point | of attainment, discard those studies which impart grace and ornament to the more sub 1 stantial accomplishments of science and das j sic literature. The Board might institute a chair of History and Aesthetics, which, with out seriously affecting the resources of the University, would give it additional lustre and ! efficiency as a seat of learning. There is another point to which we would direct the attention of the Board of Visitors at their next meeting. It is of very groat , ! importance not only to the welfare of the ; University, but to the interests of the State, J that the instructions and social conversation , i of the Professors should be characterized by i a genuine and aotivo southern spirit. The t University of Virginia might effectually ■ counteract the anti-slavery influence of north •z _ ■ j ern colleges, if its Professors were of the | right temper. But this institution will not quicken and diffuse a southern spirit, wh ile its chairs are iu the possession of Xortherh ■ ! men. In every instance in which the Board of Visitors have ventured to promote a \ lr ginian to a professorship, the wisdom of their j selection has been justified by the event. If > they will act exclusively on the principle of r employipg Southern men to instruct the 1 youth of the South, they will best uonsult the ■ interests of the State and success of the Uni ► versity.—Richmond Enquirer. _ Ci OOD ADVICE.—The first time you are in J RICHARDS', Ladies Furnishing Store, Eo. [ 3, Erchangt Block, take particular notice of those [ cheap and really beautiful French Worked Col lars and Black bilk Mitts. my 4—lt# PUTNAM FOR MAY. just received, by my 3 ROBERT BEJ.L. The Veto Me««*ge. To the Senate of the United States:— The bill entailed “An act making a grant of public lands to the several States for the benefit of indigent insane persons, ’ which was presented to me on the 27th ultimo, has been maturely considered, and is returned to the Senate, tho house in which it .originated, with a statement of the objections which have required me to withhold from it my ap ^ In the performance of this duty prescri bed bv the constitution, I have been compell ed to resist the deep sympathies of my own heart in favor of the humane purpose sought to be accomplished, and to overcome the re luctance with which I dissent from the con clusion of the two houses of Congress, and present my own opinions in opposition to t u action of a co-ordinate branch of the govern ment, which possesses so fully my confidence and respect. . . . ... If, in presenting my objections to this hill, 1 should say more than strictly belongs to th< measure, or is required lor the discharge of mv official obligation, let it be attributed t<» a sincere desire to justify my act befoie those whose good opinion 1 so highly value, and to that Earnestness which springs from my deliberate conviction that a strict adherence to the terms and purposes of the federal compact offers the best, if not thconh, secu rity for the preservation ot our blessed in heritance of representative liberty. The bill provides, in substance:— First. That ten miliums of acres ol land be granted to the several States, to be appor tioned among them in the compound ratio ot the get‘graphical area, and representations of said States in the House of Representa tives. Second. That wherever there are public lands in a State subject to sale at the regular price of private entry, the proportion of said ten millions of acres falling to such State shall be elected from such lands within it; and that to the States in which there are no such public lands, land scrip shall be issued to the amount wf their distributive shares, respectively; said scrip not to be entered by said States, but to be sold by them and sub ject to entry by their assignees, provided that none of it shall be sold at less than one dol lar Y* acre, under penalty of forfeiture ot the same to the I'nited States. Tit ini. That the expenses of the manage ment and superintendence of said lands, and of the moneys received therefrom, shall he paid by the States to which they may belong, out <>f the treasury of said States. Fourth. That the gross proceeds of the sales of such lands, or land-scrip so granted, shall be invested by the several States in safe stocks, to constitute a perpetual fund, the principal of which shall remain forever undiminished, and the interest to ho appro priated to the maintenance of the indigent in sane within the several States. Fifth. That annual returns of lands or scrip sold shall he made by the States to the Secretary of the Interior, and the whole grant be subject to certain conditions and limita tions prescribed in the bill, to be assented to by legislative acts of said States. This bill, therefore, proposes that the fede ral government shall make provision to the amount of the value of ten millions of acres of land, for an eleemosynary object within the several State?, to he administered by the political authority of the same; and it pre sents, at the threshold, the question, whether any such act, on the part of the federal gov ernment, is warranted and sanctioned by the constitution, the provisions ami principles of which are to be protected and sustained as a first and paramount duty. It cannot be questioned that if Congress have power to make provision for the indi gent insane without the limits of this Dis trict, it has the same power to provide for the indigent who are not insane, and thus to transfer to the federal government the charge of all the poor in all the States. It has the same power to provide hospitals and other local establishments for the care and cure of every species of human infirmity, and thus to assume all that duty of either public phi lanthropy, or public necessity to the depen dent, the orphan, the sick or the needy, which is now discharged by the States them selves, or by coporate institutions, or private endowments existing under the legislation cf the States. The whole field of public bene ficence is thrown open to the care and cul ture of the federal government. Generous impulses no longer encounter the limitations and control of our imperious fundamental law ; for, however worthy may he the pre sent object in itself, it is only one of a class. It is not exclusively worthy of benevolent regard. Whatever considerations dictate sympathy for this particular object, apply, in like manner, if not in the same degree, to idiocy, to physical disease, to extreme desti tution If ('iiiiim'S'i ni!iv and milit to T>ro vide for any one of these objects, it may and ought to provide for them all. Ami if it be done in this case, what answer shall he giv en when Congress shall ho called upon, as it doubtless will he. to pursue a similar course I of legislation in the others? It will, obvi ously, he vain to reply that the object is worthy, hut that the application has taken a wrong direction. The power will have been dcliberativcly assumed, the general obligation will, by this act, have been acknowledged, and the ques tion of means and expediency will alone he left for consideration. The decision upon the principle, in any one case, determines, it for the whole class. The quefftmi present | ed, therefore, clearly is upon tljf constitu tionality and propriety of the federal govern ment assuming to enter into a novel and vast field of legislation—namely, that of provid ing for the care and support of all those, among the people of the United States, who, hv any form of calamity, heroine fit objects of public philanthropy. 1 readily, and, I trust feelingly, acknowl edge the duty incumbent on us all, as men ! and citizens, and as among the highest and holiest of our duties, to provide for those who in the mysterious order of Providence, are subject to want and to disease of body I or mind, but l cannot find any authority in the constitution for making the federal gov ernment the great almoner of public charity : throughout the l nited States. To do so would, in my judgment, be contrary to the letter and spirit of the constitution, and sub versive of the whole theory upon which the union of these States is founded. And if it were admissible to contemplate the exercise of this power for any object whatever, I can not avoid the belief that it would, in the end i be prejudicial, rather than beneficial, to the j noble offices of charity to have the charge of I them transferred from the States to the feder al government. Are we not too prone to for ! get that the federal Union is the creature of * the States, not they of the federal Union?— ! We were the inhabitants of colonies distinct in local government one from the other before the revolution. By that revolution the colo nies each became an independent State.— They achieved that independence, and secur ed its recognition by the agency of a consul ting body, which, f rom being an assembly of i the ministers of distinct sovereignties in structed to agree to no form of government which did not leave the domestic concerns of each State to itself, was appropriately de nominated a Congress. When, having tried the experiment of the confederation, thev re solved to change that for the present fedora 1 Union, and thus to confer on the federal go vernment more ample authority, they scru pulously measured such of the functions of their cherished sovereignty as they chose tc delegate to the general government. With this aim, and to this end, the fathers of the republic framed the constitution, in and bj which the independent and sovereign States united themselves, for certain specified ol> Ijectsand purposes, and for those only, lcav i ing ull powers not therein set iorth as e«»n : ferred on one or another of the three great departments, the legislative, the executive, and the judicial, indubitably with the States. And when the people of the several State* (had, in their State conventions, and thus 'alone, give 1 effect and force to the con : stitution, not content that any doubt should in future arise as to the scope and character of this act, they engrafted thereon the expli cit declaration that— “The powers not delegated to the l nited States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States re spectively, or to the people.” Can it be controverted that the great mass i 0f the business of Government that invohod, I in the social relations, the internal arrange ments of the body politic; the mental and moral culture of men: the development of lo i cal resources of wealth: the punishment of (•rimes in general; the preservation of order: the relief of the needy, or otherwise unfortu nate members of society, did, in practice, remain with the States; that none of these objects of local concern are, by the constitu tion, expressly or impliedly prohibited to the States, and that none of them are, by any ex press language of the constitution, transfer ; red to the United States? Can it be claimed ! that any of these functions of local adminis tration and legislation are vested in the tede ral government by any implication? 1 have 1 never found anything in the constitution which is susceptible ot such a construction.— i Xo one of the enumerated powers touches the subject, or has even a remote analogy to it. The powers conferred upon the United i States have reference to federal relations, or to the means of accomplishing or executing thin g<a n f federal relation. So. also, of the j same character are the powers taken away j from the States by enumeration. In either ! case, the powers granted and the powers re stricted were so granted or so restricted, only where it was requisite for the maintenance of peace and harmony between the States, or for tiio purpose of protecting their common interests, and defending their common sov ereignty, against aggression from abroad or insurrection at home. I shall not discuss the question of power j sometimes claimed lor trie general gnvern : ment. under the clause of the eighth section | of the constitution, which gives Congress I the power “to lay and collect taxes, duties, ; imposts and excises, to pay debts, and pro i vide for the common defence and general ' welfare of the United States,” because if ir lias not already been settled upon sound reason and authority, it never will be. I | take the received and just construction of ! that article, as if written, to lay and collect 1 taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, m order | to pay the debts, and m order to provide for the common defence and general welfare. It : is not a substantive general power to provide j for the welfare of the United States, but is a limitation on the grant of power to raise money by taxes, duties, and imposts. II it were otherwise, all the rest of the constitu tion, consisting of carefully enumerated and I cautiously guarded grants of specific powers, would have been useless, if not delusive.— It would be impossible, in that view, to es cape from the conclusion that these were in serted only to mislead for the present, and, instead of enlightening and defining the j pathway of the future, to involve its action in the mazes of doubtful construction. Such a conclusion, the character of the men who framed that sacred instrument will never permit us to form. Indeed, to suppose it susceptible of any other construction would be to consign all the rights of tlie States, and of the people of the States, to the mere discretion of Congress, and thus to clothe the federal government with authority to con trol the sovereign States, by which the States j would have been dwarfed into provinces or i departments, and all sovereignty vested ih an absolute consolidated central power, against which the spirit of liberty lias so | often, and in so many countries, struggled | in vain. In my judgment, you cannot, by tributes to humanity, make any adequate I compensation for the wrong you would in flict by removing the sources of power and 1 political action from those who are to be | thereby affected. If the time shall ever ar rive when, for an object appealing however strongly to our sympathies, the dignity of iho States shall bow to the dictation of Con gress, by conforming their legislation there to, when the power, and majesty, and honor of those who created shall become subordi nate to the thing of their creation, I hut fee bly utter my apprehensions w hen I express my linn conviction that we shall see “the beginning of the end.” Fortunately, we are not left in doubt as to the purpose of the constitution any more than as to its express language: for although the S history of its formation, as recorded in the Madison rapers, shows that tho federal gov ernment, in its present f>rin emerged from the conflict of opposing influences, which have con tinued todi vide statesmen from that day to this, vet the rule of clearly-defined powers, and of strict construction, presided over the actual conclusion and subsequent adoption of the constitution. President Madison, in the Federalist, says: “The powers delegated by the proposed con stitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which arc to remain in the State governments are numerous and in i definite. “Its’’ (the general government's) I “jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” In the same spirit, President Jefferson in vokes “the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent ad ministrations for our domestic concerns, and j tin* surest bulwark against anti-republican tendencies;" and President Jackson said that our true strength and wisdom are not promo , ted by invasions of the rights and j owers i of the several States, hut that, on the con trary, they consist “not in binding the States j more closely to the centre, but in leaving each ! more uuoiistructeu in its firmer orbit.” The fra nets of the constitution, in refu sing to confer on the federal government any jurisdiction over these purely local objects, in my judgment manifested a wise forecast j and broad comprehension of the true inter i e-^ts of these objects themselves. It is clear J that public charities within ttie States can : be efficiently administered only by their au thority. The bill before me concedes this, * ! for it d< es not commit the funds it provides, j to the administration of any other authority I cannot but repeat what I have before ex j pressed, that if the several States, many ol | which have already laid the foundation o] | munificent establishments of local benefi cence. and nearly all of which are proceeding to establish them, shall bo led to suppose, ai they will be should this bill become a law that Congress is to make provision for sue! objects, the fountains of charity will be drie' up at home, and the several States, instead o bestowing their own means on the socia wants of tln*ir own people, may themselves j through the strong temptation, which appeal: I to States as to individuals, become liumhh suppliants for the bounty of the federal gov eminent, reversing their true relation to thi Union. Having stated niy views of the liuiitatioi of the powers conferred by the eighth sectioi of the first article of the constitution, I deen it proper to call attention to the third sec tion of tho fourth article, and to the provia ions of the sixth article, bearing directly up on the question under consideration; whico instead of aiding the claim to power exercise* in this case, tend, it is believed, strongly t I illustrate and explain positions which, evei 1! without such support, I cannot regard a questionable. The third section of the fourth article of the constitution is in the following terms. “The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regula tions, respecting the territory or other pro perty lielonging to the l nited States; and ; nothing in this constitution shall he so cmi ! strued as to prejudice any claim of the Uni ted States, or of any particular State.” The i sixth article is as follows, to wit, that“All i debts contracted and engagements entered i into, before the adoption of this constitution, i shall be as valid against the United States I under this constitution as under the confede t? ration. For a correct understanding of the terms used in the third section of the fourth article above quoted, reference should be had to the j history of the times in which the constitution was formed and adopted. It was decided upon in convention on the 17th September, 17<"7, and by it Congress was empowered to I “dispose of,” &c., “the territory or other pro perty belonging to the l nited States. 1 he j only territory then belonging to the United I States was that then recently ceded by J he several States, to wit: by Xow’ ^ork in I18I, ! by Virginia in 1784, by Massachusetts in 178.'»; and by South Carolina in August, 1787, only the month before the formation of the constitution. The cession from \ irginia, contained the following provision : “That all the lands within the territory so i ceded to the United States, and not reserved for or appropriated to any of the before-men ; tinned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers and soldiers of the American ar my, shall be considered a common fund for the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become or shall become mem bers of the confederation or federal alliance i of the said States, Virginia included, accor ding to their usual respective proportions, in the general charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully and bona tide disposed id for that purpose, and for no other use or pur pose whatsoever.” Here the object for which these lands are to he disposed of is clearly set forth, and the ; power to dispose of them, granted by trie third section of the fourth article of the con | stitution, clearly contemplates such disposi : tion only. If such bo the fact, and in my mind them can he n<» doubt of it, then you i have again not only no implication in favor i of the contemplated grant, but the strongest ; authority against it. Furthermore, this hill is in violation of the faith of the government, pledged in the act | of January 28, 1817. The nineteenth sec* j tion of that act declares, “That, for the pay ment of the stock which may he created un der the provisions of this act, the sales of the 1 public lands are hereby pledged; audit is here i by made the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to use and apply all moneys which | may be received into the treasury for the sale of the public lands after the first day of j January, 1848. first to pay the interest on i all stocks issued by virtue of this act: and, j secondly, to use the balance of said receipts, after paying the interest aforesaid, in the purchase of said stocks at their market \ a!no.” Ac. The debts then contracted have not been liquidated, and the language of this ■ section, and the obligations of the United ; States under it, are too plain to need com ment. I have been unable to discover any distinc tion, on constitutional grounds, or grounds of ! expediency, between an appropriation of ten I millions of dollars directly from the money jin the treasury, for the object contemplated, ! and the appropriation of lands presented for ! my sanction. And yet, I cannot doubt that ; if the bill proposed ten millions of dollars I from the treasury of the United States lor the | support of indigent insane in the several States, the constitutional question involved in the act would have attracted forcibly the I attention of Congress. 1 respectfully submit that, in a contstitu ; tional point of \iew, it is wholly immaterial | whether the appropriation be in money or i in land. The public domain is the common property I of the Union, just as much as the surplus proceeds of tha', and of duties on imports remaining unexpended in the treasury. As such it has been pledged, is now' pledged, and may need to be so pledged again for pub lic indebtedness. As property, it is distinguished from actual money chiefly in this respect: that its profit able management sometimes ^quires that portions of it he appropriated to local ob jects, in the States wherein it may happen to lie, as would be done by any prudent pro prietor to enhance the sale-value of his pri vate domain. All such grants of land are, in fact, a disposal of it for value received; but they afford no precedent or constitution al reason for giving away the public lands. Still less do they give sanction to appropria tions for objects which have not been in trusted to the federal government, and there fore belong exclusively to the States. I o assume that the public lands arc ap plicable to ordinary State objects, w hether of public structures, police, charity, or expen ses of State administration, would he to dis regard. to the amount of the value of the public lands, all the limitations ot the con stitution. and confound, to that extent, all distinctions between the rights and powers of the States, and those of the United States; for if the public lands may be applied to tin* support of the poor, w hether sane or in sane, if the disposal of them and their pro ceeds be not subject to the ordinary limita tions of the constitution, then Congress pos sesses unqualified power to provide for ex penditures in the States by means of the public lands, even to the degree ot defray ! ing the salaries of governors, judges, and I all other expenses ot the government, and j internal administration within the several : States. The conclusion from the general j survey of the whole subject is, to my mind, I irrcsi*tible, and closes the question, both of i right and of expediency, so far as regards ! the principle of the appropriation proposed in this hill. Would not the admission of i such a power in Congress to dispose of the 1 public domain; work the practical abrogation : of some of the most important provisions of ! the constitution ! If the systematic reser vation of a definite portion of the public | lands (the sixteenth section) in the States, : for the purpose of education, and occasional grants for similar purposes he cited as con I tradicting these conclusions, the answer, as it appears to me, is obvious and satisfactory. 1 Such reservations ami grants, besides being j a part of the conditions on which the pro j prietary right of the United States is main • tained, along with the eminent domain of a • ■ particular State, and by which the public ’ j land remains free from taxation in the State . 1 in which it lies, as long as it remains the ; property of the United States, are the acts i ' of a mere land-owner, disposing of a small share of his property in a wav to augment i | the value of the residue, and in this mode to I : encourage the early occupation ot it by the f industrious and intelligent pioneer. [ The great example of apparent donation of 1 lands to the States, likely to he relied upon as t | sustaining the principles of this bill, is the » j relinquishment of swamp lands to the States - I in which they are situated; hut this, also, i J like other grants already reterred to, was i based expressly upon grounds clearly dis i | tinguishable in principle from any which can i ' be assumed for the bill herewith returned, II viz; upon the interest and duty of the prtipne -! tor. They were charged, aud not without - reason, to be a nuisance to the inhabitants of - j the surrounding country. The measure was , ! predicated, not only upon the ground of the i disease inflicted upon the people of the States d w hich the United States could not iuatify, m i a j ust and honest proprietor, hut also upon an s j express limitation of the application of tin proceeds, in the first instance, to purposes of levees and drains, thus protecting the health of the inhabitants, and, at the same time, enhancing the value of the remaining land* belonging to the general government. It j* not to he denied that Congress, while admin istering the public lands as a proprietor, with in the principle distinctly announced in tuv annual message, many sometimes have failed ! to distinguish accurately between objects which are and which are not within its consti tutional power*. After the most careful examination, I find ; but two examples in the acts of Congress which furnish any precedent for the present i hill, ^and those examples will, in my opinion, serve rather as a warning than as an induce | ment to tread in the the path. ; The first is the act of March 3d, 18ly, ' granting a -township of land to the Con 1 necticut asylum for the education of the deaf r ! and dumb. The second, that of April oth. 1820, mu ! king a similar grunt of land to the Kentucky j asylum for teaching the deaf and dumb. The first more than thirty years after the adoption of the constitution, and the second i more than a quarter of a century ago. These acts were unimportant as to the , amount appropriated, and, so far as I can j ascertain, were passed on two grounds; first 1 that the object was a charitable one; and, 1 secondly, that it was national. To say that it was* a charitable object, is on fy to ! say that it was an object of expendi ture proper for the competent authori : ty; but it no more tended to show i that it was a proper object of expenditure by the United States, than is any other purely j local object, appealing to the best sympathies | of the human heart in any of the States.— And the suggestion that a school for the men tal culture of the deaf and dumb in Connec | ticut nr Kentucky is a national object, ouly j shows how loosely this expression has been used when the purpose was to procure appro* | priations by Congress. It is not perceived J how a school of this character is otherwise I frli.tr. ■ onxt Actnl.lirilmiAnf nf TaIii/I- I | ous or moral instruction. All the pursuits of industry, everything which promotes the material or intellectual well-l>eing of the race, every ear of corn or ball of cotton which grows, is national in the same sense; for each one of these things goes to swell the aggre gate of national prosperity and happiness of the United States; hut it confounds all mean ing of language to say that these things are ‘national/ as equivalent to ‘federal/ so as to come with in any of the classes of appropria tion for which Congress is authorized by the constitution to legislate. It is a marked point in the history of the constitution, that when it was proj>osed to empower Congress to establish a university, the proposition was confined to the district intended for the future seat of government of the United States, and that even that pro posed clause was omitted in consideration of the exclusive powers conferred on Congress to legislate for that district. Could a more decisive indication of the true construction and the spirit of the constitution in regard to all matters of this nature have been jjiveu? It proves that such objects were considered bv the convention as appertaining to local legislation only, that they were not compre hended, either expressly or by implication, in the grant of general power to Congress, and that, consequently, they remained with the several States. The general result at which I have arrived, is the necessary consequence of those views of the relative rights, powers, and duties of the States and of the federal government which I have long entertained, and often ex pressed, and in reference to which my con victions do hut increase in force with time and experience. I have thus discharged the unwelcome du tv of respectfully stating my objections to tii is hill, with which 1 cheerfully submit the whole subject to the wisdom of Congress. FRANKLIN PIERCE. Washington, May d, l*VL [Fou thf. Alexandria Gazette. The Gathering of tlie Nations* The Tocsin has sounded! the Crescent streams forth, The boar of proud Russia comes down from the north; The Lion of England is on the broad sea, His shaggy inane wreathed with the “ Fleur dc lis.v Pale down-trodden Grecia, dares raise her bowed head, From the grief-mantled graves of her patriot dead, Un.viki lliii fki *• 11 * non/1 noti/iVio GhOOily nl'Pf • * '/lit HIV 1111 — - — - the wave. To her pure classic brow, the brightness she gave. ’Mid the glancing of banners that float the blue sky, Where the “Old Lands ’ have gathered to “ conquer or die,’' Why soars not the eagle, nor gleams o er his crest, The stars and the stripes of the Land ol the West ? His proud wing is folded—he watches the tight, From a land where the freemen pray (Jod speed the right— Her flag wreathed with laurel, to the breeze is unfurled, 'Tis twined with the olive—she’s at peace with the world ! ADDIK* Flint Hill, Ya. [Communicated.* An article appears in the “Baltimore Snnr' of yesterday, to the etfect that the Rev. Mr. Uonelan narrowly escaped drowning, near this city, in returning from the celebration of a marriage in Maryland, on Tuesday night. As the announcement may cause uneasiness to the friends of the gentleman in question, he being in very delicate health, permit me to say that our respected fellow citi/.en. Rev. Edward Kingston!, performed the marriage ceremony in question, and must consequently have been the clergyman who suffered the inconvenience alluded to, if ! any such accident occurred. \ ERITAS. Marshall hocse.—The subscriber* res|>ectfully inform their friend* and the public generally, that they have leaded the above 1 named Hotel, tor a term of years, and will take I possesion on Monday, May 8th. To all who may favor us with their patronage, we pledge our utmost endeavors to give satisfaction. Our TABLE will, at nil times, be supplied with the best the season affords. This house has been greatly enlarged, and 1 otherwise improved, and w ill be found in every I respect comfortable. JOHN J. ROBER1S, I my ft—eolrn K. S. PLUMMER. [Sentinel, Charlottesville Advocate, Culj>ep<*r Observer, Warreiiton papers, Leesburg WasD ingtonian and Fairfax News, copy one month.] JOHN T. EVANS, respectfully inform* the Ladies, that he has just returned from Sew 1 York, with one of the LARGEST and BESi ASSORTMENTS of BONNETS, in thin market for *ale—each a» ENGL1. , . FRENCH and ITALIAN STRAWS, NEA POLITAN; PEDALS, Ac. ALSO, a good at ■ sort men t of RIBBONS. . '. '. Boys awl Gentlemen s HATS, of all kinds, Ac. uiy ft—tf___ ___ eFeXPRESS, THIS DAY, 200 pieces narrow Black Velvet Ribbons; also, a • complete amortment of French WorktogCottowv • all numbers, at [my 5] C. ( . BERRY S. . .