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The star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, October 30, 1851, Image 1

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THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
ft* W* Weaver Proprietor.]
VOLUME 3.
THE SONG OF IRON.
BY O. W. CUTTER,
Author of' Sonq of Steam,' 'E PlurUnte Umim.'
Heave the bellows and pile the fire,
Like the red and fearful glow
Where the crater's lurid clouds aspire
O'er the darkened plains below ;
Let the weight of your ponderous hammers
smite
With the power of the mountain stream ;
Or thunder beneath the earthquake might
That dwells in the arm of steam !
Though I cannot boast the diamond's hue,
The tempting gleam of gold,
With which, by the arts of the grasping few,
lite nations are bought and sold ;
Yet is my presence more priceless far,
Than the blaze of earth's royal gem,
That ever has kindled a ducal star,
Or flamed in a diadem.
An the fearful depths of the reyless mine
My giant strength was laid
Ere the sun, or the moon, or the stars that
•bine
In the boundless heavens, were made ;
Ere darkness was rolled from the deep a
way;
Era the skies were spread abroad ;
Eie the words that called up the light of day
Were breathed by the lips of God !
Ye were but a poor and powerless race
Till yc wisely sought my aid ;
Ye dwelt, like the beasts of the savage
chase,
In the gloom of the forest shade ;
Where often the Nomad yielded his hearth
To the wolf, in pale affright,
And the tooth of the lion stained the earth
With the. blood of the troglodyte.
How helpless ye saw tho descending rain,
The water's resistless flow,
The frost that scared the verdant plain,
And the blinding drifts of snow !
For you no steer his neck would yield-
No steed your slave would be ;
Ya traced no furrows along the field,
No pathways o'er the sea !
The myriad stars came forth at even;
The bow of God was bent,
Inscribing the wondrous laws of Heaven
O'er the measureless firmment.
Bright constellations rose and fled;
The fair moon waxed and waned ;
But the record which they nightly spread
Unknown to you remained.
But when 9ome prescient spark of mind
Invaded my lone retreat,
And ye learned my Proteus form to bind,
And fashion, with fervent heat,
The gleaming sword from the flames leap'd
out—
And the hook for the golden grain ;
And the air grew vocal with freedom's shout
Where the tyrants of earth were slain !
Than rose the dome and the lofty tower
Where the groaning forest fell ;
And the massive guns look'd frowning o'er
The walls of tbe citadel.
The dizzy and tapering steeple sprung,
And flashed in the summer air;
And the pendant bell in the turret swung
To summon the world to prayer!
Stout ships encountered the howling storms
On the trackless sea secure ;
For I held the fate ol their gallast forms,
And my grasp is strong and sure.
'Midst the lightning's gleam and the tem
pest's roar,
Tbey feared not the angry main,
For they oast their trusty anchors o'er,
And laughed at the hurricane.
At my touch '.he massive column soar'd!
The graceful arch was thrown !
And forms of beauty the world adored,
Rose up in deathless stone.
Ye rivalled the tints of the blushing dawn,
With the hues my dust supplied,
Till the humblest work of art has shone
Like the mist by rainbows dyed.
1 come whore the suffering patient lies
On his conclt, all wan and weak ;
And the lustre returns to his sunken eyes,
And the bloom to his pallid cheek.
Ye fear not the roar of the thunder loud;
Ye sleep with the storms around,
Far the bolt 1 clutch in the threatening cloud
Falls harmless to the ground.
Where I tread, the crooked paths grow
straight,
The old hills disappear;
And I draw each distant hostile State,
In friendly commeice, near!
Swift through veins by the lightning liurl'd,
Your thoughts like the tempest sweep,
Till kaowiedgd has covered the rolling world
As the water* have covered the deep.
And soon ye shall see my massive ore
In many a grander pile
Than ever adorned the Tiber's shore,
Or the banks of the ancient Nile.
The sacred temple shall rear its roof,
The cottage for social glee,
The frowning fortress thunder-proof,
And tlw ships of every sea.
Then hurra ! ye fearless sons of toil!
v'our nation's strength and pride 1
May ye reap a harvest of golden spoil
O'er the earth and the ocean wide 1
May yoar ponderous hammers ever smite
With the power of the mountain stream ;
Or thunder beneath the earthquake might
That dwells ia the arm of steam !
AMrtu of Kossuth to the People
of the United States
Two yearn ago, by God's providence, I,
who would be only an humble citizen, held
in my hands the destiny of tbo reigning
house of Austria.
Had 1 been ambitious, or had I believed
that this treacherous family were so basely
wicked as they afterward proved themselves
to be, the tottering pillars of their throne
Would have fatten at my command, and bu
ried the crowned traitors beneath their ruins,
at would have scattered them like duet be
fore a tempest, homeless exiles, bearing
Milling but the remembrance of their perfi
dy, and that royalty which they deserved to
lose through their own wickedness. * *
Free oilizens of America! from your bis
tery, as from the star of hope in midnight j
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1851.
gloom, we drew our confidence and resolu
tion in the doubtful days of severe trial. Ac
cept, in the name of my countrymen, this
declaration as a tribute of gratitude. And
you, excellent people, who were worthy to
be chosen by the Almighty as an example
to show the world how to deserve freedom,
how to win it, and how to use it—you will
allow that the Hungarians, though weaker
and less fortunate than you, through the de
caying influences of the old European soci
ety, are not unworthy to be your imitators,
and that you would be pleased to see the
stars of your glorious flag emblazon the
double cross of the Hungarian coal-of-arms.
When despotism hurled defiance at us, and
began the bloody war, your inspiring exam
ple upheaved the nation as one man, and
legions, with all the means of war, appear
ed to rise from nothing, as the tender grass
shoots up after spring showers.
Though we were inferior in numbers to
the enemy, and could not compare with their
well-trained forces-—though our arms were
shorter than theirs—yet the heroic sons of
Hungary supplied the want of numbers by
indomitable bravery, and lengthened their
weapons by a step further in advance.
The world knows how bravely the Hun
garians fought. And it is not for me, who
was identified with the war—who, obeying
the wishes of the nation, stood faithfully at
the helm of government—to extol the heroic
deeds of my countrymen. I may mention,
however, that while every day it became
more evident that the heart of Europe beat
to the pulsations of lh Hungarian struggle,
we maintained the unequal eonflict alone, cut
ofl from the rest of the world and all exter
nal aid, till a year ago we laid the haughty
power of the tyrant house of Hapsburg in
the oust; ar.d had it not been for the inten
tional and traitorous disregard of my com
mands by one of our leaders, who afterwards
shamefully betrayed the country, not only
would the imperial family have been driven
from Vienna, but the entire Austrian nation
would have been liberated; and though by
such treason this base family saved them
selves from destruction, they were so far
humbled in March, 1849, that, not knowing
how to be just, thev implored foreign aid,
and threw themselves at the feet of the Czar.
The Emperor hoped that the Hungarian
people could be terrified by histhreatenings,
and would prefer slavery to death ; but he
was deceived. He sold nis own liberty to
Russia for aid to enslave his people. The
choice of a coward is to purchase a misera
ble ephemeral existence even though at the
cost of his honor and independence.
The Austrianß fought against us not only
with arms and by the aid of traitors, but
with studied and unceasing slander. Thoy
never ceased to impeach our motives and
falsify our conduct, and vaunt the pretended
justice of their own cause before the judg
ment-sea! of pnblic opinion. Efforts were
constantly made to weaken, among the peo
ple of Hungary, and among the nations of
the world, that sympathy and force which
spring from a righteous cause.
Free citizens of North America! you
have given, in spite of theso slanders, tho
fullest sympathy for the cause of my coun
try. We had no opportunity to explain to
you our motives and conduct, and refute the
libels against us ; but we said—and how tru
ly your noble and magnanimous conduct
shows it!—that such a nation knows how to
defend a just and holy cause, and will give
us its sympathy ; and (his conviction inspir
ed us with more confidence. Oh, that you
had been a neighboring nation! The Old
World would now be free, and would not
have to endure again those terrible con
versions and rivers of blood which are inev
itable. But the ond is with God, and He
' will choose the means to fulfil His purposes.
Ye great and free people! receive the
thanks of my country for yonr noble syrapa
, thy, which was a great moral support in our
terrible conflict.
When the house of Austria gold itself to
the-Autoorat, we, who were fatigued with
our hard-earned Tictory, but not subdued or
exhausted, saw with apprehension the scep
tre of Russian invasion—an invasion which
violated the laws of nations, which was
openly hostile to the cause of civilization,
the rights of man, of order, and even to that
principle which the diplomacy of Europe
calls "the balance of power." I could not
believe that the Governments of Europe
would permit this invasion ; for I expected
that they would intervene to effect a treaty
of peace, if not so much on our account, yet
to prevent Austria, becoming the vassel of
Russia—to check the growing strength and
influence of the latter power in the East.
We desired an honorable peace, and were
willing to submit to any reasonable terms
We many times tendered the olive branch.
We asked the constitution governments of
Europe to interpose. They heard us not.
The haughty imperial family forgetting that
they were the real traitors, rejected every
proposition with the defying expression that
they "did not treat with rebels." Aye,
mors; they throw oar ambassadors into pris
on, and one of them—the noblest of Hunga
ry's son—they cowardly and impiously mur
dered. Still we hesitated to tear asunder for
ever the bonds that united ua. Ten months
we taught, aod fought victoriously, in de
fence ; and it was only when every attempt
to bring abont an honorable peace failed—
when Francis Joseph, who was never onr
King, dared in his manifesto of the 4th of
March, 1849, to otter the cnrse "that Hunga
ry could exist no longer"—when there was
no hopo of arresting the Russian invasion by
diplomacy—.when we saw that we must
fight to save ourselves from being struck ofT
the earth as a nation—when the house of
Austria, by its endless acts of injustice and
cruelty, and by calling in the aid of a for
eign power, had extinguished in the hearts
of tbe Hungarian people every spark of af
fection—then, and then only, after so rauoh
patience, the nation resolved to declare its
absolute independence. Then spoke the Na
tional Assembly the words which had long
been uttered by every patriotic tongue:
"Francis Joseph ! thou beardless young Ne
ro! though darest to say, Hungary shall ex
ist no more I We, the people, answer, we
do and will exist; but yon and your treach
erous house shall stand no longer!— You
shall no more be the Kings of Hungary ! Be
forever banished, ye perfidious traitors to the
nation."
We were not only ready to accept any
terms that were honorable, but we carefully
abstained from doing anything which would
give the Czar a pretence, Which he had long
sought, to meddle with our affairs.
The Hungarian nation loved freedom as
the best gift of God, but it nffVer thought of
commencing a crusade against Kings in the
name of liberty. In Hungary there were
none of those propagandists who alarm so
much the rulers of the Old World. There were
no secret societies plotting conspiracies. My
countrymen were not influenced by the the
ories of Communists or Socialists, nor were
they what the Conservatives call Anarchists.
The nation desired justice, and knew how to
be just to all, irrespective of rank, language
or religion. A people so worthy of free
dom were generous enough to leave some
thing to time, and to be satisfied with a pro
gressive development. No violence was
used; no just right was attacked ; and even
some of those institutions were left Undis
turbed, which, having existed for centuries,
could not be abolished at once with impu
nity.
The Hungarian people did not wish to op
press any—not even the aristocracy ; they
were more ready to make sacrificos than to
punish the descendants of nobility for the
evils of misgovernment, and ot those insti
tutions which emanated from their ances
tors; nor would they let the many soffer for
the sins of the few.
There was no anarchy among us. Even
in the bloodiest of the conflicts when (ho
human passions are most excited, there was
the most perfect order and security of prop
erty and person. How did the conduct of
my noble countrymen compare with that of
the "order-making" Austria ! Whenever the
whirlwind of war ceased lor a while where
t he social elements were left in chaos, the
instinctive moral feelings of this incorrupti
ble people, in the absence of all govern
ment, preserved belter order and safety than
legions of police. A common spirit anima
matod the whole nation—no secret aims, no
personal or local attacks, but a bold and open
defence in the face of the world. Following
the example of your great Washington, we
adopted, as our policy, conciliation, justice
and legifliiy, and scrupulously observed the
laws of nations.
The Russians and Austrians made the soil
of Wallaohia the basis of military opera
tions ; and the Turkish Government, which
either knew not its own interests, or was un
able to defend them, silently permitted this
violation of treaties and the rights of nations,
thus humbling itself and betraying its owr.
weakness. Several times we drove our ene
mies across the Wallachian boundaries ; for
it was only necessary for our victorious ar
my to advance into the countries of the Low
er Danube to rouse the inhabitants against
the Russians, and to transfer the war to their
own soil. But we respected the law of na
tions, and stopped our conquering forces on
the confines of Wallachia. Her soil was sa
cred to us. Austria left Gallacia almost un
protected, and collected all her forces to at
tack us. Had we at this time sent a small
portion of our army to Poland it would have
caused a general insurrection, and that hero
ic but unfortunate nation would have reven
ged herself by throwing the Russian empire
into a state of revolution. But we suited in
defence only, and we deemed it a sin to pre
cipitate other notions into a terrible and un
certain war, and we checked our sympathies.
Besides, we avoided giving the Emperor of
Russia a pretence for a war of retaliation
against us. Oh, it was foolish—for tho des
potic hypocrite made a pretence ; he called
our own struggle the Hungarian-Polish revo
lution, though the whole number of Poles in
our armies did not exceed four thousand.
We doubted not that the European pow
ers would negotiate a peace for us, or that
they would, at least, prevent the Russian in
vasion. They said they pitied us, honored
our efforts, and oondemned the conduct of
Austria; bnt they could not help us, be
causo Europe required a powerful Austrian
empire, and they must su|port it, ill spite of
its evils, as a balance against Russian cen
tral and eastern Europe. What a mistake !
What a diplomacy ! Is it not as dear as the
sun that the Czar, invading Austria, would
do it in such a manner as to obtain the great
est advantages for himself? Was it not
manifest that Austria—who had always,
through the help of Hungary, strength ss
nough to oppose Russia, would, when she
destroyed Hungary by Russian bayonets, no
longer be an independent power, hut mere
ly the arantgardi of the Mosoovite ? Yet
Europe permitted the invasion 1 It is an in
delible mark of blindness and shame. It is
ever thtyi in the imbecile Old World. They
treatod us just as they treated Turkey. They
assert always that the peace of Europe and
tho balance of power require the preserva-
Trntb and Right—God aid ear Country.
tion of the Turkish empire—that Turkey
must exist, to check the advance of the Cos
sack power. But, notwithstanding this,
England and Franco destroyed tho Turkish
fleet at Navarino—a fleet which never could
have injured them, but whioh might have
contended with Russia in the Black Sea.
Always the same worn-out, old, and fatal
system of policy ! —while Russia, ever alert,
seizes province after province from Turkey.
She has made herself the sovereign of Mol
davia and Wallachia, and is sapping the
foundations of the Ottoman empire. Alrea
dy Turkey officials are more dependent on
the lowest Russian Agents than upon their
own Grand Vizier.
Oh that Hungary had received but a slight
token of moral support from the European
powers—from those powers
are troubled with fear of the advance of the
Cossack ! Had only an Engiish or a French
agent come to us during our struggle, what
might he not have done ! He, too, would
have seen and estimated our ability to sus
tain ourselves—he would have observed the
hrmanily, the love of order, the reverence
for liberty which characterized llieUlungari
an nation. Had these two powers permitted
a few ships to come to Ossore, laden with
arms for the noble patriots who bad asked
in vain for weapons, tho Hungarians would
now have stood a more impregnable barrier
against Russia than all the arts of a misera
ble and extensive diplomacy.
There was a time when we, with the
neighboring l'oies, saved Christianity in Eu
rope. And now I hesitate not to avow be
fore God, that we alone—that my own Hun
gary—could have saved Europe from Russi
an domination. As the war in Hungary ad
vanced, its character became changed. In
the end, the results it contemplated were
highet and far more important—nothing less,
in fact, than universal freedom, which was
pot thought of in the beginning. This was
not a choice; it wasforeed upon us by the
policy of the European nations, who, disre
garding their own interests, suffered Russia
to invade and provoke us. Yes, we were
martyrs to the cause of freedom, and this
glorious but painful destiny was imposed
upon us.
Though my dear native Hungary ir trodden
down, and the flower of her sons executed,
or wandering exiles, and I. her Governor,
writing from my prison in this distant Asiat
ic Turkey, I predict—and the eternal God
hears my prediction—that thtre can be no
freedom for tho continent of Europe, and
that tha Coa—cke from tho ohursa of tho
Don will water their steeds in the Rhine, un
less liberty be restored to Hungary. It is
only with Hungarian freedom that the Euro
pean nations can be free; and the smaller
nationalities especially can have no luture
without us.
Nor could the united Russo-Austrian for
ces have conquered my heroic countrymen
had they not found a traitor to aid them in j
the man whom, believing in his honesty,
and on account of his skill, I raised from ob
scurity. Enjoying my confidence, the confl- ]
dence of the nation and the army, I placed
him at the head of our forces, giving him
the most glorions part to perform ever grant
ed to man. What an immortality was with- '
in his reach, had he been honest! But he
betrayed his country. Cursed be his name
forever! I will not open the bleeding wounds
by the sad remembrance of this event,
and will merely mention that the surrender at
Vilagos was the crowning act of a long sys
tem of treachery secretly practiced—by not
using the advantages which victories put in
his hands—by not fulfilling my commands,
under cunning pretences—by destroying na
tional feeling in the army—by weakening
its confidence—and by the destruction,
through unnecessary exposure and dangers,
of that portion of the army that, ho could
not corrupt in his base designs to make him
self military dictator. God, in bis inscruta
ble wisdom, knows why thejraitor was per
mitted to be successful. In vain fell the bra
vest of men in this long war—in vain were
the exertions of my brave countrymen—in
vain did the aged father send, with pious
heart, his only son, the prop of his decli
ning years, and the bride her bridegroom—
in vain did all private interests yield to the
! loftiest patriotism—in vain arose the prayers
of a suffering people—in vain did the ardent
wishes of every friend of freedom accom
, pany our efforts—in vain did the Genius of
Liberty bope for success. My country was
martyred. Her rulers are hangmen. They
|pave spoken the impious words that the lib
erty-loving nation "lies at the feel of the Czar."
Instead of the thankful prayer of faith, o r
hope, and of love, the air of my native land
is filled with the cries of despair, and I, her
chosen leader, am an exile- The diplomacy
of Europe has changed Turkish hospitality
to me and my companions into hopeloss
bondage. It is a painful existence. My :
youthful children have begun the morning
of their life in the hands of my country's
destroyer, and I—— but no : does not he-'
come me, for lam a man. lam not permit
ted, or I would say I envy the dead. Who
is unfortunate 1 lam in Broussa, where the
great Hannibal once lived an exile, home
less, like myself, but rich in services perfor
med for his country, while I can claim only
fidelity to mine. The ingratitude of hie na
| tion went with him is his banishment, but
| the sorrowful love of my countrymen follows
me to my pleoo of exile. To thee, ray God )
I offer (banks that thou didst deem me wor
tny to suffer for dear Hungary. Let me suf
fer afflictions, but accept them as propitiato
ry sacrifices lor tpy native land.
And thou, Hungarian nation, yield oot to
despair! Be patient; hope, and wait thy
time! Though all men forget thee, the God
of Justice will not. Thy sufferings are re
corded, and thy tears remembered. The
blood of thy martyrs—thy noble sons—
which moistened thy soil, will have its
fruits. The victims which daily fall for thee
are, like the ever-green cypress over the
graves of the dead, the symbol of thy resur
ection. The races whom thy destroyer ex
cited against thee by lies and cunning will
be undeceived; they will know that thou
didst not fight for preeminence, but for the
common liberty—that thou wpst their broth
er, and bled for them also. The temporary
victory of our enemies wilt but serve to take
the film from the eyes of the deceived peo
ple. Tho sentiment of sympathy for our
sufferings will inspire among the smaller
States and races the wish for a fraternal con
federation—for that whioh I urged as tho on
ly safe policy and guarantee of freedom for
them all.
The realization of this idea will hurl the
power of the haughty despots te the abyss
of the Past, and Huligary, free, surrounded
by free nations, will be great, glorious, and
independent.
At the moment when 1 hardly hoped for
further consolation on earth, behold, the God
of mercy freed my wife, and enabled her,
through a thousand dangers, to reach me in
my place of exile. I.iko a hunted deer, she
could not for five months find in her own na
tive land n place of res!. The executioners
of the beardless Nero placed a reward upon
her head, but she has escaped the tyrants.
She was to me and to my exiled coun
trymen like the rainbow to Noah, for
she brought intelligence ef hope in the un
shaken souls of the Hungarian people, and
in tho affectionate sympathy of the neigh
boring nations who had fought against us.—
They had aided the wife of the much-slan
dered Governor of Hungary.
Although the sympathy of the world often
depends upon the result of actions, and tbe
successful are applauded, still Hungary, by
her noble bearing and 'rials, has drawn the
attention of the world. The sympathy
which she has exciied in both worlds, and
the thundering curse which the lips of mil
lions have pronounced against her destroy
eis, announce like tho roaring of the wind
before the storm the coming retribution of
Heaven.
Among the nations of the world there are
two which deman I our gratitude and affec
tion. England, no less powerful than sho is
fro-> ami giurtuua, supported us Dy tier sym
pathy, and by the approving voice of her
noblest sons and the millions of her people.
And that chosen land of freedom beyond
the ocean—the all-powerful people of the
United States, with their liberal Government
—inspired us with hope, and gave us cour
age by their deep interest in our cause and
sufferings, and by their condemnation of our
executioners.
The President of the United Slates, whom
the confidence of a free people had eleva
ted to the loftiest station in the world, in his
Message to Congress, announced that the A.
merican Government would have been the
first to recognize ihe independence of Hun
gary. And the Senators and Representa
tives in Congress marked the destroyers of
my country's liberty with the stigma of ig
nominy, and expressed, with Indignant fee
lings, their contempt for the conduct of
Austria, and their wish to break the diplo
matic intercourse with such a government.
They summoned the despots before the judg
ment seat of humanity; they procla : med
that the world would condemn them ; they
declare that Austria and Russia had been
unjust, tyrannical and barbarous, and deser
ved to be reprobated by mankind, while
Hungary was worthy of universal sympa
thy.
The Hungarians, moro fortunate than I
who were able to reach the shores of the
New World, wore received by the people
and government of the United States in the
most generous manner—yes, like brothers.
With one hand they hurled anathemas at
the despots, and with the other welcomed
the humble exiles to partake of that glorious
American liberty moro to" be valued than
the glitter of crowns. Our hearts are filled
with emotions to see how this great nation
extends its sympathy and Bid to every Hun
garian who is so fortunate as to arrive in A
merica. The sympathetic declaration of
such a people, under such circumstances,
with similar sentiments in England, is not a
mere sign which the wind blows away, but
is prophetic of the future. What a blessed
sight to see whole nations actuated by such
sentiments !*
"Free citizens of America ! you inspired
my countrymen to noble deeds ; your appro
val imparted confidence ; your sympathy
conßoled in adversity, gave a ray of hope
for the future, and enabled us to bear the
weight of our heavy burden; your fellow,
feeling will sustain us till wo realize the
hope, the faith, 'that Hungary is not lost for
ever.' Accept, in the name of my country
men, the acknowledgments of our warmest
gratitude and our highest respect.
I, who know Hungary so well, firmly be
lieve sho is not lost ; and the intelligent qit
izens of America have decided, not only
with impulsive kindness, but with reason
and policy, to favor the unfortunate but not
subjugated Hungary. The sound of that en
couraging voice is not like a funeral dirge,
but as the shrill trumpet that will call the
world to judgment.
Who does not see that Austria, even in
her victory, has given herself a mortal
wound I Her weakness is botrayod The
world no longer behoves that Europe needs
the preservation of this decaying empire. It
is evident that its existence is a curse to
mankind; it enn never promote the welfare
of society. The magic of its imagined pow
er is gone; it was a delusion which can de
ceive no longer. Among all the races of
this empire—not excepting the hereditary
States—there is none that does not despise
the reignining family of Hapsburg. This
power has no moral ground of support; its
vain dreams of a united empire—for which
j It has committed the most unheard of crimes
—are proved to be mere ravings at which
' the world laughs. No one loves or .respects
j it; and when it falls, not a tear of regret
j will follow it to the grave. And fall it sure
|ly will. The moment Russia withdraws her
support, the decayed edifice will crumble to
dust. A shot fired by an English or by an
American vessel from the Adriatic would be
like the trumpet at the City of Jericho. And
this impious, foolish government thinks to
control fate by the hangman's cord. How
' long will Russia be able to assist 1 This
Czar—who boasts that his mission is to be
the scourge of all the nations striving for lib.
erty—will not the Almighty, whose viceger
ent he profanely assumes to be, blast the
miserable boaster i—The very chancier of
shis government is a declaration of war a
gainst the rights and interests of humanity,
and the existence of other nations ? Will
the world suffer this long 1 Not long.
The Hungarian nation, in her war, has not
only gained a consciousness of her own
strength, but she has forced the conviction
into the minds of other nations that she de
serves to exist, and to be independent: and
she can show justly that her existence and
independence are essential to the cause of
liberty in Europe. No, not Hungary is not
lost. By her faith, bravery, and by her
fore-sight, whitlt tiac'.es her to abide her time,
she will be yet among the foremost in the
war of universal liberty.
You, noble Americans, we bless in the
name of the God of Liberty ! To you, who
have summoned the murderers of my coun
trymen before tbe judgment seat of the
world—to you, who are the first judges of
this court—l will bring the complaints of my
nation, ond before you I will plead her cause.
When the house of Hapsburg, with the aid
lof a foreign army, invaded my country and
had destroyed, by their manifesto of tho 4th
of March, 1849, the foundation upon which
the union with Austria rested, there remain
ed her Hungary no alternative than the De
claration or independence which the Nation
al Assembly unanimously voted on the 14th
April, 1849, and which the whole nation sol
emnly accepted, and sealed with their blood.
I declare to you, in the most solemn man
ner, that all which has taken place, or that
may hereafter take place, proceeding from
individuals or Government, oontrary to this
declaration, which is in perfect accord with
the fundamental law of Hungary, illegal
and unjust.
Before you I assort that tho accusation that
the Magyar race was unjust to tho other ra
ces—by means ol which a portion ot the
Servians, Wallachians, Slavonians and Gei
mans dwelling in Hungary, was excited a
gainst us—is an impious slander, circulated
by the House of Hapsburg, which shrinks
from no crime to weaken the united forces
of our army, to conquer pne race after anoth
er, and thus bring us all under the yoke of
slavery.
Citizens of America t(j|S'ou I declare hon
estly that my aim in the federation of Hun
gary with smaller nations was to securo the
nationality aud independence of each, and
the freedom of all; and had anything been
wanting which could havo been justly gran
ted to any or all of the races in Hungary,
the Magyars had only to know it, and it
would have been performed with readinoss,
for Freedom, not Power, was their desire.
Finally, I declare that, by the Declaration
|of Independence by which I was electod
'Governor of Hungary, I protest, so long as
the people do not by their free will release
me from that office, that no ore can legally
control the affairs of government but my
self. This protestation is not made in a fee
ling of vanity or desire to be conspicuous,
but from respect to the inherent rights of my
countrymen. I strove not for power. The
brilliancy of a crown would not seduce me
The final aim of my life, after having liber
| aled my dear Hungary, was to end my days
as a private citizen and an humble farmer.
My country, in the hour of danger, called
upon mo to assist in the struggle
I responded to its call.—Others, doubtless,
were more able, who could have won more
fame, but I wHII yield to none in the purity
of my motives. Perhaps it was confidence
in my ardent patriotism and hoaesty of pur
pose which induced the people to give me
the power. They believed freedom would
be safe in my hands. I felt my weakness,
and told them I could not promise liberty
unless they were united as one man, and
would lay aside all personal, all soctional in
terests. I foretold, that, it the nation was
divided, it would fall. A i long as they fol
lowed my injunctions, and were united, thoy
were unconquerable—they performed mira
cles of valor. The fall of Hungary com
menced the day they began to divide. Not
knowing the secret causes of this division
and not suspecting treachery, and wishing to
inspire confidence, to give skill and all the,
elements of success to our army, and caring
nothing for my own fame, doing all for the
good of my country, I gave command of the
forces to another. I was assured by the most
solemn engagement, by the man whom I
gave the power, that he would use it for the
[Two Dollars per ABMM.
NUMBER 40.
welfare and independence of ihe nation and
that he wouid be responsible to me and the
people for the fulfilment of these conditions.
He betrayed his country, and gave the army
to the enemy. Had we succeeded after this
' terrible blow, he should havethisrcwa'd
i And even now he is not freed from his ac
| countability to tho nation, no more than I, in
the moral right and sense, cease to bo the
Goveri or of Hungary. A 'short lime may
reverse the fate of all. The aurora of liber
ty breaks upon my vision, even at Broussa.
I have, therefore intrusted to Ladislan
Ujhazi, Obergespann of tho Saros comitut,
and Civil Governor of Comorn, the mission
to be my representative, and through me the
representative of the Hungarian nation, to
the people and government of the United
States, hoping and believing that so gener
ous a people will not judge the merits of our
cause by a temporary defeat, but will recog
nize Governor Ujhazi and his companions
with the accustomed kindness.
May God bless your country forever!
May it have the glorious destiny to sharo
with other nations the blessings of that lib
erty which constitutes its own h ippiness and
fame! May your great example, noble A
mericans, be to other na'ions thosiurce of
social virtue; your power be the terror of
all tyrants—the protector of the distressed ;
and your free country ever continue to be
the asylum for the oppressed ol .a'l nations.
Written at my place of banishment, Brous
sa, Asia Minor. 27th March, 1850.
LOUIS KOSSUTH,
Governor of Hungary.
From the If. Y. Tribune.
NATIONAL SONG.
Domine, salvam,fac Rcjwblicam 1
KNOW ye the land where the Forest and Prai
■ ie
Spread broadest away by the Cataract's
fall!
Where the harvests of earth tho most plen
tiously vary,
And the children that reap them are hap
piest of all;
Where the long-rolling rivers go. ihightily
trending,
With wealth on their billows, thro' many
a clime;
Where the lakes, 'mid their woodlands, like
seas are extending,
And the mountains rise lone in the cen
ter sublime *
Know ye the land where a royal oppressor
Bade the burghers and husbandmen bow
to his wiH ;
But tlier fought the good flght, under God,
the Redressor,
And the heart of Humanity beats to it
still !
Whero lakes, plains and mountains, inspi
ring or solem.
Keep their tales of that strife, and its mon
uments be
The Statue, the Tablet, the Hall, and tlta
Column,
But. best and most lasting, the soula of the
free ?
Know ye the land where fair # Freedom's
Dominion
Stands proudlier than any the earth ever
knew,
| Where Greece llashod likod fire through the
East, or the pinion
01 Rome's dreaded war-bird with Victory
ilew ;
Where, high as the haughtiest, she lifts up
her banner.
By crime uiidislionorod, unstained by re
treat, _ ""
While the winds of two Oceans blow bright
ly to fan her.
And waft the full wealth of the workl to
her feet I
7
Where she bends, great Protectress ! to wel
come the strangers —
The pilgrims of many a realm, Who pre-
To the mercies of tyrants her seas and their
dangers—
To their birth-place the exile that bears
them to her;
Whence, far as the breezes and billows, her
warning
Is heard on all shores, by their slaves and
their Kings :
I will come, 1 will come, like the march of
the morning,
And the healing of nations go forth on my
wings I
Oh, that land—yes, we know it! —ils lumin
ous story—
lis wealth ot all Nature—America's land !
We'd die for that land of our love and our
glory !
We live to maintain it—heorf, spirit and
hand !
And thus, Brother's, Friends, wo salute it—
oh never
Its high Constellntion made less by a star
All hail it PEHrcTuxt.! still brightening for]
ever—
The fond hopo of millions, in peace or in
war !
Till the hard Rock of Plymouth >e worn by
the Ocean,
And Charlestown's tall Obelisk dust on the
shore,
And our dear Old Dominion's heroio- devo
tion
And the gift of her chieftainry thought of
no more-
Shall this bond, long our glory, still bind us
together,
i One people —from Maine to the Mexican
fines—
From the Chesapeake's wave to the Cape of
Foul-weather—
From the palms of the South to the Cata
racts' pines !
tW When the heartlessness of mere fash,
ionable fiooiety is so well known, we can
. but wonder that mer. and women thke so
much pains to show themselves off in its
light; to deceive themselves into the belief
that they and their cmpouions are of real
importance in the eyes of the world, when
they are, altogether, acting a part, like play
ers on a Hugo.

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