Newspaper Page Text
THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
1. Wi'lTe*Tr Proprietor.] VOLUME 7. ' IESINEBB DIRECTOR*. j3loombnrg. jto- " DATID LDHENBERG, (CLOTHING STORE, on Main street, two doors above the 'American House." SIMON DREIPCSS, & €#. CLOTHING STORE In the 'Exchange Block,' opposite the Court house. EVANS & APPLEMAN. MERCHANTS.— Stdre on -.he upper part of Mam street, nearty opposite the Episcopal Church. ~8. C. SUIVB, •MANUFACTURER OF FURNrITURE J** AND CABINET WARE —Wareruom is Shive's Block, on Msin'Slreet. A. 91. RFPERT, TpINNER AND STOVE DEALER.— J. Shop on South ide of Maiu street, be- How Market. JOSEPH SWARTZ. BOOKSELLER. 'Storein the Exchange Block', first door above the Exchange Moiel. R. W- WEAVER, ATTORNEY AT LAW.—OFFICE on THE first floor of the "Star" Building, oo Maiu street. SHARPLESS & MELICK, IJiOUNDEBS ANB MACHINISTS. Build ? ingsoti the alley between the "Exchange and "American House." BARNARD RUPERT. TAILOR. —Shep on the South Side of Main Street, first square below Market. MENDENUALL & MENS 18, MERCHANTS. —Store North Weslcsrner of Main aud Market Streets. 11l RAM C. BOWER, kGEON DENTIST.—Office near the Academy on Third Street. M'KELVY, KEAL k CO., MERCHAN fS.-Nort!teast comer of Mian and Market erred*, i SUARFLESS k Mil LICK, MANUFACTURES AND DEALERS IN STOVES, TINWARE -See.—Establish men', on Main street, next building above be Court-house. U-fiKtt V-AX' FSt-MiK H , 'CLOCK and WATCII.M.VK side ef Maiu street, abovo the Rail regit. Every kind of disorder in jewelled or oth er fiewly invented Escapementsfailiifull re paired. PVRDON'G DIGEST. ANY Justice of the Peace wishing to ptir -™chse a copy of Purdon's Digest,can be aecommodaled by applying at he this atti e BI&ABY & BB©WH*S EAGLE HOTEL, He- 199 Merth Third Street, above PHILADELPHIA. SAMCIL A. BBADV. G Sauce 11. Bnowv. [June 81k 1854-ly. BLANKS! ELANKS!! BLANKS!!! DEEDS, SUMMONS. EXECUTION'S, SUBPIKNAS, and JUDGMENT NOTES, doper and desirable forms, fo- sale at the fo ef the "Stur of the North." Junlices ol* llic Peace AND CONSTABLES can find all kind of blanks desirable for their use, in proper form, at the office of the "STAB or TIIKNORTU EXCHANGE NEWSPAPERS By the hundred for sale at this office. Fancy Paper, Envelopes, Pens, Ink, Writing sand. &c tu be found at the cheap Book store of JOSEPH SWARTZ, NE worn ST- MILL subM-^ib'r his Grist- V 1 Mill at Mill Grove, near Light Street, ' Columbia county, and is ready the do any •ml all kinds of grinding. He has three run of atones, aud the Mill will work to gen era-1 satisfaction. A competent miller has has charge of the establishment, and the patronage of tbe publio is resentfully so ! " THOMASITRENCH. Mill Grove, Sept. 9, 1854- /fJCIP ROUTE TO PMLIPELPIIIA rB iir! t'eUawissa, William sport aud A" Kailroaii OPEN TO MILTON, i Bi htnrt between Phil*. aid Milton, 1 a\N and after Monday, Sept. 25th, and I until extension 10 Williaiesporl, pass- I anger trains will be run every dy (Sundays excepted) at follows : Leaving Milton at I I A. M., connecting With Reading Rail Road, at Port (Clinton, at i rising at Philadelphia at 7 30, PJM. WJ Leaving Philadelphia, at 7 30,|A. M.jar- Karite §t Milton at 4 30 P. M. _ i I t A brhipht Train will leavo Milton, on Jp Monday, Wednesday be Friday, and Port ■pktliif on on Tu s'lay, Thursday add Saturday, r • t each week ' '• (Freight is oai.ied to and from I hladelplna Bj 'About transhipment, from Ri tding Rail Freight Depot corner ef Bread end ( T. MCKIS SOCK, BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY. JANUARY 25, 1855. TUB STAB OP THE NORTH it published every Thursday Morning, by K. IV. WEAVES, UfUCJH—Upstairs, in the new brick building on Ike south side of Main street, third square below Market. TEIMI: —Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and ftfly cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months: no discontinaance'pertnitied until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the editor. ADvcaTißKMtKTsnot exceeding one square will be Inserted three times for one dollars and twenty-Rve bents for each additional in sertion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. | Select foetrn. THE "LADIES* JUAN.** ■ T DAVID BARK ICR, 6Q. XVho is a " ladies' man 1" Not he. The "dera foine," art-begotten top, Who lives through life a devotee To dancing ball and tailor's shop ; Who lacks for ballast nor for 8iI'-- Whose beard arooud the place be chews, Is like a kiok in puppy's tail, For ornament and not for Use. He cannot be a " ladies, man." Who dreams '.hat (or a world of gold The love of woman ean be won, Or virtue cau be bought aod sold. Nor he a " ladies' man," I ween, Who dares assert, or dares expect, That trappings can be tnade to screen The puveriy ol intellect. He is of" ladies' man " the kind Who lives to learo, and learrls to prize The sterling brilliancy of mind Beyond the brilliancy of eyes'; Who feels that purity and love, That native modesty and taste Are gems which man should hold above The small circumference of waist; Who knows that all the toyson earth, The priJo of rank, the power of might, Are always tipped by moral worth, When weighed upon the scales ofrrght. lie is a " ladies' man"—the best*— , Who, though he toils a> sledge or cart, 'Has got a something in his breast, The dictionary calls a lieait. There, girls, if you understand that, some ol you will not, in future, curl your pretty, lips at sensible men, and rhen court the fa vors of those brainless things that flutter around you, which are of no more use in the world than so many poodle dogs.—fori land Pleasure Boat. IKALUIUAL AUDKESS or HARUISBUUG, Jan. IC, 1855. Feu.ow CITIZLNS: —Custom sanctious, and demands, a brief declaration of the princi ples and policy, F> be adopted and pursued by an Executive about to assume the func tions of that office. The character of our in stitutions demonstrates the propriety of such declaration. All the just powers or the Gov ernment etnnnate from the people, and to them should be communicated the manner j in wliiclt it is proposed to execulo the pow-1 ers oonferred. The people are sovereign 5 and in the ex ercise of their sovereignly, they have "or dained and established" a constitution for the State. That constitution, 1 have this day, in the presence of my tellow citizens, aud of Him who is the searcher of hearts—and with humble reliance on His wisdom lo di rect—sworn to support. The high powers therein delegated to the respective and coor dinate branches of the Government ara clear ly expressed aud defined. Side by side with the grant of powers, stands the declara tion of the rights of the people, recognizing the general, great and essential principles of liberty and free government. To guard against tho transgression of the powers del egated, and to preserve forever inviolate the rights, liber lies, and priveleges of the citi zen, thus declared, will he both a duty and a pleasure, in full harmony with every im pulse of my nature. Republican Institutions are lite pride, and justly the glory of our country. To enjoy thein is our privilege, lo maintain them our duty. Civil and religious liberty—freedom of speech, and of the press, tbe rights of cot science and freedom of worship—are the birthright and the boast of the American citizen. No royal edict, pontifical decree, can restrain or destroy them. In the enjoy ment of these blessings, the rich and the poor, the high and the low, meet togoibat— the constitution, ir. its lull rcope and ample deveiopemeat, shields aud proteots then* all. When these rights are assailed, these privileges endangered, either by mad ambi tion, or by influences foreign to the true in terests of the Nation, and at we* with love of country—that noble imiiu'se of the Amer ican heart, which prong's il lo revere home and native land at a*vbd objects of its affec tions—it is then ballot-box in its omnipo tence, speakiorf iu thunder tones the will of the people, xfebukes the wrong, and vindi cate* the freedom of the man—the indepen dence of the citiaen. To the Amerioa.i peo ple have these blessings been committed as a sacred bust j tbey are, and must ever be, iheir guardians and defendors. The Ameri can citizen, independent aud free, uninfluen ced by partisan attachments, unawed by moleaiasticfcl authority or ghoatly iutolerance 4!u the strength of fearless manhood, and 4 the bold assertion pf bit rights—should eihibit to the world s living illustration of the superior benefits of American Republi canism ; proclaiming n true and tingle alle giance to hit country, anil to no other power but " the God that made and preserves ua at a Nation." Virtue, intelligence and truth are the foun dation of our Republic. By these our insti tutions and privileges can and will be preserved. Ignorance is not the mother of patriotism or of Republics. Uis the enemy and destroyer of both. Education, in its enlightening,elevating and reforming influ ences, in the full.power of its beneficent re sults, should be encouraged by the State— not that mere intellectual culture that leaves the mind a moral waste, unfit to understand the duties of the man or citizen, but tbal higher education, founded upon, directed and oontroled by, sound and elevated moral principle—that recognizes the Bible as the foundation of true knowledge, an the text book alike of the child and the American Statesman, and as the great charier and bul wark of civil and religions freedom. The knowledge thus acquired is the power Con servative of States and nations; mure poter.i in its energy to uphold the institutions of freedom and the rights of man, than armies and navies in their proudest strength. The Ranters of our constitution understood this, and wisely provided for the establish ment of schools and " the promotion of the arts and sciences in one or more seminaries of learning," that the advantages of educa tion might be enjoyed by all. To improve the efficiency of this system, not only by perfecting out common schools, but- by encouragiog and aiding "one or more" higher literary institutions, in which teachers can be trained and qualified ; and to increase the fund appropriated to educa tional purposes , are objects which will at all times receive my willibg approval. Money liberally, yet wisely, expended in the pur suit aud promotion of knowledge, is true economy. The integrity of this system and its fund must be preserved. Nu division of this fund for political or sectarian purposes should over be made o: attempted. To di vide is to destroy. Party and sectarian jeal ousies would be engendered ; the unity aud harmony of the system destroyed ; ur.d its noble objects frustrated and defeated. Bigot ry might rejoice, patriotism would weep, over such a result. In tbe performance of the duties now de volved upon me, tl will be my denre to aid, by all cotietutional and legal means, the de velopement of the reeourcee of the State : and to encourage and promote her agricultu ral, mining, manufacturing and commercial interests. A kind Providence has bestowed upon ue, with a liberal band, all tbo Cle men's of wealth and greatness. Our valleys and plains oiler their fertile soil to the plough share of the husbandman, a reward with their rich productions his honorable toil. Our inexhaustable coat fields; our rich iron deposits; limestone everywhere, and just where trios', required ; rhe interminable for ests, and our rushing streams ; all invite the energy and enterprise of our citizens to the developemenl ol their treasures, and prom ises a rich reward to their labors. The smoke o! our fumacrs, the crash of the rolling-mill, the horn of tbe spindle and the dm of the work-shop, attest the energy and manufac turing skill of our people ; and whilst the plough, the loom and the anvil unite in the production of wealth, commerce, by her thousand avenues, is bearing their valuable and abundant products to our marts of liade. Amidst all these great interests, and their rapid and almost romantic developement, it is a matter of congratulation that agriculture, in its various departments, has awakened publio attention to its importance; and claim ed and received front science the- tribute ol its aid. Pennsylvania, so deeply interested in the success of her agricultural industry, cannot be indifforent to tbe laudable efforts now making to advance and perfect the first and noblest pursuit of man. This, and ail other branches of industry, should receive the fostering care and encouragement of the Government. The interests of our great commercial em porium should receive the considerate atten tion of the Legislature. Her manufactures, trade and commerce, are of great and in creasing importance, and Philadelphia, as consolidated, iu population, wealth, enter | prise and intelligence, ranks and rivals the | first cities of the Union. To make her the ! first among the citiei of our couutry should I be the just pride of every Pennsylvenian. Her interests are <0 identified with the inter ests of the Stale, (hat they cannot be separ ated with" l ' injury to both. A prudent anj liberal system of legislation, appropriate to her real wants, would promote her own and the interests of the commonwealth. A sound currency is essential lo the pros perity of a commercial people. Ail classes ot society, and erery branch of industry, in their varied interests and economical rela tions, are interested in securing and main taining a safe circulating medium. To ac complish litis result, wise and prudent legis lation is necessary. The creation of a well regulated, and carefully guarded' system of banking, is not only sound policy but bene ficial to the legitimate trade and commerce of the country; and aids in developing ber great natural and industrial resources. Our present system of banking, with the limita tions, restrictions and liabilities, individual and otherwise, imposed by the law on these institutions, has become the settled policy of the State. The check* and guards thrown around them should not be lessened or re moved. Tbeir own sefeiy, and tbe security of the public, require ther continuance. Notice of numerous intended application* Troth aod Right—God aod our Country. to the Legislature for new banks, an increase of banking capital and saving institutions, has been given as required by the oonsti tu tion. Without desiring to assume a hostile attitude towards all banks, the propriety of incorporating all that may be called for. un der the notice given, cannot be justified or defended. The extravagant, improper, or unreasonable increase of banks and banking capital, is not demanded by tbe wanU of the community, and will not, end cannot be sanctioned by the Executive. The present commercial and financial embarrassment of the country; the depressed state of trade; all past experience, and the more recent ex perience of some of oar sister States, as seen in their ruined banks and depreciated tin'r rency, demonstrate the neoessity of legisla ting cau'ioosly and prudently on this sub ject. Tbe number of banks, and consequently the amount of banking capital, should be limited to, and regulated by, the proper de mands ol active and healthy trade, and the actual business wants and necessities of the community. Thie policy, honestly insisted upon nnd pursued, would protect the coun try from the disastrous consequences of im provident banking. An extraordinary and unnecessary increase of banks and banking facilities, in seasons of great general pros perity, leads to extravagant and ruinous speculation. Such increase, in times ol commercial disiress, aggravates anil prolongs tbe evils it was designed to remedy. Enter taining these views, I will not hesitate to sanction the re-chartering of old solvent banks which by prudent and careful management, aod an honest adherence to the legitimate purpose, of their creation, have merited and received the confieenoe of the public. Nor will I refuse to sanction the incorporation of new banks, when indispensably necessary and clearly demanded by the actual business wants aud interests of the community in which they are located. To no other, and under no other circumstances, can I yield ihe Executive consent. j To promote lite welfare find prosperity of ' the commonwealth, by regulating and in creasing her finances, economizing tier re sources, maintaining her credit, reducing her debt, and relieving her people from op pressive taxation, will be tbe objects of my anxious desire; and to the accomplishment of which every energy of my administration will be directed. The public debt, now ex ceeding forty millions of dollars, and the annual laxatiou necessary to meet the pay ment of its interest, seriously affect the great iudustrial interests of the Stale ; drive labor and capital from tbe commonwealth ; prevent the cxteution and completion ct her noble system of education ; and the prosecution of those laudable schemes of benevolence which at once benefit, dignify and adorn a free and enlightened people. livery consideration of State pride, every motive of interest, require its reJuctiou and speedy liquidation, by every avaiiaule and practicable means. To secure this object, rigid economy in every department of the government-; retrenchment in the pubiio expenditures; strict accountability in all the receiving and disputing officers of its commonwealth ; and an honest and faithful discharge of duty by all Iter agents, would contribute much,und save millions to tbe Treasury. * Created by the Slate, in the prosecution and mansgement of her system of internal improvement—a system characterized by, " prodigality, axtraviganee, and corrupt po litical favoritism"—the sale ofthese improve ments, or at least of lite " main line," as a means of reducing this debt, lessening tax ation, and saving our financial credit, has for many years occupied the attenlioo of the people and their representatives. Bills lor the sale of the main line have been passed by three different Legislatures, two of which were approved by tho Governors then fn of fice. The people, on the question being Submitted to them in 1844, decided by a large majority, in favor of the sale ; and yet these works, from the defective character of the laws authorizing the sale, the restriction contained in thorn, and from other causes, remain nnsoAf. Publib sentiment! founded on economical, moral and political consider ation, still demands, aud lira public welfare still requires their sale. The eousidetation 16 be paid, the mode, terms and conditions of the sale, ought to | be carefully considered. Just and liberal j inducements should be offered to purchasers, while at the same time the people should be protected against wrong and imposition. By avoiding the errors of former legislation, a sale on terms favorable to tbe State and beneficial to the purchaser may be secu red. It is in vain to hope for a reduction of the debt, and relief from taxation, without a sale of the whole, or part, of our* pnbiio works. Incumbered with debt and taxed to support a system, the management of which has been marked by extravagant ex penditure, fraudulent speculation, and a reckless disregard of pubiio interests, the people demand reliei and release from these burdens. The press and the ballot box have declared the popular will ou this sub ject, and that will should be obeyed. Du ly and a conviction of its propriety, will prompt me to give a cordial support lo the accomplishment of this object. Iu this connection, and whether a sale of all, ot aby of the publid improvements be effected or not, the abolition or re-organixa tion of the board of Canal Commiaaioaers, and the substitution of some other efficient and responsible system of management, are subjects woftbj of consideration. Every measure of reform in this regsrJ, calcula ted to increase the efficiency and responsi bility of the supervisory power, protect the inteiesis of the Stste, and correct the rest or alleged abuses of the present ey'stem, will receive my approval. I The people having in the recent election decided against the passage of a law pro hibiting the manufacture and sale of spirit uous liquors, it wilt become tbe duty of the Legislature and Executive to consider what other legislation may be necessary to con trol and correct the evils of intemperance.— Our present license system, although high ly penal and corrective of many abuses, is still defective. The facility with which licenses are obtained tor the sale of malt and ether liquors, is an avil that demand* reform. The number of places in which these are sold, sbonld be limited by law and no license granted unless by tbe Courts, and in the manner now required in tbe case of public inns and taverns, and subject to the same regulations, restrictions and pen alties. The desecration of the Sabbath by a traffic BO fruitful of evil, and so demoralizing in its results, is in direct opposition to the law of Uud, and the moral sentiment of the peo ple, and is a reproach to tho age in which wo live. A stringent and comprehensive law, remedial in its provisions, and vindica ting the great law of the Sabbath, in its phy sical and moral relations to man, is required, not only by the moral sense of the commu nity, but would be justified by every senti ment of humanity, every consideration 0 f pbilanthrophy, every impalse of pure and genuino patriotism. The history of intern perauce is written in tears and blooJ. Pau perism, taxation and crime follow in its train. A remedy should be applied ; and public sentiment, with the full force of its moral sanction, will approve ail prudent and constitutional legislation on this sub ject. The pardoning power—the harrn'ontous blending of mWcy and justice in our Consti tution—will be exercised with a just regard to both these important principles. With ev ery desire to extend rneVcy to the unfortu nate and repentant transgressor, justice, in her stern demands, will not be overlooked by the pardon of the vicious and hardened crminal. This power has been conferred on the Executive, not to overthrow tiie ad ministration of justice, but to aid and pro mole it. It should be exercised with great caution, and only upon the most satisfactory assurance that is due to the condemned, and that the rights and security of the public will not-ba prejudiced by the ant. To prevent the abuse of ibis power, and to protect the Executive from imposition, notice of the in tended application should be published in the city or county where the trial and con viction took place. • Experience lias demonstrated the impolicy of subscriptions by municipal corporations to tho stock of railroad companies. This is especially true in relation to county subscrip tions. The practice should be avoided, or at least not encouraged by future legisla tion. Legislation, so far as practicable, should be general and uniform. Local and special legislation ought to be discouraged, when the objection be obtained by general laws. Its tendency is pernicious; and general prin ciples, and public good, are Oltert sacrificed to secure personal and private benefits. ■'Omnibus legislation'," being improper in itself and demoralizing in its influence, can not receive my sanction. The views and practice of my immediate predecessor on this subject, meet my cordial approval. Peunsyvania, occupying as she does' an important and proud position in the sister hood of States, cannot bo indifferent 10 the policy und acts o( the National Government. I Her voice, potential for good in other days, ought not to be disregarded now. Devoted to the Constitution and the Union—as ah'o was the iirst to sanction, she will be (be last to endanger the one, or violate the other. Kegarding with jealous care the rights ofr her sister States, she will be ever ready to defend her own. The blood of her sons poured out on the many baitle fields of the Revolution, attests her devotion to her great principles of American freedom—tho great centre-truth of American republicanism. To the Constitution in all its integrity; to the Union in its strength and harmony ; to thoj maintenance in its purity, of the faith and honor of our country, Pennsylvania now is and always has been, pledged—a pledge never violated, and not to bu violated; until patriotism ceases to be a virtue, and liberty 1 to be known only as a name. Entertaining these sediments, and actus- 1 ted by an exclusive desire to promote the I peace, harmony and welfare of our beloved country, the recent action of the National Congress and Executive,in repealing a solemn compromise, only less sacred in pubiiu esti mation than tha Constitution i'.s self—thus at tempting to extend the institution of do mestic Slavery in the territorial domain of the Nation, violating the plighted faith and honor of the country, aroiisiog sectional jeal ousies, and renewing the agitation of vexed and distracting questions—bar received from the people of our own and other States of the Union their stern and merited rebuke. With no desire to restrain the full and en tire constitutional rights of the States, nor to interfere diretitiy or indirectly with domes lie institutions, the people of Pennsylvania, in view of the repeal of the Missouri Com promise, the principles involved in it, ""d the consequenoes resulting front i mark ed already by fraud, violeop* strife, hava re affirmed their oppo"t'n to the extension of tlevery to,t*fiotles now free, and renew- Ed their pledge "to (he doctriues of - the aet of 1760, wbioh relieved as by constitutional means from k grievous social evil; to the peat ordinance of 1787, in its full scope and til its beneficent principles ; to the protec ion of the personal rights of every human >eing under the Constitution of Pennsylva tia, and the Constitution of the United States, >y maintaining inviolate the trial by jury and he writ of habeas corpus; to the assertion of the due rights of the North as well a* of the South, and to the integrity of the Union." The declaration of these doctrines is but the recognition of the fundamental princi ples of freedom and human rights. They are neither new nor startling. They were taught by patriot fathers at the watch fires of out counlrys defenders, ami learned amid the bloody snows of Valley Forga pnd the mighty throes of war and revolution. They are stamped with indelible imprese upon (be great chsftacter of 'o'tt rights, arid embodied in the legislation of the best and purest days of the Republic ; have filled the hearts, and fell burning from lb'e lips of orators end statesmen, whose memories are immortal as the ptincipl.es they cherished. They have been the walchward and the hope of millions who have gone before us, are the watchword and the hops of millions now, and wilt be of millions yet unborn. In many other questions of National and truly American policy—the due protection of American labor and industry against the depressing iniiuence of foreign labor and capital ; the improvement of our harbor* and rivers ; the national defences ; the equi table distribution of the proceeds of public lauds among the States, in aid of education and'lo relieve from debt and taxation ; a judicious ''homestead billreform in the naturalization laws ; and the protection of our country against (he immigration and im portation of foreign paupers and coovicta— in all these, we, as a Slate and people, are deeply interested, and to their adoptio'rt and promotion every eucouragemeut should be given. To the people of my native Slate, who have called me to preside over her destinies, 1 return the tVibute of my warmest'gratitude for tlie honor conferred ; and my pledge to them Ibis day, is, that "I will try" to real ize their expectations and not betray their confidence. In assuming the rosponsii ill ties of this high office, 1 would be false to myself aud to fhe feelings that now oppress me, should I besitale to afltrtn my unaffect ed distrust in my ability to discharge its ap propriate duties in a manner commensurate with their importance. If 1 can not secure, t will iabor to deserve the coundeuce and ap probation of my fellow-citizens. I do not expect, f dare not hope, to escape cer.surer Deserved censure I will strive to avoid, ail others to disregard. Conscious of the recti tude of my intentions, with no ambitious de sires to gratify, no resentments to cherish, no wish but for the public good, it will be my endeavor to perform every duty faithful ly ahd fearlessly ; and having donu this, will abide the j udgmcnt of a generous people, assured, that if tbey condemn the act, they will at least award to me the meed of good intention. With the Constitution for my guide,'equal and exact justice to ail' my desire, the great est good ol tbe greatest number my object— und invoking the aid aiul blessing of the God of our fathers, and desiring to rule in His fear—my duty and highest ambition will te 'o promote tho true interests of tho Slate, maintain our civil and religious privileges, defend the honor, and advance the prosper ity and happiness of our Country. JAMES POLLOCK. JUDGE PORTEIt-3 CHARGE. We-republisli below an extract from the Charge of Judge Poicrca, to the Grand Jury of Carbon Couuty, at the late silling of the Coutl, relating to conspiracy. It has been the subject of much misrepieseiiulion In the Federel papers, as a reference to lite extract will prove. Aftor giving the Grand Jury some instructions as io tbe mode iu which they should transact their business, with order and regularity, and giving a con struction to the act of Bth of May last, ma king it penal to or five intoxicating li quor, as a beverage, to persons of intemper ate habits, to minors and insane persons, and urging searching inquiries in relation to such offences, the Judge proceeded to say # * • * * The gist of coospirocy, says Chief Justice Parsons of Massachusetts, is the unlawful confederacy lo do an unlawful aot, or even a lawful act for unlawful purposes. The of fence is complete when l|te confederacy is made; and any act done In pursuance ol it. is no conslituant part of tbe offence, bill merely an aggravation of it. The rule of the common law is to prevent unlawful com binations. A solitary offender may easily bo detected and punished. But combinations against law are a/ii'ays dangerous io tin public peace and to private security. The uulawful confederacy is therefore punished, lo pre vent tbe doing of acts, in the execution of it. Of this principle the adjudged causes leave oo doubt. Commonwealth vs. JudJ et. al. 2 Mass, 336. A combination, says our own Gibson, is a conspiracy in law, whenever the aot to be done, bas a n**e*cary tendency lo prejudice the pubJ'e or oppress individuals, by unjust ly subjecting them to the power of the con federates, and giving offeot to the purposes, of the latter, whaiher of extortion or mis chief. Commonwealth va Carlisle (1 Jour nal of Jnrispudeuee, 235. The constitution ot the UutWd States pro * - [Two Dollars per I NUMBER L videa that congress shall have power to es tablish a uniform ruls of nataralisation.-t- And the first strendmeut to that constitution adopted immediately after the adoption.df the instrument itself, provides that Congress shall make,no law respecting en establish ment of religion or prohibiting the free ek etcise thereof. f , . ' ■ The oonstito tion or Pennsylvania declares that, " all men have a natural and indefea sible right to worship Almighty God accor ding to the dictates of their own conscience^: no man can of right be compelled to attend, erect or support any place of worship,or to maintain any ministry against his consent; no human power can, in any cake whatever control or interfere with the rights of Con science ; and no preference shall be given by law, to any religious establishments in modes of worship. ' No person who acknowledges the being of a God, and a future stale of rewards and punishments, shall, on account of his reli gious sentiments be disqualified to hold any office or place of tru*t or profit under this com monwealth." By the constitution of the United States there is no distinction made between natu ral born and paluralized oitizens, except that the latter are excluded from the otfioe of President and Vice President of the Uni ted States. The citizens of each State ate declared to be entitled to ail the privileges and immunities of citizens of the seVtrkl States. Undoubtedly any citizen or number o'f citizens may lake the constitutional means of altering, modifying or chaugtng any of these provisions of our organic law, bscausi that privilege is guaranteed by the Consti tution ol the United States and iff oo'r own Slate, which also provides that the freWloili ol speech or of the press shall not be abridg ed, and recognizes the right of the people, peaceably to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. The free communication of thoughts hud opnt-" ions is one of the invaluable rights of man,, and every citizen may freely speak, write or print on any subject, being responeibie for the abuse of that liberty. If therefore, as we have said, any person shall think himoslf aggrieved by ghy of the provisions either of our constitutions or statues, he is at liberty to use all constitutional and legal means fur their revision and alteration, but he must not resort to unlawful means even "- 1 for this purpose. _ i "V 11 any two or more men shall combine together for the purpose of preventing any of our citizens naturalized, or native, from enjoying the rights guaranteed to them by the const nut ion, ilia a conspiracy and pun ishable as such by indictment. If any two or more men combine togeth er any citizen from enjoying the rights guaranteed to him by the constitutioQ, on account ol his religious feelings, or par ticular mode of worshipping God, it is e con spiracy and punishable as such by indioH inent. If any number of men, combine or form themselves into an association, by agree ments, rows or oaths to control the opinions and voter of any portion of our citizens, in the exercire of their suffrages, so that they shall vote not according to their on choice or the diclates of their owu consciences, but ■s a majority of such association shall detet rnine, it is a conspiracy and punishable ae such by indictment. i •• ■ t And you will remember that it is the agreement to do the act, that constitutes the criminality, even if the act itself be not done. It mey be well here to observe that i( any perron or persons, shall have unthinkinglyi unadvisably and without being aware of the criminal character of such an act, joined such association or taken upon himself anfc such vows, obligations, or caths, they nrei not binding upon him in law and ought not to be in motal*. tie will enaot the part ol? a good citizon by eschewing all such fellow ship or assoaiation and abandoning the ille gal enterprise. fie may not, it is true, be compelled to say whether hd has entered into any such combinational'called upento testify in a Court of Justice, but he will be bound to tell the truth iu regard to any others hav ing dope so. Ilia own exemption depends upon the principle, that no man is bound to criminate himself, or so to testify ae id subject himself to prosecution end punish ment for a criminal offence, but no extraju dicial oath, vow or obligation can excuse the person taking or making it from testifying the truth when called as a witness in a Court of Justice, to taaijyes to what may effect others. ; If, therefore, it shall appear to you, e'.thdf by the personal know lodge of my of your members, or by the examination of witness es aent to you for the purpose, that any such combination as those to whtbH we havd re- - furred, or for eny.other unlawful purpose, exist, it will be your duty to make e presents inent or return a bill or bills for tbe offence." UAii ' 'J- ' Tliose dear young wives who have a de sire to please their husbands with the moat immaculate shirt collars and bosoms. will thank us for I Oik receipt for 'dotog Up" the same: 'Take two ounces of fine white gunWhltio powder—put it in a piioher, and pour on a pint or more of boiling water according to the degree of strength you desire—audi tberi having covered it, let it set alt night—in the morning pour it < aremlly front the dregs in to a clean bottle, cork it find fysep it for use* A table spoonful of gum staler stirred into i pint of starch, made jtt (he anal manner will give to Uvrns either whim or pnnted.4 look of newness when twihing slse oen re store thsm after washing.'