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THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
It W Weaver Proprietor.] VOLUME 7. THE STAR OF THE NORTH !• POBLISAED EVERY THURSDAY MORMKS BV R. W. WEAVER, OFFICE— Up stairs, in Ike new brick build ing, on Ike south side of Main Street, thiid square below Market. TERMS Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the lime of sub scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than aix months ; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the editor. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square will be inserted three times for One Dollar and twenty-five cents for each additional in aertion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. CHOICE POETRY. THE BURSTING OF TIIE BUD. Spring is coining—Spring is coming! With her sunshine and her showers; Heaven is ringing with the singing Of the birds in brake and bower, Buds are filling, leaves are swelling Flowers on field, and bloom on tree, O'er the earth and air and ocean, Nature holds her jubilee. Soft then stealing, comes a feeling O'er my bosom tenderly; Sweet and tender as I wander, For my musings are of tbee. Spring is coming—Spring is coming! With her mornings fresh and light; With her moon of chequered glory, Sky of blue, and clouds of-white, Calm, gray nightfall, when the light falls From the star-bespangled sky, While the splendor pale and tender, Of the young moon gleams on high. Still at morn, at noon, and even, Spring is full of joy for me, I ponder as I wander, And my musings aro of thee. Still on thee my thoughts are dwelling, Whatso'er thy name may be, Beautiful, beyond words telling, Is thy presence unto me. Morning's breakings find thee waking, Wandering in the breezes' flight; Noontide's glory mantles o'er thee In a shower of sunny light: Daylight dying, leaves thee lying In the silvery twilight ray; Stars look brightly on thee nightly Till the coming of the day. Every where and every minuto Feel I near thee, lovely one; In the lark and in the linnet 1 can hear thy joyous tone. Bud and blooming mark the coming Of thy feet o'er vale and hill; And thy presence with life's essence, Makes the forest heart to fill. Low before thee, I adore thee, LOVE CREATIVE, then I sing; Novo I meet thee, and f greet thee By the holy name of SPMNC. Front Putnam's Magazine. AMERICA FOR THE AMERICANS. An Individual, masked under the vulgar name of Sam, furnishes just now a good deal more than half the palbulum wherewith cenain legislators and journalists are fed.— Whether he is a mythical or real personage —a Magus or a monkey,—nobody seems to know, but we are inclined to regard him as real, because o( his general acceptance | among Dalgetty politicians, and because of the irresistible merriment his occasional "coming down" on something or other af fords the newspapers. We saw a paunchy old gen lie man the other day, with a face like the sun, only more red, and blue and spotty, and dismally wheezy voice, who came near being carried off with a ponder ous apoplectic chuckle, when somebody casually observed that "Sam was pitching into the police," and he was only relioved from the fatal consequences by a series of desperate movements, which resembled those of a seventy-four getting-under-weigh again after the sudden stroke of a typhoon. Now, il Sam was not nuquestionably a real per sonage, and this old gentleman unquestiona bly a real disciple of his, we are at a loss to r account for the reality ol the photiomena N thus exhibited. \ But whether real ot mythical, it lias been impossible (or us to raise our admiration of SaM # fopular pitch. After doe anddilli gent inquiry, :we have arrivej at only a mod eratsetdwee of his qualities. Ir. fact, con sidetiag the Mystery in which he shrouds his ways, we ere disposed to believe that he it mora ei • Jerry sneak than a hero. The assumption at secrecy on the part of any one, naturally starts our suspicions. We cannot see why he should resin l 0 i t) jf |, O harbors only jus* or genercis designs. We nseooiate darkness ami night with things (bt are foul, and we admire the saying, that twilight even, though a favorite with lovers, is else favorable to thieves. Schemes which efcrink from the day, which skulk behind centers, and wriggle themselves into ob tain and crooked plaoes,'are not tbo schemes *e love at a venture. And all the veiled prophets, we apprehend, are veiy much like that cue we read of in the palace of Merou, who hid his face, as he pretended to his ad mirers, becanse lite brightness would strike them dead, but In reallity because it was of mi ugliness so monstrous that no one could look upon it and live. There ia an utterance, however, imputed to tbia impervious and oracular Sam, which we cordially accept. He is said to have taid that " America belongs to Americans," i—just an bit immortal namesake, Sam Patch, said thai" some things could be done at well as others,"—and we thank him for the concession. It is good, very excellent good,—an the logical Touchstone would have exclaimed, provided you put a proper meaning to it. What is America, and who are Ameri cans? It all depends upon that, and, accor dingly as you answer, will the phrase appear ynry wine ot very fooljsh. If you aro deter BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY. JUNE 21, 1855. mined to consider America as nothing more than'.he two or ih-ee million square miles of dirt, included between the Granite Hills and the; Pacific, and Americans as those men exclusively whose bodies happened to be fashioned from il, we fear that you have not penetrated to the real beauty and signifi cance of the terms. The soul of a muck-' worm may very naturally be contented with identifying itself with the mould from which it is bred, and into which it will eoon be re solved, but the soul of a man, unless we are hugely misinformed claims a loftier origin, and looks forward to a nobler destiny. America, in our sense of the word, em braces a complex idea. It means, not simp ly the soil with its coal, cotton, and corn, but the nationality by which that soil is occupi ed, and the political system in which sueh occupants are organized. The soil existed long before Vespucci gave it a name, —as long back, it may be, as when the morning stars sang together,—but the true America, a mere chicken still, dales from the last few years of the eighteenth century. It (ticked its shell for the first lime amid the cannon volleys of Bunker Hill, and gave its first peep when the old State at Phil adelphia rang oat " liberty to all the land." Before that period, the straggling and de pendent colonies which were here were tha mere spawn of the older nations—the eggs end embryos of America, but not the full fledged bird. It was not until the political Constitution or 'B9 had been accepted by the people that America attained a complete and distinctive existence, or that she was able—continuing the figure with which we began—to spread her "sheeny vans," and shout a cock-a-doodle to the sun. It would be needless, at this day, to slate what are the distinguishing principles of that political existence. They have been pronounced ten thousand times, and resumed as often in the simple formula which every school-boy knows—the government of the whole people by themselves and for them selves. In other words, America is the dem ocratic republic—not the government of the people by a despot, nor by an oligarchy, nor by any class such as the red-haired part of the inhabitants, or the blue-eyed part; nor yet a government for any other end than the good of the entire nation—bnt the democrat ic republic, pure and simple. This is the political organism which individualises us, or seperales us a living unity from all the rest of the world. All this, of course, would be too elemen tary to be recounted in any mature discus sion, if recent events had not made it neces sary to an adequate answer of our second question—who, then, are Americane? Who constitute the people in whose hands the destinies of America are to be deposited? The fashionable answer in these times is " the natives of this Continent to be sure !"' But let us ask again, in that case whether our old friends Uncas and Chingachgook, and Kang-ne-ga-bow-wow—whether Walk in-the-water, and Talking snake, and Big yellow-lhundcr, are to be considered Ameri- 1 cans par excellence'! Alas! no; for they, poor fellows! are all trudging towards the set ting Bun, and soon their rod and dusky fi gures will have faded in the darker shadows of the night! Is it, then, the second genera tion of natives—they who are driving them away—who compose exclusively the Amer ican family ? You say yes; But we say no! Because, if America be as we have shown, more than the soil of America we do not seo how a mere cloddy derivation from it enti tles one to the name of American. Clearly, that tittle car.not enure to us from the mere argillaceous or sillicious compounds of our bodies—clearly, i'l descends from no vegela ble ancestry—and it must disdain to '.race itself to that simple relationship to physical nature which we chance to enjoy, in com mon with the skunk, the rattlesnake, and the catamount- All those are only the natu ral production of America—excellent, no doubt, in their several ways—but the Amer ican man is BO'.nelhing more than a natural product, boasting a moral of spiritual geno sis; and referring his birth right to the im mortal thoughts, which are tho soul of his 'Aistitutions, and to the divine affections, which lift his polities out of the slime of state craft, into the air of great humar.itary pur poses. The real American, then, is he—no mat ter whether his corporal cbemestry was first ignited in Kamschalka or the moon—who, abandoning evory other country and for swearing every other allegiance, gives his mind and heart to the impulses and ends ill which and by which alone it subsists. If we have arrived at years of discretion—if he produces evidence of a capacity to under stand the relations he undertakes—if ho has resided in tire atmosphere of freedom long enough to calcb its genuine spirit—then is he an American, in the true and boat sense of tho term. ' Or, if not an American, pray what ii he? An Englishman, a German, an Irishman, he can no longer be; he has cast the slough of his old political relations forever : he has as serted bis sacred right of expatriation (which the United States was the first of nations to sanction) or been expatriated by bis too ar dent love of the cause which the United States represents; and he can never return to the ancient fold. It would spurn him more incontinently than powder spurns the fire. He must become, then, either a wan derer or an nondescript on the face of the earth or be reoeived into oar generous re publican arms. It is our habit to say that we know of no race or creed, but the race ol man and the creed of democracy, and if he appeals to us, as a man and as a Demo crat, there is no alternative in the premises. Truth aid Right Cod and our Country. We mutl either deny his claims altogether —deny that be is a son of God and our brother—or else tee must incorporate him in due season into the household. It is not enough that we offer him shelter from the rain—not enough that we mentl his looped and windowed raggedness—not enough that we replenish his wasted midrtfT with bacon and homony, and open to hi* palsied- hands an opportunity to toil. These are commend able charities, but they are such charities as any one, not himself a brute, would willing ly extend to a horse found astray on the common. Shall we do no more for our fel lows ? Have we discharged our whole du ty, as men to men, when we have avouched the sympathies we would freely render to a cat? Do we, in truth, recognise tiieir claims at all, when we refuse to confess that higher nature in them, whereby alone they • men, and not stacks or animals? More than that: do we not, by refusing to confess a man's manhood, in reality heap him with the heaviest injury it is in our power to in flict, and wound him with the bitterest in sult his spirit can receive. We can easily conceive the justness with which an alien, escaping to our shore from the oppression of his own country, or volun tary abandoning it for the sake of a better life, might reply to those who receive him hospitably, but deny him political associa tion: " For good will, I thank you— for the privilege of toiling against the grim inclemenoies of my outcast and natural con dition, which you offer, I thank you—for the safeguard qfyour noble public laws, I thank i you; put the blessed God having made me a man, as well as yon—when you refuse me like the semi-barbarians of sparta, all civil life—when, with Jewish exclusiveness,you thrust me out of the holy temple, as a mere proselite to the gate—your intended kindnesses scum over with malignity, and the geniel wihe cup you ofler brims with wormwood and gall." We are all aware of the kind of outcry with which such reasoning is usually met. We know in what a variety of tones—from the vulgar growl of the pot-house pugilist to the minatory shriek of the polemic, frenzied with fear of the Scarlet Lady—it is pro claimed that all foreign infusions into our life are venomous, and ought to be vehe mently resisted. Nor do we mean to deny the right of every community to protect it self from hurt, even to the forcible extrusion, if necessary, of the ingredients which threa ten its damage. But that necessity must be most distinctly proved. The case must be one so clear as to leave no doubt of it, as an absolute case of self-defence. Now, there is no such overruling necessity with us as to compel either the exclusion or the extrusion of our alien residents. They are not such a violent interpolation, as when grains of sand, to use Coleridge's figure, have got between the shell and the flesh of the snail—that they wilt kill us if we do not put them out and keep them out. A prodigious hue and cry against them wakes the echoes of the vicinage just now, such as is raised when a pack of hungry foxes stray into the honest hen roost, but the clamor is quite dispropor tionate to the occaston. The foxes are by no means so numerous or predaciouß as they are imagined to be, and there is no danger of them for tho future that we need to be transfixed with fright, ot scamper away in a stampede of panic terror. The evils which our past experience of Naturalization has made known to us—for there are some—are not unmanageable evils, requiring a sudden and remedy, and menacing a dis astrous overthrow unless they are instantly tackled. The mo3t of them are like the oth er evils of our social condition—mere inci dents of an infantile or transitional state—of a life not yet arrived at full maturity—and will be worked off in the regular course of things. At any rato they solicit no head strong, desperate assault; only a conscious ness, of what and where our real strength is, and patient self-control. On the other band, it is a fixed Anviction of ours, in respect to this whole subject of alions, —that there is much less danger in accepting them, under almost any circum stances, than there would be in attempting to keep them out. In tho lallor case, by seperating them from the common life of'he community,—making them amenable to laws for which they are yet not responsible, —taxing them for the support of a govern ment in which they are not represented,— calling upon tbem for purposes of defence when they have no real coantry to defend ; —we should in effect erect them into a dis tinct and subordinate class, on whioh we bad fastened a very positive stigma or degra dation. How lamentable and inevitable the consequences of suoh a social oon hrait. The reader, doubtless, has often seen a wretched oak by the way-side, whose trunk is all gnarled and twisted into knots; or he may have passed through the wards of a hospital, where beautiful human bodies are eaten with ulcere and sores; or he may have read of the Pariahs of India, those vile and verminous outcasts, who live iu hovels away from the cities, and prey on property like rats and weasels; or again chance may hive led him through the Jews' quarters, the horrid ghlttos of the old continental town, where squalor accompanies ineffable crime: or, finally, his inquiries may have made him familiar with the free blacks ot his own country, with their hopeless degradations and miseries! Welt if these experiences have been his, he has discerned in them the exponents —in some, the symbols, and in others, the actual effects—of tbe terrible spir it of exclusion, when it is worked out in so ciety. For, it is a universal truth, that what- ever thing enjoys bnt a partial participation of the life to which it generically belongs, get, to the extent of the deprivation, disea sed. It is also a universal truth, that the spread of that disease will, sooner or later, affect the more living members. Make any CIRSS of men, for instance, an exception in society j set them apart in a way which shall exclude them from the more vital circula tions of thai society j place them in relations which shall breed in them a sense ol aliena tion and degradation at the same time—and they must become either blotchers, or para sites, which corrupt il; or else a band of conspirators, more or less active, making war upon its integrity. Let us suppose that some ruler, a Louis Napoleon or Dr. Francia. should decree that all the inhabitants of a ceriaiq country, of ot.li.jnc ui Jefeoilro violon, should bo rigidly confined to one of the lower mechanical oc cupations, would' not all the squint-eyed and short-sighted people be immediately de graded in the estimation of the rest of the community? Would not the feeling of (hat debasement act as in perpetual irritant to their malice—lead them to hale the rest and to prey upon them—and so feed an incessant feud—open or sinister, as the injured party might be strong or weak—between the stra bismic families and those of a more legiti mate ocularity ? In the same way, but with even more certainty and virulence of effect, any legal distinctions among apeopfe, found ed upon differences of birth or race must generate unpleasant or pernicious relations, which, in tlig end, could only be maintain-, ed by force. Say to the quarter million j of foreigners who annually arrive on our' shores, that, like the meloikoi and perioikoi of the Greeks, thoy may subsist here, but noth ing more; that the privileges of the inside of the city, suffrage, office, equality, ambition, are closed to them ; that they may sport for our amusement in the arenas, look on at our courts, do our severer labors for us, and rev erently admire our greatness : but that they shall have no part nor lot in that political lite which is the central and distinguishing life of the nation, and so forth; you convert them, infallibly, into enemies—into the worst kind of enemies, too--because internal enemies, who have already effected a lodgment in the midst of your citadel. Coming as an inva ding army—these thousands—with avowed unfriendly purposes—they might easily be driven back by our swords ; but coming here to settle and be transmuted into a caste—in to political lepers and vagabonds—they would degenerate into a moral plague which no human weapon could turn away. Proscri bed from the most important funotions of the society in which tbey lived, they would cher ish an interest separate from the general in terest, and, as they grew stronger, form them selves into an organized and irritable clan ship. Their just resentments, or their in creasing arrogance, would sooner or later provoke some rival faction into conflict, and then the deep-seated, fatal animosities of race and religion, exasperated by the remem brance of injuries given and taken, would rage over society like the winds of the sea. History is lull of warnings to us on this head. No causes were more potent, in sun dering the social lies of the ancient nations, than the fierce civil wars which grew out of the narrow policy of restricting citizenship to the indigenous races. No blight has fallen with mote fearful severity on Europe than the blight ofclass domination, which, for cen turies, has wasted the energies and the vir tues, tho happiness and the hopes of the mas ses. Nor is there any danger that threatens our own country now—scarcely except sla very—more subtile or formidable (hat the dan ger which lurks in those ill-suppressed ha treds of race and religion which some per sons seem eager to foment into open quarrel- Already the future is walking in to-day. The recent disgraceful exhibitions in this city— tho armedatid hostile bands which are known to be organized—the bitter taunts and en counters of their leaders—the low crimina tions of tho Senate-House —the pugilistic me lee, ending in death—the instant and univer sal excitement—the elevation of a bully of the bar-room into the hero of a cause—the imposing funeral honors, rivaling in pageant ry and depth of emotion, the most solemn obsequies that a nation could decree its no blest benefactor—all these are marks of sore ness which needs only to be irritated to sup purate in social war. Our statesman at Washington are justly sensible of the dangers of sectional divisions; but no sectional divisions which it is possi ble to arouse aro half so much to be dreaded as an inflamed and protracted contest between natives and aliens, or Catholics and Protest ants. The divisions which spring from ter ritorial interests appeal to few of the deeper passions of the soul, but the divisions of race and religion touch a cord in the human heart which vibrates to the ictensest malig nity of hell. Accordingly, the pen of the his torian registers many brutal antagonisms— many lasting and terrible wars; but the most brutal of all those antagonisms—the most las ling and terrible of all those wars, are the antagonisms of race, and tbe wars of reli gion. It will be replied :o what we have hitherto urged, that our argument proceeds upon an assumption that aliens are to be totally exclu ded from politioal life, whereas nobody pur poses such a thing, but only a longer prepar atory residence. " We rejoin, that the persons and parties who are now agitating the general question, be cause they propose the exclusion of adopted citizens from office, do, in effect, propose a total political disqualification of foreigners. All their invectives, alt their speeches, all their secret assemblages, have this end and no other. They agree to ostracise politically every man who is not born on our soil; they conspire not to nominate to any preferment, not to vote for any candidate who is born abroad ; and these agreements end conspira cies are a present disfranchisement, so far as they are effective, of every adopted citizen, and a future anuthemaof every alien. Wheth er the aim be accomplished by public opin ion. by secret conclave, or by law, the con sequences are the same ; and the general ob jections we have alleged to the division of society into castes apply with equal force. We rejoin again—in respect to the dis tinction made between a total exclusion of foreigners, and a change in the naturaliza tion laws—that it is a distinction which real ly amounts to nothing ; for, firstly, if the pro bation be extended to a long period—sav twenty-one years, as some recommend—it would be equivalent to a total exclusion : and, secondly, if a shorter period, say ten years, be adopted, the change would be unimpor tant, because no valid objection against tho present term of five years would thereby be obviated. Let us see for a moment. Firstly, as to the term ot twenty-one years - We say that, inasmuch as the majority of foreigners who arrive on our shores are twen ty-five years of age and over when they ar rive, if we impose a quarantine of twenty one years or more, they will not be admitted as citizens until they .shall have reached an age when the lardy boon will be of little val ue to tliern, and when their faculties and their interests in human affairs will have be gun :o decline. Whether they will care to solicit their right at that period is doubtful, and, if they do, they can regard it as scarcely more than mockery. How many of them will live to be over lorly-five or fifty years of age, if we leave them in tho interval to loiter in the grog-shops, amid scenes of vice, as they are more likely to do il not absorbed into the mass of citizens? How many, hav ing passed twenty-one years of political ban, and even ignominy—for it would come to that—would be thereby better prepared for adoption .' The younger ranks of the emi grants might possibly benefit by the hope of one day becoming citizens, and look forward to it with some degree ot interest, but to all the rest it would be a fata morgana, and the protracted test virtually an interdiction. Secondly, as is any shorter novitiate—say inn or twelve years—it would not be more effective, in the way of qualifying the pupil, than the existing term. As the law now stands, an alien giving three years notice of intention, must have been five years consec utively a resident of the United States, and one year a resident of the State and county in which lie applies— must be of good moral character —must be attached to our constitu tion and laws—must abjure all foreign pow ers, pailicularlv that he was subject to—and must swear faithful allegiance to the govern ment of his adopted country—before he can be admitted a member of the Stale. What more could we exact of him, at the end of ten years, or twenty ? In short, is there a single disqualification which zealous nativ ists are apt to allege against foreigners, suck as their ignorance, their clannishness, their attachment to foreign governments and their subjection to the Roman Catholic Church— which would be probably alleviated by means of a more protracted embargo ? None: on the contrary, us we have intimated in anoth er place, all their worse qualities would be aggravated by tbe exclusive association among themselves for wo many years longer, in which they would be kept—while they would lose, as we shall show more fully, hereafter, the best means of fitting themselves for good citizenship, in losing tbe educational influences of our actual political life. It is true, in respect to the present laws of naturalization, that our efforts have shown a banelul laxity in enforcing their conditions, and that our leading parties, corrupt every where, and nowhere more corrupt than in their modes of naturalizing foreigners ; but there is no reason to expect that either courts or parties will grow more sincere under more stringent laws. They wilt have tbe same mo tives, and be just as eager to license fraudu lent voters then as they are now ; and the few days before a great presidential election will exhibit the same disgraceful scenes of venal ity and falsehood. change in the lime of the law, at any rate, can work any improvement. Nor will such a change ren der it any more difficult for (he dishonest al ien to procure ihe franchise. He can just a easily swear to a long residence as a short one; while it will happen that the rarer we make the privilege, the more we increase Ihe difficulties of access to it, the longer we post pone the minority, the greate- will be his in ducements to evade the law. In proportion as a prize becomes more valuable, the temp tations to a surreptitious seizure or itincreaee, but where an end is easily achieved,tbe troub le of wailing till it be obtained in the regular way is preferred to the hazards of a clandes tine or criminal attempt to carry it off. Besides, it is a puerile piece ot injustice towards the alien to inflict him with a disa bility because of our own laches. We have faitsd to administer our laws as they should be, and, experiencing some injury in conse quence, we torn round to abuse the foreign er, like a foolish and petulant boy who kick* the stone over which he stumbled. The more magnanimous as well as sensible course would be to amend our faults. Let us make the five years of probation what the courts may easily make them, by rigidly exacting ihe criieriona of the law—on interval of real preparation for citizenship—and tbe present term will be found long enough. But wheth er long enough or not, the question of time— that is, whether if shall be five or ten—is • simple question of internal police, not of last ing principles, to be determined by tbe facts ol experience, and by no means justifying the virulent and wholesale denunciations ol foreigners, it is tbe fashion with some to ful minate. A Heart that Is True. ' 0 give fee a heart that is trup, That will cling through thechanges of years And solaoe when sorrows pursue. And comfort in sadness and tears, The spring-time of life is soon o'er. Ana friendships are fleeing and few; Amiust hopes that may brighten or lower, 0 give me the heart that is true. O the dawn of the morWw may be A joy amid gardens of bloom ; But evening and darkness and woe, May meet and embrace at the tomb. A shadow may fall on the flower, A blight where our proudest hopes grew; Oh then, to that dessolate hour, 0 give me a heart that is true. The pageant of wealth is a weed That never hath root in the heart, And beauty alone hath indeed Nor fragrance nor joy to impart. "V* 1 """ and tears. Will bloom Willi neremal hoe; O give me the faithful in years, O give me a heart that is true. The KnowNotblug Convention. The Convention of the secret order sitting in Philadelphia was terribly troubled with the slavery question. The 31 Committee, by , a vole of 17 to 14, reported as follows : Resolved, That the American parly hav ing arisen upon the ruins and in spile of op position of the Whig and Democratic parties, cannot be held in any manner responsible for tbe obnoxious acts or violated pledges of either; that the systematic agitation of the slavery question by those parlies hai eleva ted sectional hostility into a positive element of political power, and brought our instilu tions into peril, il has therefore become the imperative duty of the American party to in terpose, for the purpose of giving peace to the country and perpetuity to the Unron.— That as experience has shown it is impossi ble to reconcile opinions so extreme as those which separate the disputants, and as there can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws, the National Council has deemed it the best guarantee of common justice and of future peace to abide and maintain the existing laws upon the subject ol slavery, as a final and conclusive settlement of that snbjoct in spirit and in substance. Resolved, That regarding it the highest du ty to avow these opinions upon a subject so important, in distinct and unequivocal terms, it is hereby declared, as the sense of this Na tional Council, that Congress possesses no power under the Constitution to legislate up on the subject of Slavery in the States, or to exclude any Sla'e from admission into the Union because her Constitution does or does not recognize the institution of Slavery as a part of her social system : and expressly pre termitting any expressions of opinion upon the power of Congress to establish or prohib it Slavery in any territory. Il is the sense of this National Council that Congress ought not to legislate upon the subject of Slavery with in the territories of the United States, and that any interference of Congress with Sla very as it exists in the District of Columbia would be a violation of the spirit and inten tion of the compact by which the State of Maryland ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of tho national faith. Minority Report. —The minority resolution was as follows : —Resolved, That the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was an infrac tion of tha plighted faith of the Nation, and j that it should be restored, and that if efforts ' 10 that effect shall fail, Congress should re fuse to admit any State tolerating Slavery which shall be formed out of any portion of the territory from which tha! institntion was excluded by that Compromise. Tbe minority resolutions were signed by the representatives of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Connecticut. Maine, Massachusetts, Rode Is land , Vermont, Indians, Wisconsin, Michi 'gaii, Illinois—twelve in all. Delaware and New Jersey also endorsed the first clause. New York, alone, of the Free Slates, went for the majority resolutions, and, united with Minnesota and the District of Columbia, en abled the South to carry the majority report in Committee. In discussing the resolutions, Gov. Gardi ner declared that neither he nor his State, nor a majority of the free States, would abide by Ihe resolutions first reported. The party could not carry a village in Massachusetts upon tliern. He charged the New York Delegation with deserting (be North. Tbe resolutions of Ihe majority will undoubtedly pass. Going to Sleep. It is a delicious moment, certainly, tiiat of boing woll nestled in bed, and feeling that you shall fall gently to sleep. The good is come, not past; the limbs have just been tired enough to render the remaining in one posture delightful; Ihe labor oi the day is gone. A gentle failure of the perception creeps over you : the spirit of consciousness disengages itself more and more, and with slow and hushing degrees, like a mother de taching her hand from that of her sleeping child, Ihe mind seems to have a balmy lid closing over i, like the eye, 'tie olosed. The mysterious spirit is gone to take ite airy rounds. tW A Mr. Rice ol Hallowell, Maine, has invented a press by whioh he can print up on any kind of carpet cloth, any figures and colors. It is all done by machinery, carried by steam, and the colors are struck through by steam, and are said to be as good as thoee wove in. Aboat four square yarde can be printed by oae press each minute. tF In order to give tone to the stomach, it is recommended to to (wallow the dinner bell [TW# boilers per Jtftiita NUMBER 22. Seunlor lirintvr on thr Proscription of Catholics. The Ron.R. M.T. Hunter, ihbtllatinguish ed United Stales Senator from Virginia, hit lately been lending his power fill aid by speeches in parts of that Btale, towards cau sing the triumph ol the American national feeling Over the Know-Nothing Conspiracy, in the pending election for GoVetnor. Th South Side (Va.) Democrat, gives us the fol lowing passage from one of his speeches: A BKAUTIFUI, SENTIMENT.—Among the many fine passages in the speech of Mr. Hnh ter on Tuesday night, none elicited more un bounded applause than the following. We do not of course pretend to give the exact language, but the thought: 'Deprive' said he, 'the Catholics ol all tbd offices, bar them out from every avenue to pollilcat distinction, deny to them the oppor tunities Which ywo accord Without hesitation to Infidels and Atheists, and when you have done it all, when you havb placed their hon est ambition to enjoy the honors and emolu ment of political preferment under the banot a ruth loss proscription, your Wotk is not yet finished. 'There will still remain offices for them. Yes my friends) the sweet offices of Chris tian love will still be left, and in the midst of your persecutions, their Bishops and i'riests as in the recent pestilence in your Southern Cities, will throng the hospitals and the peel bouses, bringing succnr and conso lation to the poor victims of the plague.— Aye, and thoir Sisters of Charity will still brave (be terrors of loathsome and infectious disease, will still wipe the death damp from the suffering brow, will still venturo in when the courage of man shrinks back appalled) and will point the dying gaze through the mysterious gloom of the Valley of the Ibad ow of Death to the Cross and the Cruci fied!-' H'gh Life of a Banker. Tiie recent failure of the Lancaster SavingA Bank, judging from the tone of (he papers there, continues to cause much excitement. This is not surprising,considering the amount of loss sustained by many dependent famil ies. The defalcation of the Treasurer, we understand was the result of extravagant liv ing, speculations in real estate, and large op erations in Shamokin coal stock. Tbe prob ability is strengthening that the loss of de positors will be nearly complete, and quite equal to the first announcement. Bougbter, we understand, had been unsuccessful in the dry goods business before he went into the institution, and though he accepted office at a low salary, soon commenced an extrava gant style of living; was a liberal church giver, and ever had a band open to depend ant friends. Notwithstanding all this was seen, and generally known, thousands of hard earnings were entrusted to his keeping with as much confidence as though the government treasury had been the recipient of the amount. Depositors now raise their hands in amazement, and wonder bow they could have acted so blindly. How many persons in (his city are monthly carrying their little savings to the custody of men whose honesty of purpose tbey know of no more than did the Lanoaster people know of Bough ter ?— Ledger. Why there Is no Rain In Peru- In Feru, South America:, rain is unknown. The coast of Peru is within tbe region of perpetual south-east trade winds. Though the Peruvian shores are on the verge of the great South Sea Boiler, yet it never rains ihere. The reason is plain. The south-east trade winds in the Atlantic ocean first strike the water on the coast of Afiioa. Traveling to the north-west, they blow obliquely across the ocean until tbey reach the coast of Bra zil. By this lime they are heavily laden with vapor, which they continue to bear along across tho continent, depositing it as they go, and supplying with it the sources of the Rio do la Plata snd the southern trib utaries of the Amazon. Finally they reach the snow-capped Andes, and here is wrung from them the last particle ol moisture that that very low temperature can extract.— Reaching the summit of 7tbat range, they now tumble down as cool and dry winds on tho Pacific slopes beyond. Meeting with no evaporating surface, and with no temper ature colder than that to which they were subjected to on the monntaia tops, they reach the ocean before they become charged with fresh vapor, and before, therefore, they have any which the Peruvian climate oan extract. Thus we see how the top of the Andes bo comes the reservoir from which are supplied the rivers of Chili and Peru.—Lisuf. Maury's Geography of the Sea. Ucuuttful Extract- When the summer of youth Is slowly wasting away on the iughtfal)of<age, aiidthe' shadow of the past becomes deeper and deeper, and life wears to its close, it is plea sant to look through tbe vista op time vpon the sorrows ani felicities of our earliest years. If we have a borne to shelter, ami hearts to rejoice with us, and friends have! been gathered together around our firesidbs, then tbe rough place of our wayfaring will have been worn and smoothed away in tha twilight of life, while tbe many spots we have passed through will grow brighter and more beautiful. Happy, indeed, are they whoee intercourse with tbe world baa net changed the tone of their holier feelings, ot broken those musical chords of the heart, whoee vibrations are so melodious, so ten der ami touching in tho evening of age.