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THE STAR OP THE NORTH.
K. W. Wearer Proprietor.] VOLUME 7. THE STAR OF THE NORTH • PUBLISHED THURSDAY SIORNISO BY n. W. ff.?4VEB, OFFICE— Up stairs, in In." briclc b " ild ' ing, on Ike south side of Mu.'* Steert, third square below Mariift• .. TERMS -.—Two Dollars per annum', 11 paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months ; no 'discontinuance permitted until all arrearages ere paid, unless at the option of the editor. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square will be inserted three times for One Dollar and twenty five cents for each additional in- Bertion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year.- gßgggggg ■———■ | (SIE@n©IE JPfIPaWaMT. 'I HE OLDEN TIMES. Old Time has hurried me svriftlv on Upon Life's rapid river, And scenes of pleasure and childish joy I now have left for ever. I've roamed afar from my olden home, I've been in cot and palace, I've joined the dance, and, in witching song. I've quailed the rosy chalice. I've stopped in beauty's glittering bower, And lei*. Iter chains around me, And I smiled as Foitone bore me on— At the transient spell that bound me. But memory oft is flitting back Unto the hours of childhood ; I sigh for friends of the olden time, The cottage and the wildwood. I'm thinking oft, at the sunlight hour, Of hallow'd ties now broken; And then 1 recall the parting scene, I When sad adieus were spoken. I think now, over some humble graves, Sweet roses now are blowing; And in the walks, by the brooklet's side. | The wild, rank weeds are growing. In dreams I picture a happy band Around the fireside stating; My father there with his pipe of clay, My mother with Iter knitting,— My sisters playing in pleasure pure, Gay peals of laughter ringing, The house-cat stretched on theglowingheaith, The kettle gaily singing. But death has despoiled my olden home— Those gay hours have departed, And now 1 roam in this friendless World An orphan, broken hearted. In my lonely way 1 sometimes pause And court the bright ideal; But hope never pictures a scene so fair, So pure, as the olden real. From the Detroit Free Press, Jug. 23d. LETTER FROM GEN. CASS, On Know Nothing ism and the Power of Con gress in the Territoncs. DETROIT, Aug. 23d, 1555. To the Editor of the Prec Press: SIR, —The public journals contain a letter dated July 24th, written by Gen. Houaton, which has just met my eye, and in which he says he perceives, by the papers of :he day, that "General Casa has approved the platform of the American order, as pro claimed to the world by the convention at Philadelphia." 1 had observed the state ments to which Gen. Houston alludes, and bad he let them pass unnoticed, for it would • be a hopelees task to endeavor to correct all the misapprehensions and misrepresentations to which it is my lot, as well as that of all other publio men, to be exposed in these days of patty strife. And, indeed, 1 could not suppose thut such assertions would de ceive any one who had heard or who had read my remarks in the Senate of the United Stales, on the filth of February last, upon the presentation of the resolutions of the Legislature of Michigan, instructing the Senators of that Slate to vote for an act of Congress prohibitum the introduction of sla very into the Territories of the United Slates. Upon that occasion, while declining to com ply with those instructions, I took the oppor tunity to express my sentiments in relation to the new political movement, which sought to acquits and exercise power by secret com binations, bound together by the sanction of an oath, which, it is said, made it the duty of its members to surrender their individual convictions to the expressed will of a majority of their associates. I then observed: 'Strange doctrines are abroal, and strange organisa tions are employed to promulgate and en -! force tLeni. Our political history contains on anch chapter in the progress of our coun try as that which is row opening. The ques tions of constitutionality and policy, which have been so long the battle cry of parties, ere contemptuously rejected, and intolerance, religious ar.jl political, finds zealous, and it may be they will prove successful, advocates in this middle of the nineteenth century boasting with much self-complacency of its Intelligence, and in this free country, found ed upon emigration, and grown prosperous and powerful by toleration. # * * We want no new parties, no new platforms, no new organizations, and the sooner these dangerous efforts are abandoned, the better will it be for ua. and for those who are to follow us in this heritage of freedom." I might well suppose, after the expression of these views upon the floor of the Senate, end under circumstances of peculiar respon sibility, 'hat any further action on my part would be necessary to prove my consisten cy, as a deciple of the school of Washington and Jefferson, and Madison, and Jackson, in ths rejection of a dangerous innovation, in consistent with all the principles those pa triots taught, and which, in effect, aims to transfer the great political duty of an Amer ican citizen from tba light of day where it •hoold be exercised in thia land of freedom, to eecret conclaves, as unfriendly to calm in vaetigaiion, as to wise and patriotie decision. But tba aatraot from the letter of General Houston has shown me that these reports have raoeirad more credit than I had he- BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, Fa., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1855. lieved, and the consideration has inducer me thus publicly to notice and to contradici them. My opinions, indeed, upon any sub ject are but of liit'.e consequence, exoept tc myself; but if they are worth referring to, they are worth the trouble of making the reference a true one. * have no sympathy with ihia plan of po litical none whatever neither with the n>t"' Ul9 il employs nor the objects it seeks to attain Iw se " ec >'. ils oath to™' l obligations, itsco^trtf. 1 of the ballot box, its system of proscription, slaking both at polit ical rights and religious duties, 81K ' ' ls inev itable tendency to array one pcrtiotf of the community against another, and lo C arr y deadly feuds into every corner of tits land, o. which we have just had a terrible proof, writ ten in characters of blood, snd are doomed lo have many more; if this movement goes on, for this is but ihe first instalment of death, and kf>w many others are to follow und lo what extent, and when the last is to he paid, nnd after what lamentable vicissi tudes, is knowu only to Him who foresees events and can control them—these charac- j (eristics mark it as the tnost dangerous scheme which has ever been introduced in to our country to regulate its public action or ils social condition. It is the organism of a republic, scarcely better in principle than ils inonarchial prototype —of a republic whose fteetlom and equality justify as little as they invite tho introduction of a machinery whose operation is concealed from public observa tion, but w hose consequences are as clear as they are alarming. Gen. Houston gives credence to the reports that I approve "ihe platform of the American order, as proclaimed lo the world by the con vention at Philadelphia." lam aware that changes have been made both in the name and in some of the principles of this new or gs lization. But these changes do not re move my objections to it. lis spirit of exclu sion and intolerance remains, and with it, its evils and dangers. It is a book to which I cannot bo reconciled, whatever addition, whether the new one or the old ona, is offer ed to me. There i, indeed, one principle laid down in that convention which meets my concurrence, and that is, the declaration that " Congress ought not to legislate upon the subject of slavery, within the territory of the United States." 1 regret, however, that the body which thus pronounced agaiust the exercise of the power did not also pronounce against ils existence, but carefully permitted —to use its own words—the expression of any opinion upon that point. Still, lapptove ils action upon the subject, so fur as it goes. It is a step in the right direction, and I should rejoice to see it followed by every political party in the country. It is a step, too. to wards the security of political rights—this op position to the legislation of tongreis over the internal affairs ol lite people ol the terri tories, ar.d among others, over the relation of master and servant, or that ol husband and wife, or parent and child ; for these matters domestic policy are subjects which should be left to the Territorial communities, and to divest them of the power lo regulate them is nn set of unmitigated despotism. The nega tion of all power ot interference by Congress in the internal government of the Territories, is the true constitutional doctiinland the on ly safe und practical one, and I am rejoiced that, after years ol opposition—of obloquy, indeed—il is fast establishing itself upon im pregnable grounds. The misapprehension which has prevailed upon this grave subject is among Ihe most extraordinary political events ef my time. One would naturally suppose that in this country the dogma of the right of internal government by an irrespon sible Legislature over a distant community, unrepresented in the ruling body, would find but little favor, and put in operation a gov ernment might as well be defended, while the power to control all the concerns of hu man life would be left without an advocate. The difference is broad and practical, snd should be dearer to us, as it was the very consideration urged by our revolutionary fa thers in their contest with the mother coun try, wtiich began by argument, but ended by arms. It was asserted as eaily as 1774. when the Continental Congress declared that the English colonists " are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their sever al provincial legislatures, where there might of representation can alone be preserved, in alt cases of taxation and internal polity, &c." In that great struggle the patriots who con ducted it conceded lo the British Pailiament the authority to organize colonial govern ments, but denied their right lo touch the in ternal polity of the people; sad for the sup port of the great principle, denied and derided as it is now they went to war. I observe llfht a highly respectable and in telligent gentleman, Gov. Hunt, of New York, in a letter just published, speaks of the Ne braska bill at " based on tbe absurd theory of territorial sovereignly." I never beard a man support that measure or approve it for such a reason. Gov. Hunt has mistaken the sneers of its enemies (or the views of its friends. The Nebraska bill rests upon no such theory—upon no theory at all, but upon the stable foundation of the federal constitu tion, snd of the natural rights of man. I know of no one who claims sovereignty for Ihe Territories. All concede their de pendence upon the United Slates. But with in this relation there are mutual rights and duties, and the questions—what power may Congreas lawfully exercise, and are the peo ple of tbe Tetmories divested of all rights 1 must be determined, no by politico-meta' physical considerations arising oat of the at tribute of sovereignty, but by tbe constitu tion of the United Slate*. To the law, and lo iba testimony. By that constitution, the t general government is a government, not on ly of granted but of limited powers, and Con i gtess can exercise no authority which is not given by the great chatter that brought it in to existence. Let any roan put his finger upon the clause of that instiument which confers this power of internal interference, and I will abandon the principle, long as it has been cherished by me. Ana that is many years, and will appear by reference to the Globe of March 31st, 1832, which con tains 90 article written by me, and entitled " A review of the opinion of the Supreme Court in the Cherokee case." In that arti cle I observe that the clause of the constitu tion authorizing Congress "to dispose of, and I n ;ake all needful rules and regulations respec ting liJ> territory or other property of the U. States refe 10 territorial rights, and grants no jurisdiction persons. Among other things I say : "The power to dispose of, and make needful rules regulations respec ting the territory and othe r properly of the United Sia'.ep, and the power to exercise gen eral jurisdiction over petsons upon ' more essentially different and independent. Th® former is general, and is given in the clause referred to; the latter is spacial, and is found in another clause, and is confined to the fed eral tract, (the District of Columbia,) and to places purchased by consenl of the Legisla ture of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful out buildings." This is the same doctrine subsequently advo cated, and more fully developed in my Nich olson letter. I repeat that this power of in internal legislation cannot be found in the constitution, and vain have been the efforts by pressing into its service a thousand and one expressions in that instrument, to prove it to be there ; a diversity of reference which of itself, furnishes a strong presumption against the authority, even if there were no other ground of objection. Judge Mclean, of the Supreme Court of the United States, in some considerations pub lished by him on this subject, and to which I have elsewhere referred, well remarked, that "there is no specific power in the con stitution which aulhotizes the organization of territorial governments." Ha adds, "If this power be implied licwn the specific power to regulate the disposition of the public lauds, it must, under the above rule, be limited to means suitable to the end in view. If Con gress go beyond this in the organization of a Territorial government, they act without limitation, and may establish a monarchy. Admit that they may organize a government which shall protect the lands-purchased, and provide for the administration of justice a inong the settlers, it does by HO means fol low that they may establish slavery." Judge Mclean here brings the Constitution of tho United States to the support o( the good old revolutionary doctrine, that the right to es tablish colonies or territories doss not carry with it the just power to interfere with and regulate the domestic concerns of the people who inhabit thern. Ha pronounces slavery to be one ot these concerns, saying that, "It is a municipal relation of limited extent, and of an equally limited otigin. It is a domes tic relation, Over which the federal govern ment can exercise no control." I have never known the time when the democratic parly was called upon by higher considerations to adhere, faithfully and zeal ously, to their organization and their princi ples, then they are at this day* Our confed eration is passing through the most severe trial it has yet undergone. Unceasing efforts are making to excite hostile and sectional feelings, against which wo were prophetically warned by the lather of his country ■ and il these are successful, the days of the constitu tion are numbered. The continued assaults upon the South, upon its character, its con stitutional rights and its institutions, and the systematic perseverance and the bitter spirit with which these are pursued, while they warn lite democratic party of the danger, should also incite it to united and vigorous action. They warn it, too, that the time has come when all other differences which may have divided it should give way to the duly of defending the constitution, and when that great party, coeval with the government, should be united as one man for the accom plishment of the work to which it is now called, and before it ia too late. It is the American pariy, for it has neither sectional prejudices nor sectional preferences, and its care and its efforts extend wherever the con stitution of its country extends,and with equal regard to the rights and interest* of all. I believe the fate ofjhis great republic is now in its hands, and, so believing, I earnestly hope that it* action will be firm, prompt and united, yielding not one hair's breadth of its time-honored principles, and resisting to the last the dangerous efforts with which we are menaced ; and, if so, the victory of the con stitution I doubt not will be achieved. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient setvant." LEWIS CASS. How can a good Methodic I be a Know-Noth ing.—The following "Article of Faith," is to bo found in the discipline of the Metho dist Episcopal Church. It will be seen that by necessary implication, all oaths are for bidden except they be made before a magis trate legally authorized to administer them : "As we confess that vain and rash swear ing is forbidden Christian men by our Lord Jesus Christ, antl bv James, his apostle, so we judge that the Christian religion doth not prohibit, but that a man swear when the magistrate requireth in a cause of faith and charity, so it be done according to the proph et's teachings In justice, judgment; and truth." Truth and Bight-—God and on/ Country. , GOO* TEMPER. There's not a cheaper thing on eatth, Nor yet one hall so dear; 'Tie worth more than distinguished birth, Or thousands gain'd a year. It lends the day a new delight; 'Tie virtue's firmest shield ; And adds more beauty to the nighl Than all the stars may yield. It makelh poverty content; To sorrow whispers peace ; ft is u gift from heaven sent For mortals to increase. It meets you with a smile at morn, It lulls you to repose; A flower for peer and peasant born; An everlasting rose. A charm to banish grief away, To snatch the brow from care; Turns tears to smiles, makes defines* gay, Spreads gladness everywhere; And yet 'tis cheap as summer dew, That gems the lilly's breast; A 'alisman for love, as trie As ever matt possessed. As smiles the rainbow tbibugh the cloud When threat'ning storm begins— As music 'mid the tempell load, That still its sweet way,wings— As springs an arch across the tide ; Where waves conflicting losm; So comes the seraph to our side, This angel of our home. Wh *>t may this wondrous spilt be, Wilu oower unheard befori— This char.Tii this bright divinity! Good ten.pe'— no ' hin g mo. Good temper—'•'* 'b e choicest gift That woman bungs, And can the poorest peasi"! To bliss unknown to kings. ____ The White Muve. When "hard limes" commenced in New York it was estimated that from twenty-eight to thirty thousand seamstresses were thrown out of employment in that city alone. The revelations of their actual condition, which appeared in the daily newspapers, were sad enough to bring our cant of progress to a pause, and convince us that the nineteenth century—with all its railroads, telegraphs,and millenial rhapsodies—has infinitely more paupers, ragged, filthy starving paupers— than the ninth. A momentary money pres sure was sufficient to show the true aspect of motlerii society—that painted sepulchre, which is so fair and beautiful outside, and within nothing but rottenness and corrup tion. I- tHt age of abolition, negro-phily, and tender sympathy for the Atrium race, which is comfortably housed, fed and clad in this portion of the country, and usually makes more in Its "' after hours" than the stipend of many New York trades—in this blessed era of humanilarianism, and friendliness, and brotherhood, and Christianity, and socialism, and petticoat philanthropy—real the follow ing paragraph, and estimate the ralue of sen timeimliam and cant. The shirt-making sta tistics ol New York are a terrible teptoof to our bombastic boasters: "The standard price is twelve and a half cents per piece, and the garment must be well made, as it has to undergo a thorough inspection, with bosoms and cellars—bring ing from one dollar twelve and a half cer.ts to one dollar and twenty-five cents at retail. The material in these shirts coit thirty-seven and a half ceniß ; so that the total cost is fif ty cents, which leaves a clear profit to the emplyyer of one half at least forthe purchase ol the material, "he cutting an 4 the sale.— Two of these garments are, no doubt, a full day's work, making the extent of the week ly earnings one dollar and a hall. With this miserable pittance many of them have to feed small families,pay house rent, and clothe themselves and children. It is needless to any that it cannot be done, and the conse quence is a large amount of misery and des titution.'' Would that Thomas Hood wore alive once more to sing another "song of the shirt," the melancholy cadence which might smile the h*rd heart of the North, as with a Moses wand and open the fountain ol tdkrs. " Oh, men with children dear— Oh, men wiih sisters and wives— It is not linen you're wearing out, But human creatures lives!" Dresses Ac., of California Ladies- The New York Home Journal publishes s letter from an acquaintance in California, in which, after describing the quicksilver mines, corn twenty-foiiT feet high, seventeen feel to the ear, and wild oats, which, when on horseback, he could tie ir. a knot over his head, &c., he says :—" This is all true—but you will not believe the half, so I 'pass to equally true and more credible-—the extrava gance of the ladies in California. Stepping into G 's in San Francisco, to buy a watch-key, he showed me a six thousand dollar set of Diamonds, which he had just sold for a ball to come ofl in a few days. A Montgomery street merchant having told me he bad sold two five hundred dollar and two seven hundred dollar dresses lor this same ball, I made up mind to go to that ball, an d go 1 did—though I felt something like the country member of the Legislature the first time he attended one of our 'Jams.' "Jingo 1 I wish our gals could see this." There is no use talking, child 1 it was a magnificent af fair. The dresses were elegantand as for diamonds, you would suppose they bought them here, like potatoes, by the basket 1— I just left a fair lady, whose evening dress of embroidered satin was clasped by not one of your India-rubber belts, but a band of gold quite as broad 1 If I had a wife, I'd not bring her here until I was worth a million— for extravagance among the Ladies of Cali fornia ia a perfect epidemio, All in all, this is the most extravagant cncntry I ever - saw- To eat with gold forks, gold spoons, and sip yonr wine with golden goklets, are mere matters of course. The " bird times," have stopped some in (Jteir mad career; but oth ers seem only the more desirous to show "outsiders" tbat they art unaffected by tbem." A NEW BOOK "WHICH: THE RIGHT OR THE LETT." —This work is upon* Fashionable Religion, and shows the difference between Christ's and Society's Church in a talented, forcible man ner. The style is easy, and bteathes through out a spirit of deep-toned religiousness. It should be read by every fireside in every land. We make'the following extracts for the benefit of our business men and young men who expect to be business men. The hero of the story enters the dry goods business: In selling, Samuel gave at first but little promise. For a few months he was rather below thin up to the average of new clerks, and it was sneeringly remarked that he < would never reach the dignity nor the sal ary of a "crack" salesman. The reason, according to Mr. Bringham,fthej confidential ' cierk, who, for some cause or other, did not regard our hero with a favorable eye, was plain : "He was not made for the business." The trouble appeared to bo that he would not lie. As First Broadcloth expressed it> "he was 100 honest— altogether." Hb had "conscientious scruples," which would not permit him to represent an article a hair's breadth above its merits, for the rake of "working it off." When asked by a dealer j if a certain fabric was "imported," when he knew that it was only imported from one of; the four States of Massachusetts, Rhode Is land, Connecticut, or New Jersey, he was Very apt to tell the truth, sale or no sale, and very moch to the disgust of First Broadcloth, who "could not understand how he could be guph a ninny." When asked if such and such arl'dss were Frenfch or English, when he knew ths' they were neither, but simply domestic products, he had a habit of telling the truth, which somef'mes choked off their Bale, but did not choke him. When request ed to give the lowest net prices of any par ticular kind of goods, he did so by going down to the lowest mark at once,— a proceed ing which sometimes resulted in a sale, and sometimes did not, but one which generally won the confidence of the dealer, and in duced him, when he called .again to look up "the young gentleman who was so particu lar"—rather choosing to buy of one who pre ferred the truth U a bill, than o f one who preferred a bill to the truth. In this way Samuel created many friends, and lew or no foes. City and country dealers who made a purchase of iTim orrce, favored hint, most generally, with a second trial; and, as they invariably found that his statements bore the tests of time and examination, in every par ticular, they "stood by him" in Hade. It was not, therefore, necessary for him to "watch ; the arrivals" and "nub" his customers, when 1 they came again to town. They returned to | him of their own accord, in spite of the j "flattering inducements" of salesmen of oth er houses, who "laid lor them" with all the cunning of foxes, and "hung to 'em" with the tenacy of bloodhounds. But in vain.— ] The dealers "knew their men" and their j man. Samuel was sale"—who bought of him once, bought of him twice; "once a customer, always a customer." In business parlance, all this 'told,' in time —slowly it may be, but steadily; and not ; more steadily than surely. One drop shows : but little in a bucket; but a regular succes- ; sinn of drops fills H by and by to the brim.— Calmly, then steadily, then and without noise, ostentation or parade, Samuel passed tran quilly on; gaining knowledge, experience, and a friend or two at each step; laying a broad, substantial foundation for lulura oper ations; and manfully maintaining hie probity and his spiritual trust, bravely and faithlully . on the way. His fellow clerks were somewhat slow, at first, to comprehend tire chances of his suc cess. 'Heis a good fellow,' they would say, with a knowing wink; 'but not made for the dry goods business. He is pious, amiable, ' and good ualured—a first rate fellow in heart ' and manners, but rather tender in the upper ■ story. Thinks money can be nude in our business without oil (angelic* lying), soft soap : and giirleting ( angelice gouging.) Greer., sir | —green as the verdure of his native hills!'— But somehow or other, these remarks which , were very common fcr a year or so fell grad- | ually into disuse, and ceased, by anil by alio- ; gather. In fact, it was noticed that Samuel ; was not so very unsuccessful after all. lie did j make some sales; and it was also observed, I that city dealers whu bought of him once, | came again, and again, and always bought of , him—every time. The clerks pricked up their ears. And some one else—Charley Gibbs-—•no ticed that the country dealers within short dis tances of the oily, who made a bill of Samu el once, did precisely like the city dealers— they called again, and again, and always bought of him—Samuel. And as Charley Gibbs was very friendly to Samuel, he took care to impart the result of bis observation to the rest, and— The clerks turned iheireyes askant at each othet. By and bye, First Broadcloth made the in teresting discovery thtt eighteen New York, nine New Jersey, seven Pennsylvania, three Yermont, six Canada, twelve Ohio, eight Missouri,eleven Indiana, three Kentucky, six lllti ois, nine Wisconsin, four lowa, seven Georgia, and four South Carolina dealers bad not Only repeated their calls and orders on Samnel, but had also each introduced a broth er dealer to bim, all of whom bought, and all of whom promised to do what they could in bringing bira other customers. He (First Broadcloth) knew it to bt so, " because he had seen, beard, and counted 'em." The elerks looked down—tboug btfully. And then they began to think that perhaps Samuel's system was not so very stupid after all. They did'nt know; but they thought so. They might be wrong; there was no saying; but of one thing they were certain—their cus tomers didn't stick by them so steadily, nor take a great deal of trouble to make others for them. They had an idea that they could say that— safely. And yet they didn't know. Samuel's wsy wasn't the regular way of doing things. They had been in the business a good many years, and they hud never done it in that fashion, nor seen others do it in that way either.— And yet, somehow, it—WORKED. There was no mistake in that. It did dppear to woek. And Samuel did seem to get along, j and make fair bills, too. There was that | hill which he made up yesterday with that I Kllico'.tville fellow : it figured op over a I thousand dollars—the second bill which El ] licottville had made with him. And yet | Samuel didn't seem to think much of it, ei | titer: as if he was used to it. j The clerks were bothered. *##•• I And yet Samuel's system does work ; and ; he don't use oil, soft soap, or gimlets. Ye—yes. Thai's it. He does make sales and customers, too. And yet—well, there's jno saying what won't turn up next ! When a man can do bushiest) on the next square in dry goods, then look out for any thing, and ; don't be surprised. But Samuel—Samuel ! How about him 1 | He's in dry goods—isn't he IHe sells, and I on a square, too—don't he 1 There it is ! But how does he do it 1 Thai's the question. 1 couldn't do it—you couldn't do it. And ho can. There it is ! But why not! I' is simply to tell the truth insleud of a lie—which the dealer knows to be a lie. That is common sense, isn't it ? If Samuel can make trade that way, why can't we ! There's the trouble. Samuel can stick to the truth, because it's natural to him. Ev ery body knows that, and expects it of him. But we— we are not accustomed to it—it wouldn't answer. ##*•••• This was a clincher. The clerks couldn't get over it, and they concluded to "continue in the good old way ;" that is, to serve their country friends ' right'— wrong ! In the meanwhile, Samuel went on in hi* way. and the system worked to a charm. It was something so new and rare to dealers to find a salesman who earried his Christianity into bis business, that they couldn't help speaking of it. Men will ta'.lr ef novelties! Speaking of it led to letters ol introduction, the letters of introduction led to Samuel, the two led to trade, and tho trade led to bills. This wu9 Mr. Townsend's method of reason ing the matter, and he was not very fat out of the way, in his commercial logic—gener ally. Charley Gibbs reasoned the point over, too, and as he was a fellow of some moral spirit, and never much given to extrava gance ill anything—not even lit business lying lie privately concluded to give Samu el's system a trial, on his own account. The result was slow, hut not less sure: and ere long, ho detected First Broadcloth at the same game. Shortly after, First Gotten fell into it—sneakingly like, asif ho felt asham ed of it: but after a while, a little more open ly, and then boldly, like a man who knew what was right, and wasn't afraid to do it; or say it either. From the Phila. American, Aug. 14. MINNESOTA TICK KITO It Y. A census of this beautiful ar.d flourishing Territory has just been taken, am' enough re turns have been received to warrant the state ment tiial its aggregate population at this lime is 06 000 souls. This is not sufficient to en title the Territory to admission into the Union as s State, nor does it appear to be the wish of the inhabitants to apply just yet. Having the territorial expenses paid by the national governiiieul, they are not in a hurry to as sume the responsibilities and burthens of an independent Stale. Minnesota, owing to its location in the remote and frigid north has never been a bane of contention with sec tional politicians, and disturbed by the agi tation inseparable from slavery. Minnesota contains tho last tragrnem of Ihe northwest Territory, from which Ihe peculiar institution was prohibited by the ordinance of 1787, but it also embraces a vast quantity of other ter ritory included between tho Missouri, Blue Earth and Mississippi rivers, and the north ern boundary ol the republic. A large por tion of Ihe northern shore of Lake Superior is in the Territory, and its whole surface is interspersed so thickly with rivers and lakes as to make it about the best watered portion of Ihe Union. Its soil is everywhere very fertile, and yields abundant harvests to the farmer. Besides commanding the terminus of the navigation of the great lakes, it con tains the head of navigation on the Mississip pi, borders for a great distance on the Missou ri river, and has flowing through its heart the Red river, whose waters empty into Hudrou's Bay. All these consideration* indicate thai Minnesota must some day become a migh ty, populous and flourishing State. Her re sources are unsurpassed. Wisconsin, direct ly by ber side, has attained a growth which is truly surprising. So also have Michigan and Maine, whose latitude is about the same as that of Minnesota. From these facts, it is apparent that the high northern location of Minnesota is no drawback noon her pros pects. Those regions are peculiarly adapted to the production of breadstuffs, and already Wisconsin and Michigan are large growere thereoi. On the northern boundary of the Territory are several settlements founded by [Two Dollars per ABBOM . NUMBER 84. I Lord Selkirk a portion of which are in Min nesota. They have successfully braved all the pefils of that remote Interior northern wil dernesa, and maintained the commuoitiea oa j (he banka of the Red river for many year*.— When founded, they were alleuppoeed to be on British territory; but when tbe northern boundary of tbe United Statea waa adjualed the aurveyora aacertained that a portion of the aettlementa were on our ground. Upon 'he organika'ion of a Territorial government in Minneaola they received attention, and their district became a count}, which is reg ularly represented in the Territorial Legiala lure. The extension of aettlementa up tbo head waters of the Mississippi has been of great value to these isolated people, aflurd ing them opportunities of obtaining supplies of goods more easily. The succesa of their aettlementa is evidence that even the moat northerly parts of the Territory can and wilt be used for settlement. Whether the Red river of the north will ever become of more than mere |gcal use for navigation, is a problem yel to be solved.— The settlements we have referred to as being located upon it were established by vessels which entered it from Hudson's Bay, after crossing the Atlantic Ocean. They passed Irom thai great bay into Nelson's river, thenoe through Lake Winnephg, and so down into Red river. What was thua accomplished may be repeated; but we know so little of that vast interior region of our continent, that ia impossible to speak of its capabilities. On the eastern continent climates in the same latitude are believe ! to be essentially milder, and settlements are established even on the shores of the Arctic ocean or its bays. Thus Archangel; one of the principal ports of Rus sia, is on the White Sea, which can only be entered from the Arctic ocean, The latitude of the city is 65 degrees, and the approach to it is much further north, while Hudson's Bay and its approaches are far aouth of that latitude. The Hudson's Bay Company have five forts on the shores of the bay, all above the 51st parallel, one being in latitude 59 de grees. From their location on the shores of the bay, we supposed that the compa ny use it for their commerce in furs and pal "y- _ Is UcdlcQl Reform Impyricisml For some time past we have been fondly hoping that an union of the scattered forces of '-Medical Reform" would at no distant day be effected upon a lasting and impreg nable basis. As this fraternizing movcpieaf approaches its acme we discover that there oro i few n U r ranks who posse— so much of the spirit of insubordination that they cannot even submit to the restraints iflaf the immutable natural principles of true medi* cal science imposes; especially if these truths happen to bo drawn up in the form of-a "creed." Happily for our cause, how ever these "wide liberty" advocates are composed of but a small minority of new school practitioners, and if we fail in con vincing thorn of the policy of systematio union, the dearest interests of the cause demand that we leave them tho liberty to select medicines or poisons, innocuous rem edies, or destructive agencies, as their indi vidual fancy may suggest—without princi ples or fundamental truths 1o guide them: Let them shun wild and fanatical empyric ism as but they can; while those who aro willing to be restrained and confined with in the bounds of truth unite together upon the general and (among us the) universally admitted fundamental (ruths of medical sci ence. We are willing to allow a consistent lati tude of opinion in all the details of medical theory and practice. Indeed we are as truly willing for all men to select what medical principles they think most perfect as we are that tht'y should select the best remedies or course of treatment. But wo as medical re formers profess to adopt a system of practice which is in direct antagonism with the old time system of poisoning; and why do we do it? Why do we thus differ from the advocates of old time physic? Because their practice is unnatural and distinctive to human health and life. But why do enlightened and learned men adopt such a practice? Be ciittse it is topically ile luced from abstruse "er roneous principles that were never proved to exist," and the principles being admitted the practice must be legitimate. Now medical reformers have demonstra ted the absolute perfection (as far as this is attainable by remedies at all) of an anti destructive or innocuous practice, and if from this a series of general truths, which we call "medical principles," is correctly induced, how can they be erroneous? how can they be "restrictive"? how can a man that adopts such principles be called "big oted," "stupid," "ignorant," etc.? Is it not probable tlrat these terms may be much more truly applied to those persons who profess to believe in and adopt such a prac tice, and will not acknowledge such princi ples? Without such fundamental truths to guide us in the selection of remedies and the application of curative processes our boasted eclecticism is but wild and extrava gant empyricism. What idea can scientific men have of a medical science that is not based upon some system of admitted facts, as a guide in the practical application of thoreapeutical agents? Can Aledical Re form ever assume the exalted position in the scientific world that its intrinsic excelletico entitles it to while it appears before the minds of men in its present unsystematized, chaotic condition? These are questions worthy the candid consideration of some of our overzeaious, extralihtral reformers, and for the purpose of properly systematizing the great discoveries of modern times into a legitimate science of medicine, if they are not willing to assent to the " platform of principles" adopted by the " Middle State* Savans," we are, at least, ready to unite with them ih the adoption of a better one whenever by their extraordinary abilitiee they discover the existence of general, nat ural truths adapted to such a purpose.—Mod ical Reformer.