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The star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, September 27, 1855, Image 1

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THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
B. W. Weaver Proprietor]
VOLUME 7.
THE STAR OF THE NORTH
IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING BY
K. W. WEAVER.
OFFICE— Vp stairs, in the new brick build
jng, on the south side o/ Main Steert,
third square below Market.
TERMM :—Two Dollars per annum, if
paid within six months from the time of sub
scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not
paid within the year. No subscription re
ceived for a less period than six months ; no
discontinuance permitted until all arrearages !
are paid, unless at the option of the editor. |
ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square j
will be inserted three limes for One PnKar ,
aud twenty five cents for each additional in- i
tort ion. A liberal discount will be made to
those who advertise by tho year.
OISKSnOffi IP®3SIH£ , SrI
IHE ROBIN'S NEST.
BY JULIAN CRAMER.
Betide a stream, whose limpid breast
Revealed the shining sand below,
A aimple rcbin built her nest,
And waited for her young to grow.
Her artless song was often heard,
As homeward to her brood she flew,
And when the rosy daylight stirred
Her music filled the welkin blue.
A reckless boy at last espied
The nest, and made the prize his own:
And when the mother homeward hied
'Twas hut to find hersell alone.
Twas pitiful to see her grief,
And listen to her mournful cry,
She sought in vain to find rebel,
And folded up her wings to die.
I marked that boy. He grew apace, j
Ami was at last in years a man ;
Yet over covered with disgrace " I
That followed some discovered plan. j
I watched him with a curious eye,
Expecting some sad fate to see ;
I saw it as he passed to die
A wretch upon a gallows tree.
Ob, sinner! heed the lesson taught—
Hast thou e'er spoiled a robin's uestl
Hast not thy recklrss act been fraught I
With anguish to a mother's breast.'
God help thee ! for 1 know no deed
So merciless as thine has been,
Aud much 1 fear thy heart must bleed, i
, Forever for thy dreadlul sin.
Oh, if there be a doom more dread
Than others on the judgment day,
It sure must he lor him who led
A pure and loving girl astray.
There may be pardon for the knave,
And mercy for the wretch who stole,
But Heaven, I fear mo, ne'er forgave
The murdered of a human soul!
——————————————— 1
Tfie Lord's I'rayrr.
A friend tells us an snecodate of Booth,the
great tragedian, w hicli wo do not recollect
having seen in print. "It occurred in the pal
my days of his fame, before the sparkle of
hi* great black eye had been dimmed by
tbat bane of genius, strong drink. Booth and
several friends hail been invited to dine with
an old gentleman in Baltimore, of diatiliguis
ed kindness, urbanity and piety. The host,
though disapproving of theatres and theatre- 1
going, had heard so much of Booth's re
markable powers, that curiosity to see the
man had, in this instance, overcome all his
scruples qp:! prejudice. After the entertain
ment was over, lamps lighted and the com
pany soated in the draw ing room, some
one requested Booth, as a particular favor,
and one which till pttseul would doubtless
appreciate, to read the Lord's Prayer. Booth
expressed his willingness to afford them
this gratification; and all eyes were turned
expectantly upon him. Booth rose slowly
and reverently from his chair. It was won
derful to watch the play of emotions that
convulsed bis countenance. He became
deathly pale, and his eyes turned trembling
ly upwards, were wet with tears. As he
had not spoken. The silence could be felt, i
It become absolutely painful, until at last!
the spell wes broken as if by an electric,
shock, as his rich-toned voice, from white
lips, syllabled forth, "Our Father who art in
Heaven," &0., with a pathos and fervid so-:
lemnity that tbiilled all hearts. He finished. !
The silence continued. Not a voice was
heard or a muscle moved in his rapt audi
ence, until, from a remote corner of the
room, a subdued sob was heard, and the
ld gentleman (their host) stepped forward
with streaming eyes and loitering frame,
•nd seized Booth by the hand. "Sir," said
he in broken accents, "you have afforded
me a pleasure to which my whole futulre
life will feel grateful. 1 am an old man,
•nd every day, from my boyhood to the pres
ent time I thought I had repeated the Lord's
Prayer, but I have never heard it before,
never." 'You are right,'replied Booth ;'to
' . "rayer as it should be read, has
tead that - B tndy and labor for
cost me (he J ®*®"* „ being satisfied
thirty years, and lam lar lru._ , ,
with my rendering of that wonderloi
Tton. Hardly one person in ton thousand j
comprehends how inuch beauty, tenderness j
aud grandeur can be condensed in a space
so tmall and in words so simple. That
Prayer of itself sufficiently illustrates the
truth of the Bible, and stamps upon it the
seal of Divinity."
So great was the effect produced (says
oar informant, who was present,) that con
versation was sustained but a short time
longer in subdued monosyllables, and al
most entirely oeased; and toon after, at an
E company broke up and re
tveral homes, with sad faees
.attesTED.—Chicago is a 'great'
liniaters of the Gospel were
last week—one for drunken
atber for stealing a horse and
Potatoes ere selling, no fatthei
etoge, at only tvm'y-five cents
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY. SEPTEMBER 27, 1855.
OF THE
Democratic State Central Committee.
To lhe People of Pennsylvania :
FELLOW CITIZENS:—In tlie performance of
our duty, we lately addressed you on the
subject of Know-Nothmgiem. We warned
you against the insidious appeals of a party,
one principle of which establisl.es a religious
test for office, a thing expressly prohibited
by tho Constitution of the United States, and
by that of tV.nnsylvaiua. A- party wh.ch
seeks to practically disfranchise ouu class of
Amerioan citizens, because of their religious
creed ; another class, because ol the place of
their birth, and to proscribe a still more nu
merous class, because they will not deny to
others the rights which they claim for them
selves. We reminded you that these Stales
had been founded by immigrants who fled
hither for self-protection from the same per
secuting spirit. That by mutual toleration
in matters of religion, and by an equal parti
cipation in the common concerns of social
life and government, these rights of each
were guaranteed by all; that to wrest them
from any citizen, however weak or bumble,
was to substitute might for right, and thus
subvert the great principle of political equal
ity, on which alone rests our common secu
rity and general welfare.
Thai to do this in sectet, and under mutu
al pledgee and oaths, and above all, to do it
under the name of Americanism, was to de
stroy all confidence in the capability of men
for self-government, to confound local preju
dice with the virtue of patriotism, to exalt the
profession of a creed nbove the practice of
genuine Christianity, to bring Democratic in
stitutions into contempt, aud to cover their
founders with reproach.
If the rankling hatreds and fierce feuds, the
social wrongs and lawless outrages, which j
have characterized this secret party, had
been in like manner occasioned by all others, j
society itself could not have existed. Brief,
therefore, as has been its career, it has con
vinced every reflecting man that its tenden- !
cios are counter to the genius of our govern- ;
nioiits and opposed to the teaching of their
founders. We have, therefore, seen it over
thrown by the Democracy in the South, and
disorganized and broken—or blended with j
Abolitionism in the North. Such has been ,
the secession from its ranks by tho deceived 1
and erring men who joined it, that notwith- '
standing i's abated pretensions and the at- >
tempts made to liberalize its principles, its !
possession ol local offices and the fotlorn hope ;
of political places and rewards in 1856, alone, ,
kpep it from utter annihilation as a National j
party.
At the present, therefore, there is moreoc- I
casion to call your attention to another and j
purely sectional party, which threatens to }
subvett the Federal Constitution, and to de- j
stroy the Union of these States. The Know
Nothing party—miscalled American—tends to !
occasion civil discord among neighbors, and ,
between citizens of the same Stale, but this ,
self-styled Republican party, tends to add to j
this tho horrors of a negro insurrection in the '
States of the South, and a civil war between '
tl.o several States of this Union.
We do rot say that this is the design of all |
or oven the majority of its members, but we j
do charge that to be the only avowed design
of some, and those riot a few of its leaders;
and we luriher charge that such is the clear j
tendency, and would be the inevitable result, j
of its success. It is in vain for its parlizans i
losay tbat they intend no ill; the question is I
not one of intention, it is one of practical con- j
duct; and the principles of American govern- •
ment and of Constitutional law are the sole
tests by which il must be tried. We have
a! erdy seen the Legislature of one State
openly and designedly pass an acl in defiance
of ihe Constitution of the United States and
the laws inado in pursuance thereof, and
when the Governor of that State—and a par
lizan of this very party—vetoed, and attempt
ed to arreM the course Legislature, we
saw them defy him ulso, and repass this act.
We have seen the same Slate openly remove
an upright and learned Judge because he da
| red to keep his oath and support the Consti
] tuiion of the United States. In our own State,
we have since heard a deliberative body of
the same parly, vehemently applaud a mo
tion to mob and beat a Jubge ; and still later
in litis State, and in the Convention of this
whole pory, a Reverend member of il pub
licly advocated the destruction of a public
Prison, and the rescue of a prisoner, because
tliey had considered and adjudged him to be
wrongfully imprisoned. If these things are
now dofle and advocated, and by such men
and in such places, both under color of law
' a:;d in avowed defiance of it, who will or can
assure l|,e Public that they would stop there?
or that other— moßt fatal-violations
of the law would not bu committed by other
men and mobs, and in other f A hen
men thus disregard the Constitution and i';w
of their country, and seek to organize togeih- |
er one section of the Union, that they may
the more successfully overawe or subdue the
other, they reduce the whole question to one
between force and law, Union or disunion,
domestic tranquility or civil war.
It is absurd for men to prate about liberty,
while al the very same time they are encour
aging resistance lo law. There can be no
liberty without law, and there is not and can
not be ar.y law higher than lha Constitution
of the United States. Whatever, therefore,
may be the pretences put forward by the ab
olitionists, or whatever more deceptive name
tbey may choose to assume, and array them
selves under, tbe real and sole issue will be
dbesame; it will be thai party—• violated
Constitution and disunion on the oce side,
Truth and Right God aud oar Country#
and the Democratic party and tho Constitu
tion aud Union as they are oil the other side :
choose ye between them ! Even if you would,
yet vou cannot now but choose between these
two' While the Whig party existed, what
ever may have been its follies or its faults,
yet neither Clay nor Webster, nor its other
great leaders, nor the true men of its rank
and file, would have tolerated a sentiment
hostile to the Constitution or the Union. But
these gteat men and true patriots have pass
ed away, and the old Whig party no longer
exists. The weak, the veoal and the selfish
in its ranks have gone into a secret and sec
tarian organization, or have gone over and
arrayed themselves with Abolitionists, infi
dels and fanatics, against their brethren of
the South. One party alone remains firm
and defiant. Over every foot of the soil of
this Union, and wherever its Constitution ex
tends, there too extends the all protecting arm
of tho Democracy , bearing aloft the broad
flag of Civil and Religious Liberty, the Con
sti'ution and the Union.
Fellow Citizens, our duty in the premises
is plain. However much party leaders may
hesitate or hang back, fearful of losing their
own position, or of yielding to an old politi
cal opponent, there is but one course left,
and that is a general raffy of all patriotic citi
zens upon the platform of the Democratic par
ty. There is no mistaking the tone of the
Democracy in this crisis. It unhesitatingly
accepts the issue tendered to it by tho adver
saries ol the Federal Constitution, and pro
claims its high purpose to sink or swim, sur
vive or perish, with the American Union.—
Refusing to ntake terms with traitors of any
shade, it has not only without regret but with
undissembled joy, seen then them desert its
ranks for those ol an unprincipled coalition.
I'urtfiad aud relieved from their baleful influ
ences, and enabled to act uufetlered in its
high duty, it invites to its standard every pa
triotic Pennsylvanian. It has no conceal
cealment of its principles, or secrecy in its
organization, but shielded, helmed arid weap
oncd with the truth, it advances against tho
combined fanaticisms. It accepts the whole
responsibility of opposing those who oppose
the Constitution. It fully enters into the con
test against the Abolitionists and their allies.
In such a cause, even defeat would be hon
orable, but victory is certain to crown ounef
forls ij only (hose who ore conscious that we are
right, will act tip to their honest convictions. .
We are no alarmists. It is not our purpose
to exaggerate the dangerous tendencies of
the political action of our opponents. You
can 6ee for yourselves not alone the obliter
tion of a great party, but the bold and flagrant
declarations of those who have taken its plaue.
There is indeed no alternative left us but op
position, as there is manifestly no parly left
to make that opposition but the Democratic
party.
The inconceivable evils of a dissolution of
our beloved Union, do not deter the arrogant
factions which now' make headway against
the rights of the Slates. The guilt is not
greater on the part ol such fauaties as Garri
son and l'hillips, than on that of the dema
gogues here and elsewhere, who support
them. They are all working to the same
end, some oi them with the consciousness—
and utln-rs thoughtless or reckless—of the
misery their success would entail upon the
country.
But how is it with you, people of Pennsyl
vania? Are you willing to yield in the man
dates of these men ? Has the Union lost its
sacred and inestimable value in your eyes?
Are you ready lo regard your countrymen of
the South as so many alien enemies? We
disdain appealing to your interests, we in
voke your patriotism; we appeal lo the glo
rious memories of the past and to the unpar
alled blessings ever present; and we point
in proof of the peril that besets the near fu
ture, not merely to the overthrown Whig or
ganization, uor to the fanaticisms springing
from its ruins aud coalescing in our midst,
but to tho alarm aud dismay that have spread
over the South like a funeral pall, in view of
the aggressive purposes of Northern Aboli
liotiislg.
Aud mark tbe miserable delusions with I
which Abolitionism tries to abuse the patri
otic sentiment of the North. It affects indig
natiou because the Missouri restriction, nev
er approved, and for thirty-five years disre
garded by the Abolitionists,and spit upon and
reviled by therr. with every epithet of scorn
aud indignation, has been repealed! It de
nounces the Nebraska act which declares
"Il being lite true intent and meaning of this
uot NOT to legislate slavery into any Stule or
Territory, nor lo exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly tree to
form und regulate their domestic institutions
in their own way, subject only lo the Consti
tution of the United States." These fanatics
refuse, therefore, to allow the people to regu
late their domestic institutions ; yet as early
as October 1774, these United Colonies as
sembled in Congress, solemnly, Resolved,
"Tbat the foundation of English liberty, and
of ALL free government, is a right in the people
to participate in their legislative Council,
* * * that the colonists ore entitled to
the free and exclusive power of legislation in
their several provincial legislatures, where
their right of representation can alone be pre
served, tn all cases of taxation ant) INTERNAL
POLITY !"—and at lbs same time they further
declared that these rights existed "by the im
mutable laws of natue, Ihe principles of the
English Constitution, and the several charters
and compacts." The Declaration of Inde
pendence charged it as an act of usurpation
by tbe King of Great Britain, that "he refu
sed to pass laws for tbe accommodation of
large districts of people nnless these people
wonld relinquish tbe right of representation
}in the Legislature, * * * a right inesti
mable to them, and fhrrniJSble to tyrants
Otll)."
Nor was our own Stale behind her sister
Slates in asserting this right; lor by the third
article of the declaration of rights, made in
July. 1776, it was declared "that the people
I of this Slate have the sole, exclusive and inhe
rent right of governing and regulating the m
ternal policy ol the same;" and when the j
Deputies of the' people of Pennsylvania as- I
sembled in full Provincial Conference, to ;
suppress all authority of the King of Great j
Britain and for establishing a government ,
upon the authority of the people only, they j
declared their willingness to concur in a vote :
declaring the United Colonies free and inde- i
pendent Slates, " Provided, the forming the
government and the regulating the inter- |
nal policy of this Colony be 4 always reserved
to the people of the Colony.
And yet, against this self-evident and im
mutable principles of American liberty and
of all free governments, men have the auda
city to array themselves under the name of
Republicans! maintaining, too, that their fel
low countrymen, who inhabit the territories
must act otherwise than of their own free
choice, and that Congress should compel
' them to select between dictated submision
and threatened punishment!
But, fellow citizens, even while indulging
in these expressions, this party is scarcely at- j
tempting to conceal the fearful ultimatum of j
disunion which it is now seeking to partici- j
pate by means of an exclusive sectional Nor- I
; 'hern organization—the first organization of j
the kind ever known in this republic, and the i
success of which is certain to end in the
perpetual alienation of the South from the
North.
And by political agitation, what good can
they even pretend to accomplish I What
man, in the free States of this Union, would
he benefitted by the success of the Aboli
tionists? Not one ; nor could tltey give free
dom to a single slave : they would but more
firmly rivet the fetters. As early as 1828, the
late Rev. E. ChanniMg, of Boston,
said: "My fear iu regard to our efforts
against slavery is, that we shall make the
case worse by rousing sectional pride and pas
sion for its support, and that we shall only
break the country into two great parties, which
may shake the foundation of government.
So late as 1850, Mr. Webster said in the
Senate:
"Then, Sir, there are the Abolition Socie
ties, of which I am unwilling to speak, but
in regard to which I have very clear notions
and opinions. Ido not tbiik them useful,
i think their operations for the last twenty
years have produced nothing good or valua
ble. * * * # #
" I do not mean to impute gross motives
even to the leaders of these Societies, but I
am not blind to the consequence of their pro
ceedings. I cannot but see what mischief
their interference with the South has produ
ced. And is it not plain to every man ?
* * * They attempted to arouse,
and did arouse, a very strong feeling; in oth
er words, they created great agitation in the
North against Southerh slavery. Well, what
was the result? The bonds of the slaves
were bound more firmly than before ; their
rivets were more strongly fastened.
"I'ublic opinion, which in Virginia had
begun to be exhibited against slavery, and
was opening out for tbe discussion of the
question, drew back and shut itself un in its
castle. * * * We all know the
fact, and we all know the cause; and every
thing that these agitating people have done,
has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain ; not
to set free, but to bind faster the slave popu
lation of the South."
The whole effort of these agitators seems
to he to make a sectional issue in every Con
gressional district of the thirty-one States of
the Union, and turn to the halls of Congress
into an arena in which the delegates from
the North may denounce the domestic insti
tutions of the South.
Not only does all reason forbid us to dis
countenance sectional parties, but we have
the solemnly recorded opinion of Jefferson,
1 who on ibis very question said:
" But this momentous question, like a fire
bell in the night, awakened anil filled me |
with teiror. 1 considered il at once as the
knell of tho Union. It is hushed, indeed, for
the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not
a final sentence. A geographical line coin
ciding with a marked principle, moral and .
political, once conceived and held up to tho {
angry passions of men, will never be obliler- 1
aled, and every new irritation will mark it j
deeper and deeper."
Let the true Whigs who have not ceased i
to treasure up the counsels of their great states
men, now apply to the memorable warning
of HENRY CLAY:
" Tho Abolitionists, let me suppose, suc
ceed in the present aim of uniting the in
habitants ol the free States as one mail a
gainst the inhabitants of the slave States, un i
on on the one side will beget union on the
other. And this process of reciprocal con
solidation will be attended with all the vio
leut prejudices, embittered passions and im
placable animosities which ever degraded
or deformed human nature. One section
will stand in menacing and hostile array
against the other. The collision of opinion
will quickly be followed by the clash of arms.
I will not attempt to describe scenes which
now happily lie concealed from our view."
Let them weigh well the following words
of the conservative WEBSTER:
"ll we might regard our country as per
sonated in the spirit of Washington ; if we
might consider him ae representing her, in
her past renown, hi her present prosperity
and her future career, and as in that char
: aeter demanding of us all to account for our
j conduct as political men or as private citi
' zens, how should he answer him who has
ventured to talk of disunion or dismember
ment? or how should he answer him who
dwells perpetually on local interests, and
fans every kindling fiarne of local preju
dice ? How should he answer him who
would array State against State, interest
against interest, aud party against party, care
less of the continuance of that unity of Gov
ernment which constitutes us one people."
And finally, let all men within the bounds
of thi6 State, and no matterto what party they
belong, lay to their hearts the farewell advice
of WASHINGTON :
" The unity of Government, which consti
tutes you one people, is also now dear to
you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in
the edifice of your real independence—the
support of your tranquility at home ; your
peace abroad ; of your safety; of your pros
perity; of that very liberty which you so
highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee
that, from different causes and from different
quarters, much pains will be taken, many ar
tifices employed, to weaken, in jourminds,
the conviction of this truth: as this is the
point in your political fortress against which
the batteries of internal and external enemies
will be most constantly and actively—though
often covertly and insidiously—directed, it
is of infinite moment that you should proper
ly estimate the immense value of your NA
TIONAL UNION to yur collective and individ
ual happiness; that you should cherish a
cordial, habitual and immovable attachment
to il; accustoming yourselves to think and
speak of it as of Ihe palladium of your polit
ical safety and prosperity; watching for its
preservation with jealous anxiety; discoun
tenancing whatever may suggest even a sus
picion xbnt it can, in any event, be aban
doned; and indignantly frowning upon the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate
any portion of our country from the rest, or
to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link
together the various parts.
" For this you have every inducement of
sympathy and interest. CIT/.ENS BY BIRTH
OR CHOICE, ol a common country —that coun
try has a right to concentrate your affection.
The name of American which belongs to you
in your national capacity, must always exalt
the just pride of patriotism, more thar. any
appellation derived from local discrimina
tions. With slight shades of difference, you
have the same religion, manners, habits, and
political principles. "Vou have, in a common
cause, fought and triumphed together ; the
independence and liberty vou possess are
the work of joint counsel and joint efforts, of
common origins, sufferings and successes.
"This Government—the ofl-spring of our
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted
upon full investigation and matule delibera
tion, completely free in its principles, in the
distribution of its powers, uniting security
with enetgy, and containing within itself a
provision lor its own amendment—ha 3 a just
claim to your confidence and your support.
Respect for its authority, compliance with its j
laws, acquiescence in itstneasures, are duties j
enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true i
liberty, 7he basis of our political systems, is the j
right of the people to make and toalter their Con
shtutious of Government : but the Constitution
which at any lime exists, till changed by an
explicit and authentic act of the whole peo
ple, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The I
very idea ol" the power and the right of tho
people to establish Government, pre-supposes
the duty of every individual to obey the es
tablished Government."
If, in addition to these words, we need
others more directly and solemnly applicable
to the present times, they will be found in
lite following from the same immortal pro
duction :
"In Contemplating the causes which may
disturb out Union, it occurs as a matter of]
serious concern, that any grounds should
have been furnished for characterizing par
ties by geographical discriminations, Nor
thern and Southern, Atlantic and Western,
whence designing men may endeavor to ex
cite a belief that there is a real difference of
local interests and views. YOU CANNOT
j SEIELD YOURSFLVES TOO MUCH A-]
GAINST THE JEALOUSIES AND HEART- |
BURNINGS WHICH SPRING FROM
| THESE MISREPRESENTATIONS; they:
tend to render alien to each other those who ought
to be bound together by fraternal affection."
' Fellow citizens: We have thus submitted
to you the present condition and tendency of
political parties, and the issue about to be
mado between them, in this State and Uni
on. As the best and only safe guide for your
conduct, we have reminded you of the coun
sel and warnings of the wisest and most pa
triotic of our Statesmen. Yonr choice must
now be made between a sectional party un
der the black banner of Abolitionism and the
National Democracy, bearing aloft the gor
geous ensign of the Republic " with that
sentiment dear to every true American heart
—Liberty and Union now and forever, one
aud inseparable."
JAMES F. JOHNSTON,
H. A. GILDEA, j Chairman. I
JACOB ZIEGLER, Secy's, j Sept. 18, 1855.
GF A negro baby show is one of the la
test Boiton notions. It is got up in opposi
tion to Barnum's while baby show. The 'lit
tle innocents' enjoy the atteation they atliact
as much as the white folks.
HP A stranger in Mexico is struck with
the appearance of the Milliner's sbops. where
twenty or thirty stout men with moustaches
are employed in making muslin gowns, caps
and artificial flowers.
SPEECH OF
CHARLES R. BUCKALEW.
Delivered at Kingston, Luzerne County, Friday
Evening, Sept. Hth, 1855.
GENTLEMEN:—It lias for some lime been
my intention to address the citizens of this
County upon several subjects of local and
general interest. And, in particular, I have
desired to submit to them some words of
personal explanation upon the New County
question, in vindication of the course pur
sued by mu at the last Session, which has
been made the subject of criticism and com
plaint. Having an invincible repugnance to
newspaper disputes and believing in the
good senso of Dr. Johnson's saying, that "no
man was ever written down except by him
self," I have paid no attention to editorial
abuse upon this subject, (which I am in
formed has been abundant and pertinacious
in a particular quarter,) and have willingly
awaited the vindication of time and of such
an opportunity as the present. But, as the
good opinion of just tnen is valuable above
wealth or office, it is right that the explana
tions necelkary to a fair judgment of public
conduct should at some proper time be furn
ished the public.
The occasion also invites remark on otner
questions that have arisen in the Legislature,
or been connected with its proceedings. Al
though some years of service in the Senate
have been rendered pleasant to me by evi
dences ol approval and confidence from the
district I have represented; there hava been
many occasions when it would have been 1
highly gratifying that the reasons for my ac
tion could have been fully and generally
known among yon. Mutual explanations
are occasionally indispensable to ihe main
tenance of just relations between oonsti'uent
and Representative ; for the absent are liable
to be misunderstood, and the expression of
your approval or disapprobation in particular
cases, is valuable to your Representative as
the reward or corrective of his public con
duct.
Gentlerrftn:—A man enlisting in tbe pnb
iio service, takes his life in his band. The
chances are against his surviving the con
testa of many years; if he escape many dan
gers, he is still liable to sudden and fatal
overthrow. The system of rapid rotation es
tablished amongst us; the constant rush of
new questions upon tho scene, and the fre
quent changes of parties,—are rocks of de
struction which very few ate fortunate
enough long to escapp Look oroi tho his
tory of elections which you have observed,
and how much of reputation and influence
have worn out, or been otherwiso destroyed;
how rapid tho changes of actors, and how
certain the adverse fortunes of the honored
and powerful! A reflecting man may well
assume the duties of a political office with
fear and trembling, rather than with that
boastful exultation and unhesitating confi
dence, which ive often see. His voyage is
among rocks and shoals that render courage
and sagacity continually necessary to hi*
safety, and these are not always sufficient.
I owe the people of Luzerne gratitude for
generous and continued support and confi
dence, constituting as they do the delightful
and abundant reward of all exertions and
sacrifices involved in Legislative service.—
That this support aud confidence have not
been misplaced or mistaken, I sincerely hope
may be yonr future as well as present con
viction.
Gentlemen ; since 1850 great changes have
taken place in your local affairs, intimately
connected with tho Legislation of the' Co
mmonwealth. A railroad has been completed
and brought into use from Scrantoti north
ward, in the direction ot central New York.
Another, (an extension of the former), is be
ing thrown from the same point to the Dela
ware, in the direction of the sea-board. And
still, another has been projected extending
through the centre of this county, and finding
its western connections in the iron region,
with improvements to go to Baltimore, Phil
adelphia and Buffalo. Many mining com
panies hare been organized, and plank road*
built. Your population, meantime, has great
ly increased ; capital from abroad has sought
investment in your borders, and the organi
z.ation of a city, and of boroughs and town- 1
ships, has been found necessary lo the wants
and convenience of the people. Villages
have grown inlo towns, lands gone up in price
and art impetus given in all directions to a
spirit of industry and en'erprize. In short,
the passing years constitute for Luzerne a pe
riod of growth and development unexam
pled in her history, and cheering to her in
habitants and to all interested in hit wel
fare.
Legislation, when required, has come in
aid of your eflurts in carrying on this career
of improvement: Without being prostituted,
it has been thehandmaid of your advance
ment* But I will not dwell upon this topic,
but pass to others mora particularly embra
ced in the purpose of this discourse, and up
on which 1 have thought that explanation
would be timely : commencing with the wa
ter highway from your valley toward western
New York and the Lakes.
[THE NORTH BRANCH CANAL]
In 1850, when an appropriation was made
to the North Branch Extension, the condi
tion was imposed that coal carried upon it,
after its completion, should be charged with
a toll of one cent par ton per mile, whioh
would amount to ninety five cents for the
whole distance trom Pittaton to the New
York State line. This provision was bur
then some and nowise, because it tended to
discourage shipments of coat and probably
to lessen the public revenues, while it die
i eliminated harshly against businesa men and
property holders in thii county who were
[Two Dollars per ADofUi
NUMBER 36.
looking noritrward for markets for (he pro
duction of their mines, In view of theeo
considerations, a resolution was introduced
in the Senate, in 1854, calling upon the Ca
nal Board for their judgment of the act of
1850 as a revenue measure, and subsequent
ly a bill was passed repealing that act and
placing the North Branch upon an equality
with the other Canals of the State. This re
duced tolls one half, upon rates then existing,
and was, in my opinion, a salutary and just
exercise of the legislative power.
Complaints have long been made of the
management of that work. Thare has been
great delay in bringing it into use. Parte of
it have been badly constructed. Its cost baa
gone greatly beyond the estimatea upon
which appropriations were based. It is not
strange, therefore, that representatives of
other sections became restive and reluctant
lo vote further sums to the enterprise, and
that business interests in this quartet uttered
complaints in view of repealed disappoiot
ments arid a suspected management. " For
remedy whereof,''legislation was had at the
late Session of an unosual character. The
line was put in charge of a Superintendent
and Engineer, believed to be competent and
faithful, for a term of five years, at an ade
quate salary; with con'rot over subordinates/
and with power to adopt and prosecute (upon
approval of the Canal Commissioners,) all
necessary measures for bringing the Canal
into successful operation.
Peculiar difficulties have appeared on the
line, arising from the material through which
it ia, in parti, constructed; the long suspen
sion of work upon it, and other causes; but
it is believed these difficulties will be speed
ily mastered and further vexation avoided.
At all events the Legislature has done what
it could toward such result, and in fact,gone
out ol its usual course to meet the necessities
of the case.
The arrangement made was opposed, arid
was the result of a contest. It was a novol
proposition. It confided large powers, and
gave a long term of office to an individual,
not chosen by, or directly responsible to the
people. It narrowed the doties of the Canal
Commissioners, and was viewed by aome a*
an imputation upon them : And it established
diversity of management among the publio
improvements. But it stands on sufficient
ground, when, iu addition to the miacbiefs of
shifting management and the inconvenience
nf puiixn obligations In appointmeuti, we
consider the peculiar situation and condition
of the work. For, there ia required the roost
careful, skilful and energetic superintendence
for several years, before the line ia brought
into complete use, and into a condition to
be compared with old and established lines,
where experience has laid the foundation of
routine and practice. And besides, no oth
er public improvement is so remote from
the State authorities and so diffcult of fre
quent visitation. The idea of censure upon
the Canal Commissioners was carefully die
avowed, and oirtainly not intenJed; nor
will a fair examination of the act give rise
to reflections to their prejudice. An effec
tive control is reiained to the Comisaioners,
aijjJ the Superintendent, named in the act,
is the same person previously selected by
them for the placu.
The success of the plan, adopted by the
Legislature, will mainly depend npon Mr-
Mafiit himself. As to that, his qualifications
were endorsed by the highest authority, and
bis appoinlmentsoliciied by those having the
deepest internal in the improvement; and if
an error has been committed, neither the Les
gislaturs, nor those representing Ibis section,
are in fault. What was done was upon strong
evidence from those qualified to judge in the
case, and in compliance with apparent publio
opinion.
[We omit so much of the speech as re
lates to the new county question, and also
the subject of amending the Constitution.]
[ (CONTINUED ON SECOND PAGE.)
Mothers and Daughters.
It is a most painful spectacle in familiee
where the mother is the drudge, to see the
daughter elegantly dressed, reclining at theif
ease, with their musie, their fancy work, and
their reading—beguiling themselves to the
lapse of hours, days, and weeks, and never
1 dreaming of their responsibilities; but, aa ■
; necessary consequence of u neglected duty,
growing weary of their useless lives, laying
hold of every newly- invented stimulant to
rouse their drooping energies, and blaming
their fate when tbey dare not blame their
God for having placed them where they are.
These individuals will often till you, with
an air of affronted compassion, that "poor
mamma ii working herself to death;' 1 yet no
sooner do you propose that they should assist
her, than they declare she is quite in her ele
ment—in short, that she would never be bay
if she had only half as ir.och to do. '
Health Is Wealth.
A strong and sound body— a body oapa
ble of not only endurance, but capable of re
sisting external influences io disease— is a
capital for life, the value of which cannot bev
computed in money. It is perpetual wealth
—it is perpetual pecuniary independence—
it is perpetual ability to aid others in the
kind office* of friendship and love— per
petual source of contentment and bappinees.
This J toy it the ftrit object of ttkool education
—of any education fit to be called educ
tion; while the fact tbat it ia mada neither
the first nor the least, in our present eyctem
proves that the present system is false.

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