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THE STAR OP THE NORTH.
K. W. Heaver, Proprietor.] VOLUME 8, THE STAR OF THE NORTH IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY K. IV. WEAVER, OFFICE— Up stairs, in the new brick build ing, cm Ike south side of Main Street, third square below Market. TERMS: —Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months ; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the editor. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding onesquare will be inserted three times for One Dollar and twenty-five cents for each additional in sertion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. SPEECH or CHARLES R. BUCKALEW, DELIVERED AT TOWANDA, JULY 4TH, 1856. IT will be appropriate after hearing read the most famous of Mr. Jefferson's productions, to consider the origin, career and character of the party which he founded; and also the existing condition of publio affairs, in order to obtain a just comprehension of the course we should pursue. It is not by extravagant, high-wrought eu logiums upon our ancestors, but by perform ing the duties that press upon us, that our country is to be conducted to the position for which it was destined. But an examination of the past in the light ol reason and truth, will aid us in selecting the path we are to pursue. In this spirit the examination of our history is seldom made. The record of events that have oocurred in our country, and the writings oPable men who have distinguished its history, are ordinarily examined simply lor the purpose of giving force to a party creed, or establishing some foregone conclu sion. Therefore, the sincere, earnest inqui rer, constantly encounters distorted statements of history that tend to mislead his judgment and corrupt his opinions. Be it our aim, with in the brief limits which the occasion permits, to bring forward, without perversion, some historical facts necessary to the true forma tion of opinion upon pending issues. The Constitution ol the United Slates went into operation on the first Wednesday of March, 1789. The population of the States and Territories in the year following was un der four millions and their number seventeen. The Stales and Territories are now thirty nine in number and their population exceeds twenty-five millions. Eight of the Territories afford space for twice as many additional States, and some of Ilia States already formed will doubtless be subdivided. What a growth is here! and what prospects yet present them selves! In viewing this spectacle we are provoked to enlarged thought and exuberant language. We congratulate ourselves con stantly upon the amazing power to which we have attained, and cast hopeful glances to the future. The glare of prosperity—the bounding pulse of matured power—the omens of greatness that present themselves—are not, however, to be permitted to blind, to corrupt, or to mislead us. There are weighty and slert^ duties that challenge performance; dangers that roquire grave consideration and heroic effort ; difficulties that labor and pa tience and patriotism must surmount. It is everlastingly true that effort is the price of security and success. The Union under which we have prosper ed arose out of certain national necessities and is to be considered with reference to them. The common defence of the States against foreign powers; the preservation of peace and the regulation of commerce be tween them; the judicial determination of controversies where State jurisdiction was imperfect or wanting, the control of postal communication and the subject of coinage; were among those things which imperative ly demanded a common government found ed upon union. But nothing can be clearer than that the powers of that Government are to be strictly limited to the objects for which it was instituted. Practically, they are meas ured and defined by the written grants con tained in the constitution ; for those grants being express, particular, and limited, ex clude all implication of power beyond them. "Faithful and true" therefore have been those public men of the country who have relisted the exercise of ungranted and doubt ful powers by the general government, and have sought to direct its administration in the plain path of its constitutional duties.— And the public policy which they have pro posed and defended, is every year becoming more necessary to the welfare of the people and tha salvation ol our institutions. Not long after the organization of the gov ernment, as was to have been expected, dif ferences arose regarding the nature and ex tent of its powers, and hence the formation of parties, the struggles of which for supre macy were determined in the first year of the present oentury, in favor of the party holding to a strict construction of the consti tution. The author of the Declaration of Independence was installed as President on the 4th of March, 1801, and proclaimed a declaration of principles which has since constituted the creed of the party he estab lished. New exigencies in public affairs, oc curring from time to time, have required new measures and a modified policy, bat the principles of Jefferson yet constitute the landmarks of parly faith with the democra cy of the country. The war of 18lt broke up the Federal party and covered with peculiar odium that branch of it which opposed the country in its struggle. Those among the Federalists who performed their dutiee to the country, and with whom party malignily did not over come patriotic impulses, were left in a re spected position and with little inclinsiioo to BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY; PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 16, 1856. oppose democratic supremacy: in conse quence of which, in conjunction with other circumstances, there succeeded under Mr. Monroe a period described as "the era of good feeling," when party spirit was at a low ebb, and regular, formal, political divis ions were almost unknown. The election of 1824 re awoke the spirit of contest, and there were formed parlies of administration and opposition, the latter substantially a reor ganization of the Democratic party, with ac cessions from that branch of the Federal party which had been least offensive in its course in previous struggles. The Demo cratic passions of this country took fire at the congressional decision in the election of President, and in 1828 Pennsylvania led the way, under Mr. Buchanan and others, in (be great popular decision in favor of Oen. Jackson. The majority given by our State on that occasion is one of the proud spots in its history, and exhibited sagacity, a sense of justice and a due appreciation of public services on the'part of our people. In the year 1840, a struggle of almost un exampled violence occurred, resulting in the defeat of the Democratic party and its ejec tion from power. The causes of that reverse lie patent upon the history of the limes, and were mainly ronnected with convulsions of the currency and consequent commercial distress. Time has vindicated the parly then defeated from the charges made against it, and relieved it from the temporary obloquy under which it labored, by proving the wis dom and solidity of the measures it support ed. Nor is it without instruction that we no tice, that the party -then successful enjoyed but s barren victory and was found incapa ble of maintainiug the position it hud won. The eleciion of Gen. Taylor in 1848 was a popular iniejudgment, ihe causes'of which ate to he sought in democratic divisions, en thusiasm, for services'in a popular war, and opposition to the then recent legislation of 1846 including the revision of duties on im ports. In the year 1850 sectional passion, which had been gathering head for some years, formed practical issues regaiding the Territories, producing new and unusual di visions of public men and convulsiog the whole country with agiiation. The adjust me.ut then arrived at was followedsand sanc tioned by the election ol 1852, and passed into the history of Ihe country to the high honor of those concerned in secuiing it. The year 1856 opens upon !, under new condi tions and with issues of a portentious char acter, to which your attention will be pres ently invited. Aii obvious reflection upon the history of parties, to which allusion has been made, is the almost uninterrupted success of the De mocracy. Rarely, and for short periods only, have they failed in maintaining their ascend ency, and the organizations in opposition, when successful, have almost invariably won their triumphs in a sinister or acciden tal manner. The election of Mr. Adams in 1824 was not by the popular voice, but in opposition to it, and through the instrumen tality of Congressional action. The elections of 1840 and 1848 can scarcelj be regarded as party triumphs, and besides upon both those occasions, in consequence of the means used to insure success ;of the Dele of con sistency and cohesion in the elements op posed to us, and of the accidental decease of the President elected, power speedily passed into other hands. In fact, the admin istration of Tyler which supervened upon the decease of Gen. Harrison, became es sentially democratic. The slavery issues of 1850 mitigated the partisan character of Pres ident Fillmore's administration, to such an extent that his nomination was refused by the Whig convention of 1852. Excluding his administration from account, there has been no anti-democratic administration of the Government for a full term since the year 1800, except that of Mr. Adams, which was not placed in power by a vote of the people but by a congressional election. 1 The amazing growth, progress and pros perity of the country during this period of more than half a century, have behr. under Democratic rule, and constitute a fair claim to popular confidence. Until, therefore, it is shown that this organization is changed in character, and become incapable of accom plishing the objeols it has heretofore achiev ed and giving to the country the blessings of good government, there good reason for continuing it in power. But is it not evident that it is more neccessary at this juncture to the public welfare, than at any former period of our history. It is a national parly, con fronting sectional factions, and the only par ly competent to crush them and hold the Union in harmony. Another reflection, suggested by a review of our history, is the fidelity of the Demo cratic party to the constitution, or rather to a legitimate and just construction of it. It has stood up, consistently, against all measures and anjaline of public policy not plainly war ranted by that instrument. And its successes have arisen from this fact, inspiring as it has done, the confidence of the people, end re sulting as it has in a wise, sale and salutary administration of public affairs. It may be the proud boaat of our party that it baa stood by the constitution'through good and through evil report,' and has more than once under gone defeat rather than abandon the princi ples lo which It hald. It baa not "bowed the knee to Baal," nor been unfaithful to its constitutional duties, even when interest end the clamor of the time invited it. As lately as 1854, it refused "to go with ihe multitude to do evil" in the proscription of adopted citizens and the persecution of a religious society. And becsuse it bss been thus faith ful as well as consistent in its course, the country has turned to it and may yat turn to it for the preservation of its interests and honor, and without hesitation or doubts may continue in its hands both the symbols and reality of power. We open the campaign of 1856 with con fidence and gladness of heart. The omens are of good and not of evil. No doubtful, desperate, or hopeless struggle impends, but one in which patriotism and houor will di rect our efforts and victory crown them. At last, in fullness of time, when the pressure of national necessities and the security or sound principles demanded it, Pennsylvania is hon ored and gratified with a Presidential nomi nation. The choice of the Democratic party has fallen upon her most distinguished citi zen, whose nomination was desired by the conservative and patriolio sentiment of the country, and, in the judgment of many saga cious observers, was requisite to the harmony if not to the permanent union of the States. The times demanded Mr. Buchanan's nomi nation, and the popular voice indicated him with a distinctness that could not be mista ken or disregarded. The national conven tion has therefore been true to itself and to the country in its action, and deserves com mendation and praise. Shall we not respond to this decision of the national convention, with signal alacrity and zeal, and put forth our utmost efforts to procure its endorsement by a decisive vole of the people ? No ordi nary majority in this State, will be worthy the occasion and candidate. Pennsylvania has the opportunity of speaking for one of her own sons, who has achieved reputation for himself and for her, and bar voice must be uttered with emphasis and power! She must speak in no faltering or uncertain lone in 1856, but with a generous enthusiasm prompted by affection, confidence and re spect. The country at this lime requires a con servative candidate, who, while true to prin ciple, will inspire confidence and a sense of security against an extreme or irritating ad ministration of the government. And the thorough union of the patriotic, intelligent men ol ihe country against extreme opinions and dangerous agilations, is bast secured by the nomination of a candidate, who is every where acceptable upon the leading issues of the campaign, and whose nomination closes debate upon irrelevant questions. It is required also that our candidate have, in his personal character and history, a basis, of strength and popularity to withstand the fury of assaults to be expected from the pe culiar elements which constitute the factions opposed to us. We know them of old, and may count npori their pursuing their accus tomed channels of action. Agitation, vio lence, abuse and falsehood, are ordinary weapons of faction, as distinguished from parly, and especially of faction organized upon fanatical and spiteful passions. But, against a public established reputation of forty years, illustrated by great services, un sullied by dishonor, and culminating in a unanimous nomination by the great party of the constitution, the madness of the factiqns will rage in vain. They wilt retire discom fited from all the assaults they may adven ture upon our candidate, and with a repeti tion of the lesson heretofore given on more than one occasion by the American people, that detraction of the great and good men of the republic is as profitless as dishonora ble. I have characterized the organizations op posed lo us as fatliont, and that this lerm ac curately describes them is manifest. Mr. Madison, in the Federalist, says:—"by a fac tion I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a mi nority of the whole, who are united and ac tuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or lo the permanent and aggregate interests of the community." It will not be difficult to prove that this is a faithful de scription of the existing Republican, Aboli tion and American organizations, and as fac tions aro justly odious the application of it to them puts them under the ban of enlightened public opinion. As to the American order, bigotry the most unjustifiable underlies it, and it might be de nounced as a monstrous conspiracy against equal rights and toleration l were it not that •wertain ridiculous aspects it presents lend to mitigate indignation and inspire contempt.— Adopting the opinion of Weiehaupt, the founder of the Illuminati, that "every secret engagement is a source of enthusiasm," its authors established it in oaths and privacy, and, in fact, undertook to contend against Catholicism upon a plan of aolion thoroughly Jesuitical. The order of the Jesuits was a secret association, in which the members were bound by solemn forms of initiation, and was established with the double object of missionary service and the repression of heresy. The sincerity of motive actuating those who projeoled it, (which may be con ceded without embarrassment,) did not pre vent its degeneracy into an engine of mis chief and evil. Originating in fanatical im pulses, it was destined, from its very consti tution, to become an instrument of ambition, intrigue, corruption and tyranny. Singularly enough, those who have been most eloquent amongst us in denunciation of jesuitism, are those who, acting upon its principles, would establish the agency of secrecy and oaths to control opinion, the polioy of the government and the rights of the citizen ! But freedom has dever prospered with such aids, nor evil ever been repressed by them. Freedom is open, bold and manly. All its triumphs have been won in the face of day, and by unsworn defenders. It degenerates or dies when it comes to use the weapons of mystery and deceit, and to rely upon formal obligations for the devotion of its followers. Truth and Right—God and our Country. The partial abandonment of secrecy by the American lodges, is an unwilling but nec essary concession to the spirit of the age ; but the inevitable result of it must be their dis bandment and the absorption of their mem bership into other organizations. But, mean time, much evil is done the effects of which will long endure. Doubtless some religious societies and persons receive a stain which if not indelible should be felt as a wound at a vital point. The apparent opportunity ol dealing a blow at popery was a fatal tempta tion to many devout and zealous men who should have remembered the injunction a gainßt "doing evil that good may come," and the admonition "that they who take the sword shall perish by it." Nothing can be clearer to an intelligent and dispassionate ob server, than that the mode adopted by them for putting down or crippling an obnoxious seot, must always fail of its object and recoil injuriously upon those concerned in it. Nor are the effects of Know Nbthingism upon morals to be overlooked. The cam paign of 1840 was justly denounced as de moralizing by reason of the tactics adopted to insure success. Moderation and truth were discarded and under the phrensy of the lime, created by interested and unscrupulous interests, a scene at once disgraceful and in jurious was presented to the world. But that scandal was temporary and did not rest in a syalenf deliberately established for the de bouchment, of the people. But 'American ism, (so called,) originated in "malice afore thought was concocted with deliberation, and systematized into an instrument of sec tarian and political aggression, upon modes of procedure copied from the worst of the al leged abuses of with sacred obligations as the playthings of ambi tion, interest and imposture. For the first time in the history of the country, falsehood became the chosen principle of a party; de ceit was inculcated as a virtue, and its prac tice secured by oaths. The consciences of a million of men were put under bdnds of crecy and obedience, by which they were to be wielded and controlled at the pleasure of leaders as fallible as themselves, and tempt ed by all the seductions of ambition, passion and interest to abuse- their power. Is it not evident that the morale of the country must suffer grievously in the carrying out of such a system and in the results which it produ ces? Take one feature-of the plan—that of oaths. Ido not stop to iuquire whether such obligations are criminal ID point of law, (al though that question lies Within the field of debate,) but whether they aM not demoraliz ing. An oath consists in the oaifiing of the Supreme Being to witness the truth of an as serted fact, or the binding force of an assum ed obligation. It brings to bear upon human action a sanction the most tremeudous, con' necling itself with the hopes and fears of the future and with the invoked presence of Ihe Almighty. Not lightly or causelessly is this high and solemn invocation to be made, and perhaps the occasions when it is permissible should be prescribed by the laws. At all events its limit, in use, should be to cases of necessity and charity and thus its solemnity and force be upheld and insured. Oaths ate degraded when they become common, and may even become scandalous in the mouth of one to whom they are habitual. Now Americanism liasscatlered oaths broad cast over the land, and those too neither of necessity or benevolence, nor recognized by constitution or statute, but in 'derogation of both. No one oonlends that ihey are bind ingin law, and I think it clear that they are not binding in morals. Bat ill informed, and ten der consciences are entrapped, and thousands find their engagements impelling them in one direction and ibeir convictions of public duty in another. This struggle between duty and conscience, however determined, is to the abasement of freemen and leaves behind it the sting of self reproach. By large masses such obligations will be broken, as is proved by what has taken place and is taking place around us. Some break away from them with reluctance and doubts, while others spurn them with contempt. But to each class they constitute an influence and a recollec tion for evil, and the example presented to the community will be misconceived to the injuryof many. So true is this, that that man would be a public benefactor, who, with abilities and leisure for the work, would ex plore fully this question of obligation in extra ! judicial oaths and would plainly demonstate to Ihe popular mind their futility and immor al tendency. Many honest men would there by be relieved of harassing doubts, und the casting off of fetters forged by craft and folly would appear to all, as it really is, a work of duty, virtue and patriotism. Upon this point I may dwell a moment.— Uosseau exclaims "that to keep a criminal oath is 'o commit a second crime," and a greater author has pronounced that "no one can be compelled to do a dishonorable ao tion even though bound by oath to its per formance." Dr. Paley slates the following position that "as the obligation of a prom ise depends on the circumstances under which it was made, it oannot be enforced if it was unlawful at the time in which it was made, or if it has become ao since, or if it was extorted: * * * promises are not binding where the performance is unlawful * * * there may he guilt in making such promises, but there can be none in breaking them : and moreover, if in the in terval between Ihe promise and its perform ance, any illegality presents itself, the prom ise ought to be broken to which he adds, in another place, that "promissory oaths are not binding, where the promise itself without the oath would not be binding." Milton in Ihe fifth chapter of his work on Christian Doctrine propounds similar sentiments and defines unlawful oaths to be those, "ol which the purport iB unlawful, or which are exaoted from ue by one to whom they cannot be law fully taken." Now oaths administered with* out legal authority, by persons not qualified and under circumstances which amonut to duress ; which oblige to the performance of acts inconsistent with the duties of a citizen, and whioh constitute the bond of a union or conspiracy against the constitutional rights and equality of a portion of the people, are as plainly within the condemnation of the doctrines quoted, as they are hostile to the spirit and nature of republican institutions. In a word, they are unlawful and therefore invalid, because unwarranted and against ex isting rights ; nor can their extent, or the lact that those who administer and those who lake them go unpunished, change tjieir es sential character. Lei, therefore, the sincere, patriotic men who have joined the American party without due reflection, abandon it at once and forev er, without regard to void obligations or en gagements, and act hereafter with the great national Democratic, and truly American party, opposed to proscription and sectional ism, and to all new fangled notions and isms in political action. This is the best amends they can roske for the error into which they have fallen, and from which, as good citizens, they should extricate themselves as speedily as possible. But another topic demands notice. We are required to turn our attention to the ge ography of the country. For the first lime in our. history a formidable parly appears, locateJ exclusively in one part of the Union and inspired bj resentment and distrust of another pait. We are required to renew our school-boy studies on the subject of Slate boundaries and location. What is predicated of parly in one region is not true in another. I The old and remarkable feature in political struggles ol almost every township and neigh borhood throughout the United States being divided, and not often unequally divided, between political patties, ho longer exists.— A parly appears, struggling for triumph and presumptuous of success, without an electo ral ticket in fifteen Stales, or the intention of forming one therein except for purposes of bravado or insult, and resting its hopes ol success in pitting one section, as such, a gainst another. All the arts by which ani mosities between neighboring Slates and countries are blown into a flame, are resort ed to. And we havp the impudent and dis graceful spectacle of an attempt to destroy the spirit of harmony and mutual good will which is the very lite of the Union and the pledge of its perpetuity. In view of this, let us cast our eyes over the country and see where the lines ol division naturally fall, and the character of that separation of parts which if not formally proposed may be re garded as possible. Two remarkable mountain ranges separate the United Stales into three parts, and give each of these parts peculiar and distinct features. Sixteen Stales lie along the At lantic, abutting upon the Alleghenies, and comprise the seal of most of the wealth and power of the Union. They sllflch through twenty degrees of latitude and present great varieties of productions and striking diver sities of race, climate and scenery. Early settled, mo6t densely populated, their names connected with signal historic events, they are the leading and dominant States of the : Union. Passing beyond the first great moun -1 lain chain Ihe richest and mosl extensive valley of the world opens out before our vision. Between us and the far distaut ac clivities of the Stony or Rocky Mountains are interposed majestic rivers, broad prairies and plains, forests, farms and piantaiions, the seats of advancing civilization and pow er. This great valley, consisting of fourteen States and three Territories, is entire, united in its whole extent by the hand of nature, the course of settlement and Ihe brilliant hopes of the futnre. The Pacific side of the continent, just rising into notice and conse quence, consists of a single Stale and four territories and its leading features are the coast range of mountains, the strip of land interposed between it and the ocean, and the plains and valley's inland. Thus our country presents three great divisions, the bounds between which run north and south, indicating that political divisions, if they are to occur, should be of a corresponding character. No line of division running east and west corresponds with natural bound ariea, or can in any event be permitted. To break the long stretch of Atlantic const com municated, divide the Mississippi valley by a cross line and sever connection between Ihe regions drained by the Columbia and those drained by the Saciamento, is not a project of folly merely but of madness; nor if entertained would such division terminate the process of disruption. It would proba bly go on until half a dozen governments would suoceed the single government of the Union, und the country would be parcelled out of the advantage of ambitious aspirants aud the general detriment of the people.— Our own State from a central State would become a border one, subject to the shock of war if it arose between the fragments of the Uninn and a theatre wiihin which na tional disputes would be settled by the arbit rament of the sword. Far different has hitherto been our cureer. Instead of divisions, extension; a going out and spreading abroad of our institutions and national power instead of a contrary process; a deepening and strengthening of the foun dations of our greatness with the onward course of the years.' Large parts of oar ter ritory have been acquired since the organi zation of our government by the sagacity of our fathers or the precipitation opon us of recent events. Indian title to large districts (by the way, one ol the lowest and most imperfect of all titles,) has been obtained by the general government and in common with our ether acquisitions has been or is held in trust by-it for the common use and advantage of all the States or rather of the people tbeie of. By the extinguishment of Spanish title in the Floridas we obtained not merely land for extended settlement, but a valuable coaat line for national security. By tbe acquisition of Louisiana and Texas we obtained control of the mouths of our great river, of the great streams that are connected with It, in a com. mon system of out let, and of soil, the fertil ity and capacity of which required enter prising American skill for their development. 1 lie purchase qf Louisiana was an act testing upon grounds of high necessity and policy, the commanding, imperative character of which can now be seen by the humblest citizen. The extension of our limits still far ther west toward the Pacific I think was also without reproach, justified by the most weighty reasons, and of incalculable value to civilization and the national welfare.— Since the thirteen colonies after a common struggle and urged by common interests and necessities united together, we have gone on step by step toward the west, removing from our faith the jurisdiction of other govern ments and the wigwams of savage tribes, until the leet ol our brethren pftss the golden sands ol the Pacific, and from ports opening toward the setting sun. Commerce com mences to hold intercourse with the oldest countries of the earth, and the fornMr seats of opulence and power. Whose jfe does not kindle, whose heart does not beat proud ly in view of this spectacle? With hesitation and doubts, but with reliance upon Provi dence and -some confidence in the people oL the American States as superior to those ol former republics, the sages of 1787 united the Atlantic Slates then organized, und com menced the experiment of free government which is still going.on amongst us. Not without difficulty; not wilhout labor and ef fort was their work accomplished. The at tentive student only can duly appreciate that period in our history. The common sympa thies, and if you please passions, of the rev olution were necessary to the work, which otherwise would scarcely have been accorm plished, or so well accomplished upon mere I considerations ol interest. Nor is their work to be preserved by the force of mere material considerations. The just and generous spirit with which they acted, must alill inanira mJ direct us, In order that their work be preserve ed and all the beneficent results of it within our reach be secured. There are certaih features in our American experiment which have never been duly con sidered. Never in the history of the world were so many different races brought together in tbe same community and made to live ! and act together without constraint or ar.y external influence whatsoever. The whole ; process has been voluntary, and eminently ' successful. Discord has been kept down, I internal peace preserved, industry made | secure in its legitimate gains, labor stimulated ir.to unexampled activity and ita fruits dis | Iributed among the population upon principles ol equality that have never heretofore ob tained in the history of governments, at least I for any considerable period; and in short, all , the blessings of civilization and all the ad | vantages of great nation* I power have been ' enjoyed by a people whose lineay may be traced directly back to a dozen nations ol the old world. That peace should have been so long maintained among these virions sorts of inhabitants and their utmost capacities for improvement and progress been developed, is to the credit of our system and proves its excellency. These populations have not been | crushed together by military force nor united by fanatical impulse, nor been kept together 1 by a common struggle against a foreign power. The peculiar beauty and merit of the fact is, that it rests on voluntary action— the uncoerced choice and determination of all the individuals concerned. We have ' nearly overthrown the long established ' falsehood, that men cannot live except under | powerful restraints from the civil power, and the demonstration has been made, in part, with what would have been described as unpromising tnd discordant materials. In the next place, never before were so many religious socts established in the same country, in other words never were a peo ple ao much divided in opinion regarding religious affairs and worship. Unity of faith has not been accomplished though striven for by overy sect (each desirous of making its own faith the standard of uniformity,) nor is it apparently to be obtained within any reasonable period, or until some great change occurs in existing conditions. We have suc ceeded, however, in holding the various religious organizations in tolerable harmony, and their respective capacities for useful ness have been directed powerfully to the education and improvement of the people. Whore else upon the face of the earth was there ever seen such a number of religious societies working separately and yet in con cert to the public good, and without the slightest interference or direction from the government of the country? No one of our sects is allied to the State, or the object of either State patronage or hostility. Each and all are left to pursue their own courso, so far as government is concerned, without receiving its assistance or incurring its hos tility. The attempt recently made to em broil the civil power in religious disputes is fast dying out and will he seen, in the re sult, to have been a signal failure. Very rarely has a country under a single government been as extensive as ours.— [Two Dollars per Annnn. NUMBER 26. I The contrasts of climate, production and scenery which it affords aro extreme. Our territory abuts upon the two main oceans of the globe; its northern parts approach the regions of severe cold, while its southern lie within the heated tropics. But instead ol any part oi the country having broken off from us, additions to it have been re peatedly made in a peaceful and proper manner without convulsion and by consent of all who have been attached to us. '. he provinces of Rome came by conquest and were held by force, and all other govern ments over extended territory have been founded in violence, injustice and nmbition. Ours is the first instance of great extension by peaceful and voluntary means. And it differs from others also, in this, that all its parts remain united not by compulsion but of choice. All wealih is the product of labor, and the great wealth of our country, created in a short period from its settlement, indicates industry, skill and perseverance in the peo ple. A greater amount of labor by an equal number has never been performed else where ia all history. Attendant upon this fact of industry has been an enterprising and inventive spirit which has given wings to production and hurried us on yet more rapidly in our race. But we have both ser vile and free labor. The former extends through fifteen States, the latter in the re mainder; and it is upon this fact, or rather upon questions growing out of it, that the attempt is now being made to organize po litical parties. Greatly is it to be desired that it should fail ignominiously and finally, for it is full of danger and evil and without a redeeming feature. Political parties have always existed in free States and have exited with us from our first attempts in constitutional govern ment. They are probably inseparable from free institutions, and, at all events, may be expected to continue ftmongst us. But his tory teaches us that by their corruptions and violence many good governments have been overthrown and blasted and destroyed. With us they have never here tofore seriously menaced our national exist ence or welfare. But if they should come to correspond exactly with geographical di visions of the country, the case would be widely different. But without proceeding further in this lino of remark, let us inquire what particular leading feature in our sys tem distinguishes it from most others and corioiitnten its peculiar excellence. The. an. swer in short is, its allowance of local govern ment for local concerns. The school district, township, county, borough, city and state, manage respectively their own affairs in their own way and at their own pleasure.— No officials from abroad are put upon them to dictate to, or oppress them. No costly and corrupt government from adistant point, lays upon them its heavy hand to oppress or to plunder them. The life of the govern ment instead of locating itself at a central point is in all parts, and with equal vigor in all parts. State governments aro largely curbed and limited by constitutions, and the powers of the national government are cautiously and sparingly dealt out to it in an instrument which indicates throughout a fear that extensive powers would be abused. The people hold in their own hands largo powers which they have never granted, re tain extensive control over government state or national, and through the various munici pal organizations or bodies in each State se cure the transaction of such business as per tains to each locality. The division and subdivisions of political power, the retention of popular control over all government es tablishments, and the reservation by the people in their own hands of all powers not strictly necessary to government purposes, are the features of our system that have caused its success, and if maintain ed will insure its continuance. Our boundaries may be extended from one ocean to the other, as they have been, and from the great northern lakes to Mexico, without daager because along with the ex tension and with the course of settlement there goes tho principle of local government for all local concerns. And this is the prin ciple of the Nebraska bill. It is strictly, logically in accordance with our system, and therefore through good and through evil re port is to be defended and maintained. No misconception or clamor, no seduction of intorest, no invocation to peace, must cause its abandonment. By its enactment, what ever may be said to the contrary, we stand by the old landmarks of principle and vin dicate our American system from a palpa ble and pernicious error. A mistake was made in 1820, in the as sumption and exercise by Congress of leg islative power over unsettled territories, and it arose in this manner: Missouri ap plied for admission as a State with every reasonable claim to admission under that cL.use of the constitution which provides for the admission of new States without other condition than that their constitutions shall be republican. Resistance was how ever made to her admission and a slavery agitation begun which Was disposed of by a provision prohibiting slavery in territory west of the proposed State. This wasscarce ly an act of legislation, for it had no practical effect and in fact nover has operated for a single moment upon any human being. It was a congressional declaration looking alone to the future and dependant for its effect up on future events, it effected the State of Mis souri then to be admitted in no way whatev er, and it could not affect the territory Wist of it until that territory came to be settled. It was therefore simply a congressional dec-