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THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
B. W . Weaver* PreprleUr.] VOLUME 9. THE STAR OF THE NORTH IS PUBLISIIKD liVKRY WEDNESDAY MOHNINO BY R. IV. WEAVER, OFFlCE— Upstairs, in the new brick build ing, on Ike south side oj Main Street, Ikinl square below Market. TERMS:-! 'wo Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re reived for a less period than six months; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages •re paid, unless at the option of the editor. AnviißTWMiiMTt not exceeding one square Will be inserted three times for One Dollar, •ml twenty five cents for each additional in • eeition. A liberal discount will bo made to those who advertise by the year. ATI) out PoeitQ. MFC IS lIUT A SPAN. Life is but a span—of horses; One is "Age," the other is "Prime," Up and down the hill our course is; "Go in" ponies—"make your time." Boyhood plies the whip of pleasure; Youthful folly gives a stroke ; Manhood goads them at his leisure— "Let 'em rip, they're tough as oak." "Hive! there the stakes we'll pocket, To the wind let cam be sent; Time. 2.4o—"whip in socket;" "Give 'em string and let 'em went." On the sunny road to fifty, "Prime" is drowned in Lethe'* stream ; "Age" is left, old utul thrifty ; Life then proves "a one-liorseteam." "Ace jog* on, grows quite unsteady, lleels and slackens in his pace, "Kick* the bucket," always ready, "Give it up"—Death wins the race. Fbr Ike Star oj Ike A'otfA LETTER FROM DELAWARE. Mn.KOHry (DM,) JULY 2, 1857. Mr. Weaver—Dear Sir: It is familiar to your readers that there was once such a •character as tho "Milford Bard." Now this same "Bard" was a native of this town; his name was LolUand, and his mother and family reside here .still. Though not equal in mental power to O. F. Johnson and K. A. Poo. Our boy* arc thoroughly disgusted with the lax notions, and loose habits which pre vail here, and which have made drunkards of some but little older than themselves. But this is too much tho oaso in all villages, oven lit Pennsylvania. I have ju*t returned from an excursion ioto Maryland. Let the rentier take an At las and look at Worcester County. Tho bay that presents on the coast isSinepuxcnt und wear* the general appearance of all the coast. The oceean rolling its consoles* surf upon a short) of clean white sand, and the mainland side of the bay a narrow skirt of meadow (saltgrass) beautiful to tho eye. and firm to the tread, down to the water's edge. The tongtio of land between thn bay und ocean is only drifting sand, without a tree or shrub of any kind and loss than half a mile in width. The land along Sine puxent Bay and west of it across tho penin sula, is very fine. Wealth and ease, and abundance abound : and yet the system of farming is very dejeetive. Clover is sown quite extensively, and sonto timothy; but no hay is made—and no idea of that system of rotation, by which tho Peunsylvanian holds his nianuro heap and clovor-sod in a just relation -with his wheat and corn crops Oats are extensively sown—l saw fields of fifty acros, and very fine. I ant satisfied frpm what I learned, that wheat is a more certain crop in that region (as it is here) than in Pennsylvania, and yet little account comparatively is made of it, —a Jorge farm er having old wheat enough to last him, will skip a year—sow no wheat for a year. No rye or buckwheat is sown. Potatoes do well, and are raised in abundance. Those who attend to lite subject properly have line hones, cattle and sheep. Some I saw in each of theso departments, quite equal to any production in your own county. Properly speaking, they have no barns.— On the farm, near the house of one gontle raan, I counted eighteen outhouses. This same gentleman, twenty years ago built three frzrns— tho whole cost of tho whole three was S6O. The farm work is done almost entirely by slaves, and if our fanatics of the North would go there and look after a downtrod den and oppressed race, they would fail to find it. There is no such people there. I have urged gentlemen of your county, and elsewhere, to visit this region and see the inducements there are for men seeking a new location for themselves and families, to come here. I have described the soil; represented the facts in relation to the water, the hoalth, the market, and all that sort of thing—the price of land &c., but with very little effect. Well, —n' importe. Men of capital are gradually getting possession of farms here, and so are inflicting upon this country a substantial injnry. Land misers are the curses of this country. In process of time a certain old gentleman with his ♦harp scythe cuts away these obstacles and 'brings these large estates into market. As work goes on constantly, no doubt the thing will all be done up right in the end— | 'and so your humble correspondent will not bother his head any more on the subject. The disorganization and demoralization of the whig party by 'Native Americanism' is having a good effect in all this region, confirming and strengthening the Democra cy more and more. n. s. A FaiKTx U's TOAST.— fVoman —the fairest work of creation The edition being exton sive, let no man be without a copy. BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY. PA., WEDNESDAY. AUGUST 5, 1857. ADORBsS TilK DEMOCRATIC STATU COMMITTEE. To Ike Cilitene of Pennttflwmui .-—lt has been usual for the State Committee, repre senting the Democratic party of Pennsylva nia, to address the people of the State pend ing important elections. In conformity with this usage, which may be regarded as settled and salutary, we submit the following ad dress : The Democratic State Convention, upon the second day of March last, and at its re assembling in June, made nominations for the offices of Governor, Canal Commissioner ! and Judge of the Supreme Court. I For Governor, General Packer, of f.ycom j ing, was named, after a spirited oftntsNtt; and ' his nomination was then unanimously and ! rightfully confirmed. He has been long I well known throughout the State; has filled a number of reeponsible and important poai , tiona in Ihe State Government, and hae es tablished a public eherncter whioh strongly recommends the popular confidence. We conceive it to be a material qualification for this high office, that the incumbent shall be well acquainted with the practical workings of the government—with the course and character of legislation—the details of busi ness in the several executive departments— and with the public men of the Common wealth, who have filled, or may fill, the va rious posi'ions created by the Constitution and laws. The contrast, in this respect, be tween our candidate and the candidates ol the opposition, is too strongly marked to es cape general notice, and it is but necessary to allude to it to show the vantage ground hold by our party in the prcse it canvas*.— It may be asserted that the Convention have named "the right man lor the right place," i and that their nomination deserves popular I endorsement il regard i* had to qualifies [ lions and experience. J It is agreeable to add, that our candidate j has a solid and reputable character in pri ! vatc lile, and thai his estimable qualities have endeared him to a largo circle ol friends who ran enter upon his support with I feelings of enthusiasm a* wvll as with con victions of duty. Wo do not desire to draw [ strongly the contrast which it is possible lo : draw, hciwcnn our candidate and his leading j opponent. Judge Wilmoi has had a career I as a public man which has given him no toriety without inspiring confidence. Imper- I feclly acquainted with the practical action of ! the Slalo government; without experience | either ill the legislative or executive depart | mcuts; with but a limited knowledge of pub- I lie men and Slate atlairs beyond his immit ! diate locality.—ho is presented upon a com paratively remote national issue, and as the candidate of a bitter sectional parly whioh received a merited defeat at the recent Pros idential election. It is not believed thai his career in Congress exhibited any high ca pacity to promote the interests of the people of Pennsylvania, and it is certain that hi* recent conrso in the < ffico ho now holds, has been calculated lo lowor the judicial charac ter by connecting it with extreme and violent partisan disputes. Kim rod Strickland, of Chcstor county, was named by the Convention for Canal Com missioner. He need* no recommendation at ! our hands, for his integrity, firmness and ca pacity are not disputed and are widely recog nized. It will be a pleasure for those who belong to our party, and for all who desire to consult fitness and merit in bestowing their , suffrages, lo give him their cordial support. By reason of the declination, by Chief Jus lice Lewis, of the re-nomination tendered him by the Convention, and the calling of Judga Kla>'k to the post of Attorney General in the National administration, tho Conven tion, upon its re-assembling in June, found the duty devolved upon it of naming two candidates for the Supreme Bench, William j Strong, ol Berks County, a distinguished member of the Bar, ar.d formerly a member of Congress, and James Thompson, of Erie, also a lormer Member of Congress, once a President Judge of the Common Pleas, an ex-Member of the Legislature, and a pro found and successful lawyer, were selected | by the Convention. Their locations are suit-1 able, giving both to the East and West a - representation upon the ticket, and their learning and integrity well qualify tbem to , discharge the aiduous and responsible duties j of the highest judicial position under our! Constitution. ( Such is the ticket formed by the delegates representing the Democratic party, and sup port of it is confidently asked in view of ihe character of the nominations. Hut confi dence and support is also invited upon the general grounds of policy and principle upon which our party aland. Ours is no new, un tried, vindiciive, sectional, or suspicious or ganization. It has been tried; it is bold and open in conduct; it is magnanimous, patriot ic and national. Founded more than half a century ago by the author of the Declaration of Independence, it has had a distinguished history, has ordinarily given direction to the administration of public affairs, and planting itself early, end throughout it* whole career, upon a strict construction of the Constitution, and a sparing use of the powers of Govern ment, has preserved our American system from degeneracy and failure. The usefulness of organized parties is sometimes denied and oftencrdoobted. But in view of historical facts it csnnot well be questioned that (hey are inoident to free governments, and arise of necessity under their operation. An inquiry, however, into the nature of political parlies end the causes which produce tliem, can scarcely be ex pected to eonslitut* the subjiot of a fugitive address. It will be sufficient,lot present pur pos* us.-nrt the necessity of our party lo check ihe evil and dangerous influences to which our political system i* liable, and against which it is impossible that written constitutions 0011 sufficiently guard. Doubt less our constitutions exhibit the wisdom of those who framed them, and the amend ments to which they have been subjected have rendered them more complete and per-, feet than they were at lirst. But a constitu tion can only be an out'.ino for the action of government, (besides providing for its estab lishment,) and by construction it may be made to mean almost anything the political authorities for the time being may choose.— It is a ehsrt given lo direct tlio vessel of slate, whioh can have little e(loot upon the voyage unless those in command choose to faithfully interpret and observe it* counsel.— A party organization, therefore, founded up on right principles of constitutions! construc tion and powerfully and constantly influenc ing offioinl action, may bo regarded as neces sary. It is, in shott, absolutely required to give a just and consistent direction to gov ernment, both in cases dependent upon con struction ol the constitution and in eases whore the constitution is silent. Besides, the instability of political notion in republic is u reproach to which they have been often sub jected, and is the objection 10 them which has had greatest weight with profound and independent thinkers in the old world and the new. But this instability, which arises principally from individual ambition, the self ishness of classes, and lite fluctuations of opinion, is to a great anient cheeked and prevented by the predominance of a party lonnded upon clear and sound principles of public policy, and acting constantly with refetettce to them. Now, tho Democratic party is simply the representative of a school of opinion, and its crccd is given it by tlioso who founded nnd have subsequently supported A The great men who have spoken and acted for it, and whoso names will remain stamped prominently upon tho history of (ho country, have been men ol strong, clear and sound views of our system of government, and of the rules upon which its administration should proceed. Our parly is the product of their effort*; the instrument for accomplish ing lltn ends they proposed, and it remains it monument of their sagacity, foresight and patriotism. The held that over-action in government was a great evil—tho moat difficult lo bo ' guarded against, and thsreroro die most dan gerous—and that both within and without the Constitution powerful guard* against it wore required. Proverbial language conveys the idea in declaring that "tho world is gov erned 100 much," and that "that govern i meet is host which govern* least;" and pliil | osophicnl reasoning attains tho same rosult, i in concluding, that government, being tho I creature ol necessity, is limited by thencces | silios which create it. nnd i* not to be ox ( tended beyond them. Tho Democratic par- I ty ha* therefore held, and holds, thai Con stitution shall receive a strict construction; that government shall exercise no powers not clearly delegated lo it, and that in cases ! of doubt as to the policy of n par'icular meas ure, tho conclusion shall bo ngainst it. In | short, that public power shall not be exerted j except where a cloar warrant and muuifest utility authorize and justify it. The powerful f and we should think salu tary) operation of this doctrine appears throughout the history ol the National and State Governments, and tlio occasional de parture* from it stand as beacons lo warm and not as examples to follow. To illustrate our remarks, we well refer briefly lo a number of measures of public policy heretofore proposed to the general or State Government, and upon which divisions ol opinion have existed among public men and parties. They will aflord data for judg ing the value of the Democratic doctrine on the subject of government powers and poli cy, ol which we have spoken. First —A bank created by the General Government, owned, in part by it, and in tended for the regulation ol the currency, and to afford facilities to commerce and business. This measure was resisted, and all recent attempts tore-establish sttch an institution have been put down, upon the very grounds above stated. Second —lnternal Improvements to be con structed at the charge of' the national treas ury, to facilitate internal trade, and assist In developing jhe material resources of particu lar sections. Mo clear authority for outlays of this description appearing, and the mani fest dangers to whfch they lead being appa rent, the action of our Federal Government on this subject has beeu rightfully and wise ly arrested. Third —Fxcessive duties upon imports, to (ho extent of prohibition upon their importa tion, or to the production of revenne beyond the legitimate wants of government. The federal power of imposing duties being for the expressed object of Government support and the liquidation of public indebtedness, its exercise for an ontirely different object would seem unwarranted, and would bo un just to interests or individuals against whom a discrimination is thus produced. There fore it is, that against much misconception and the opposition of powerful interests, the doctrine of limited and reasonable duties has been sternly, and, upon the whole, suc cessfully upheld. Fourth —The distribution of moneys from the national treasury among the States, be lieved to be equally unwarranted with the preceding measure*, and inevitably tending to the production of speculation and oxlrava gnnnn in the States, has also been resisted. Truth and Right Clod ant onr Country. and except upou a single occasion, prevent ed. Fifth— A rankrupt act, dissolving tho re lations of debtor and creditor in a manner and to an oxtent unauthorized by Ihe Con stitution, disastrous to private rights, injuri ous to morals, and to tho encouragement, mainly, of one of the least meritorious class es of society—the speculator nnd spendthrift. Willi hot haste and under die lush ol public opinion, the very anthers of such an act >n 1842 were coerced into its repeal. Sixth —Appropriations of publto moneys or lands, to object* of doubtful constitution ality or utility; connected with which, may be mentioned tho allowanna of claims, in sufficiently established or unjust. Tim Dem ocratic principles strikes as decisively at all projects lor assailing the treasury, for an in* dividual class, or a section, in the absence of clear right to justify the demand, as it does at other unwarranted or duubilul meas- Seventh —The execciso of jurisdiction by the General Government over slavery lit the territories, lo the exclusion of local decision* thereon. Legislation by Congress upon sla very beyond the ox ores* requirement a* to return of fugitives, is to bo doubted, and if regard is had to high judicial decision, ex pressly denied, a* it valid excroisool power. And il* inexpediettry is yet more plainly manifest, in view of the dangerous dispute* which such action inevitably produce*. Most clearly, therefore, i* it to be deprecated and opposed, upon the general domino of non action by government in doubtlul cases. I Kiphlh —The establishment of corporations, either excessive u* to number or vested with inordinate powers or privileges; and especial ly for pursuits er business within tho roach of individual moans and -kill. Under which head is to bo particularly noted, the charter ing ol Bank* bey nnd tho business wants of the community, locating them tit point* with out adequate commerce or exchange* to afford legitimate occupation, and failing to impose upon them such guards against abuse nnd. Iraitd as are demanded by experience.— Tho recent resolution on this subject by our Stale Convention, but indicate* the well con sidered position ol our party and its policy for tho future. Ninth —The authorizing of municipal sub scriptions to railroad* ami other corporate bodies to tho encouragement of speculation, corruption and tho accumulation ol public debts. Tito proposition now belorti tho peo ple lor tin' nnionttmnm of tbo Constitution to prevent till* in future, is but in affirmance of the principle wo Itavr been considering; for the decision of a divided Court in lnvor of legislative power lo authorize such subscrip tions tin* not romovod all doubt*, and Itn* loft tho powerful objoctinn* lo the system, upon ground* ol expediency, untouched ami irrcstsUtble. Tenth —Tho salo or surrOpder by Govern ment, in whole or in part, of tiny of its con stitutional powers confided to it by the poo pie. The attempt to do this in llto lale act for the sale nf tho Moin TJno of the Public Works; an attempt which wis denounced by the Slate Convention, and has since been pronounced unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, may be cited under this head, and de served that reprobation wliicn it has generally received. Eleventh —Sumpluaty laws, by which dress, food, drink, equipage, or other like concern of use, habit or fashion, is coerced. The in terference of law in such cases would seem to bo unueoful, and is of doubtful authority. Twelfth —Finally, measures directed against a class or sect, and intended to degrade them or limit their civil privileges. It is affirmed that neither religious belief nor birth place will furnish grounds for ostracism or a denial of common right. Such are some of the leading measures up on which political divisions have taken platfe, and on their careful examination it will be seen, that they can all be resolved into the general question whether the powers and ac tion of government shall be extensive or lim ited. And if wc should pursue the subject furl her, this view of the fundamental ground of difference between public men and parties would be but confirmed and strengthened. We are left then to choose sides i the strug gle between power and liberty—between a government that meddles and one that ab stains—between political New Englandism and the Virginia doctrines of 1798. Neutral ity is not possible, for almost every public question that arises compels us to a choice between contending parties, anJ the schools of opinion which they respectively represent. It has been fashionable for apostates from our party to claim that they retained their principles unchanged, and oven opposing par ties occasionally advance pretensions to the faith and doctrines of Jefferson. How un founded suoh pretensions are, whether ad vanced by apostate or party, will jppear from considering the measures of public policy they propose and support. If we find tbem lavoring new projects of doubtlul right or ex pediency, contending for extensive jurisdic tion for government, and scoffing at constitu tional scruples as "abstractions," we may be sure they are no deciples ef the philanthropist, philosopher and statesman who founded our party, and who wrote to Edward Livingston as late as 1824, to endorse the sentiment, that "if we have a doubt relatitro to any pow er, we ought not to exeteise it." Much mote may we deny their dtscipleehlp,if we find their measuteiconnected with intolerance in religion, proscription of adopted citizens, or aggresaioua upon territorial or ute rights, which ie manifestly a no* description, at thia moment, of the parties oppoaed to **. This (so-called) Uepubliceu patty make* high pictcuMuu* aud challenge* then caatu- ina'.iou—but there can be little difficulty in determining their character and value, and assigning the parly which holds them its true position beforo tho public. Especially will it bo a work of oasn, to oxplodc its pretension to tho sound opinions os held by former lle pitblican Presidents, and to bring it within tho condemnation which liny directed against the herelicnl movement* of tho limes in which they lived. Tho resistance made about 1820, to tho ad mission ol Missouri into the Union, was sim ilar lo lltn recent conduct of tlinse who mis deacr'tbe themselves tut Ilepublicans. In both case* the proposition was, that Congress should prohibit sluvery in territories (oi rattan il lo be prohibited) prior to their admission ias Mala*. Tho argument against this was staled by Madison, in tho Walsh letters, un der till (ho high sanctions which his abilities and his position as the leading author of tho Constitution, could confer upon it. And il is as well established as ar.y historical lact can bo, that Mr. Jefferson was opposed to Ihe Missouri ngitution throughout, and to prohi bitions ol slavery by Congressional coercion a* then proposed. Ilis celebrated letter lo | John Holmes, dated ?2d April. 1820, furnish es conclusive proof ol this, mid confirmation of Ihe lact will be found in other parts of his published correspondence. In hi* letter to John Adnrns of December It), 180!), lie says, that, "from the battle of Bunker Hill to the treaty of Paris, wo never had so ominott* a question ; it even damps the joy with which I hear ol your high health and welcomes to mo tho want of il. I lliutik God, I shall not live lo willies* its issue." In u letter to the same, April 22d, 1821, lit) say* —"What tloe* the Holy Alliance in und out of Coiigre** in tend to do with us on the Misrouri question 1 And this, by the way, is but Ihe name ol the euso : il is only the John l)oo or Richard llos of tho ejectment. Tit* ronl question, us seen in the Stntos afflicted with this unfortunate population, is, are our slaves to he presented with freedom und n tlugger." lie suys lo Mr, Monroe, March 2d, 1820—" Tho Missouri Uucstinn i* the most portentiou* one which ever yet threatened our Union. In Ihegloom iest in inor 11 ol Ilia liavolntiotiary war, I never had any apprehension equal to 11 in I which I (ell from this wiurro." To Mr. Sliorl, April ; 13, 1820—he wrilOK —"Although I hurt luid ilown as law to myself never to write, talk, or oven think of politic* ; to know nothing of public affair* ; ami had therefore ceaaed to ] road newspapers; yot ilia Missouri queatinn aroused and tilled me with alarm. The oltl j ; solemn o( Federal nml Uepiible.au threatened nothing, hncauso it oxisted in every Stale, and milled them together by tho fraterumm of party. Hut lite coincidence of a marked principle, moral and political, with a geo graphical line, once conceived, 1 tearcd would never more bo obliterated from the mind ; that it would be recurring on every occasion, and receiving irritation", until it would kin dle such mutual and mortal hatred aa to ren der a aeparation preferable to eternal discord." Ho says to Joseph C. Cabell, January 31, '2l —"How many of your youths, she (Harvard College) how ha" /corning the lessons of .4n/i Missouri-ism, I know not; but a gentleman lately from Princeton told mo he saw a list of students at that place, and that more than hall were Virginians. These will return home no douht deeply impressed with the socred prin ciples of the Holy Alliance of Rcstrictionists' And to Gen. Breckert ridge he writes, Febru ary 11, 1821. "The line of division lately marked out between different portions of our confederaoy is such as will not soon, I fear, I he obliterated; and we are now trusting to! those who are against us in position and principle, to fashion to their own form the minds and aflections of youth. If, as has been estimated, we send three hund-ed thou sand dollars a year to the northern semina ries for the instrnction of our own sons, then ' we must have five hundred ol our sons imln- ! ling opinions and principles in discord with tho e of their own country. This canker is ea'ing on the vitals of our existence, and, if not ar rested at once, will be beyond remedy." In a letter to Madison, in reference to the Mis souri question, he declared that Ruins King, (a distinguished federalist) was 'i eidy to risk the Union for any chance of restoring his party to power, and wriggling himself to the heau of it." On another occasion, he declared the question to be a mere party trick." tnat the leaders of federalism defeated io their schemes of obtaining power, * * have changed their fact and thrown out another barrel to the whale. They are taking advantage of the virtuous feeling of the people to affect a di vision of parties by a geographical line, ex pecting that ibis will assure thm, upon local principles, the majority they could never ob tain oa principles of federalism." And. fi nally, bis letter to Gen. La Fayette, dated November. J. 1832, contains his judgment of the whole movement, expressed to bis usaa' directness and vigor. He says:— u The Hart ford Convention, the victory of Orleans, and the peace of Ghent, prostrated the cams of federalism. Its votaries sbandoue-J it through shame and mortification, aso sow can Ttl CM SELVES KKFVBUCUSS- P'si '. U ami a OH* it changed, the principles art tit sums. * * * Ou the eciipse oi federalism with us, though uol Us extinction, its leaders got up the Mis souri question, under the talse front of iee scuiug the measure of slavery .cnu the rests j vine Of proshvsng a geographical division y partus which might ensure them the next Pc* t- Jent. The people of the oorlh weal Nind- i fold into the suare, followed their leaders tot a while with a xeal tiu'j moral and laudable. > vtutil they became sensible that they we e iiqunug instead el aijutg the real interests el the slaves, that they hod intn to*, mo .y us. I k)els fbv Sutfit'H,tiirrf a*.puses AND TUAV j TRICK OR HVKH KlbVtheo Ml as quick's f 1 a* it had beeu goueu up " This i* Ihe admirable description ol the j Republican party of lltn present day—of the causes which led to it, and the objeotr of tla I founder*. The pic'tiro is drawn by Ihe hand of a muster, and represents the feature of the . subject with fidulity and oxactnes*. Ilepub licann.ni being but a reproduction ol Mi*- < souri agitation, boor* precisely the satno do- ( scriptinn, and is obnoxious to precisely the | sumo censure. And it is lo be remarked, I (hat like its predecessor—il invokes the leg- I islet inn of Congress m * <j*e of rank expe diency and doubtful power, nnd hence fall* within tho condemnation of the general principle a* lo limited action by Government, whir.lt has been a topic of this address. tint a view of modern Republicanism would be incomplete without nomu particu lar notice a* to the foriitiro of il* career.- Without tracing it* early movements ir. Ihe organization of Abolition aociobu*, tho cir culation ol incendiary matter through tho mails, agitation* by petition* to Congress, clamorous opposition in the annexation of Texas, and to ihe prnsroutiou of tho Mexican war, and tho acquisition of lerritury to which it led ; it will be sufficient to notice some wliut the Wilmot Proviso whioh procodcd, und tlio Raima* dispute which accompanied, the organization of the Republican pnrty in its present form. Tho Wilmot Proviso was offered in Con gross in 184K, ns an amendment to the war bill, and was (briefly described) n proposi tion to prohibit slavery In Mexican territory (o bo nrquired. ft created contention which continued some lour your*. Tho national harmony was disturbed and the publie bu.i --i tuixs impeded by it, until it became neces sary lor patriotic men, in Congress and onl ol n, lo unite their utmost ellorl* to restore | peuco and secure such legislation as was ab solutely necessary lor I lie territory in question j The Compromise Measure* wore therefore I passed in 1850, and eventually received the , general approval of the people. In fact, in j 1852, both tho great purlin* of tho oonntry | endorsed litem in their platform*, arid their 1 wisdom and propriety are now at a subject of general dispute. The Territory wo acquired from Mexico by the Ireuty of peace—:lio treaty of Caudalotipe Hidalgo—wn* comprised of nearly the whole now included in the State of California and the Territories ol Utah and New Mexico, and the Proviso, if it had been adopted, would lliotefore have had application solely to them. But the Proviso was never adopted or ap ! plied by Congress lo either. California was admitted into ihe Union as a Slate with the ! Constitution eho formed for herself without ar.y decision by Congress on the subject of slavery within her limit*. That was adjusted by herself in her Constitution, and by her own act therefore she entered the Union as a free Stale. In tho acts for the organization of Utah and New Mexico a* Territories, there wr re no provisions prohibiting or authorizing slavery, but it was expressly provided that they should eventually come into the Union with or without slavery, as the people of each eh</old decide, in forming Constitutions pre paratory to admisioo. Seven years have elapsed since these Territorial acta were passed, and no complaint is heard against them, nor has slavery been established in eith er territory. It is, therefore, proud that the Wilmot Proviso was wholly unnecessary to the exclusion of slavery, aod that the agita tion from 1816 to 1850 to secure itsectctmcat was a thing of arrant foity as well as of real evil. There stands the facts! no longer to be perverted or denied, and they exhibit the Proviso agitation in its true character. Not adopted, it is seen to have been unnecessary. Prorlnctivs to great mischief to the couatry in the contention and ahetia'lon it caused, it was a mere abstraction, a thing neither prac tical nor useful. A de-perate attempt was made Us! year to carry the Presidential election upon a k'is.is agitation, in which the same class of xciors appeared that did in the Misaoan agitation of I?2o—men "ready to risk the Union tor ar.y chance" of establishing their party, "and wriggling themsenas to tae bead of it." Bat. a just judgment was proaoucced upon ihe-e people ar.J their project, in the election cf Mr. Buchanan, ar.d thoy will sooa be obi. z eil to select -orae other topic cpoa which to disturb the public tranquillity, and struggle for the attainment of power Their spas modic attempts to keep up excitement with out'anjr practical or useful -beet :i view but simp'v that tney may thrive upon dis cord ar.d passion. ar even a ■ w received by the pel' ,c with a feeling bordering very nearly upon contempt. The American people a~e practical and sagac: us. They w.LI req u some practi cal g'.vd to appear in ai'T movement to w a ch they are invited : and when due ume has elapsed toe redection. they w.il t-y par ties a:d par'y measures by the stand arc of principles and cot of preurssious. The Vil mot Proviso was utterly extinguished by Webster on the Tth of March, tSoO. in the demonstration of its utility, and was theuee torth Jedvered over a? hisicr* as an impos ture : xi'd approval of he Kan-as-Nebraska act of t So 4. ha.- been growing more and more general as its eoun>nm'y to sound principle* has been examined and eeiab lisiieii. That viuMceeoaryr things shall not be done. and that the ctUaetis of each polit ical divudou of the country -it.cl dexorotine their level institution-, ate, iti fact, prepi>- si".o so rva-oitabie and uist utat u :s -u prisiag that tike* >hodii ever have been qWCslioned. 'flxree wars sgo, Uio Deuivvntijc tsirxy ot bt.ue cho-e detea. betoie da-iiouoir h cood up toe akeiauotx and -qua. rqjhis, [Two Dollars per Annua. NUMBER -30. against tho passions ami prejudice# of the time, because constitutionul nii.l just princi ploH demanded it. Ami now, with a now antagonist—tho Republican party—it still stand* in the path of duty, with its pant courao vindicated, and with tho highest claims to public coiilideiioo and favor.— Wlnl# it is not insensible to idoas of prog ress and improvement, nnd will aook to up ply tin. HO that aro practical and just, its duty us a great conservative organization to pro sorvo the principles of tho government and tho institutions of tho country from degen eracy, will not bo neglected, lit brief, if trusted it will bo trite, ami from its adminis tration of public ullairs, tlio peoplo will re ceive, as heretofore, tho "peaceable fruits" of good govern rnnnt and bonest rule. 0. R BUCK A LEW, Chairman. JNO. N. HUTCHINSON, J It. J. HvI.IIK.MAN, j Sccrt,art "- A K A NTA V ■ ny MRR/DAIICMY I'XNROCK. So close wo stood, together, So near our hearts did heat, There lay hut a single shadow On the green-sward at our foot. To their inmost soul of nzuro Hung bare the heavens on high ; Slow up through the morning brightness A mist-wreath climbed the sky. Then in tho silver silence My heart became aware Of a sound, so fine it moved not The mute and delicate air. " Is it the musical ocean. The moaning, musical sea f Or is ii a wild witch singing In the hole of die great ash-trco ? "Seven leagues awav to the northward Moan the sen-shells on the shore; No wind in tho hole of the ash-tree Kver sang this tunc heforo," Then while the fino compression Ol his arm around mo stole, I lelt how the eyes of my lover Wcro looking jnto my soul. And he sofily said, "This music Doth my heart make night and noon , Full long have I waited, weary, For thy hoart to learn the tune. " Oh, leave the wind in the ash-tree '. Oh, leave tho sun on the shore ! For our hearts shall beat this measure, Dear love, till they beat no more!" 1 bo ProgrtM ol Life. Men rejoice when the sun has risen ; they rejoice also when the sun goes down; while I they aro unconscious of the decay of their j own lives. Men rejoice ou seeing the face |of a new season,as the arrival of one greatly desired. Nevertheless the revolution of one j season is the decay of man. Fragments of drift wood meeting in the wide ocean con tinue together a little space; thus parents, 1 wives, children and friends remain with ns a short time, then separate—the separation is inevitable. No mortal can escape the common lot; he who mourns for departed relatives, has no power to cause them to re turn. One standing on the road would read ily -ay to a number of persons passing by, ' I will follow you;" why then, should per sons grieve when journeying on the tame road that Uaa been traveled by out forefa thers. Lite resembles a cataract running down with irresistible impetuosity. Know ing that the end of life is death, every right rainled man ought to pursue that which is connected with hippmeiM and ultimata bliss. Askxotso* Actuso*.—The erea 2 natu ralist was one -lay oa the Jcokont for reel hea.ii?'l woodpeckers and as very anxiooa to obtain a specimen. Seeing one Sy into a hole ia a tree a long way sp. he pulled oil hie coat and climbed ap witi that energy of his that never failed :um Pi in nig an d sweating, he reached it at last, and patting in his hands to seize the bird to his cumay a snake stuck his head oat ot the hcie and hissed in his thee. This -.vns so unexpected and frightful that Audubon let go hie hold, an I tumbled to the iuad more dead rh?i alive. H.s companion came raining to hint, and seeing the naturalist was not hart but was dreadfully frightened, said a him r Ah ' yo t are very much frightened, lec tor T' •' No, ia.u !' repueu the doctor guile ot anded. '-no sad: but if you want to see voa badiy scared snake, just you go up dare Tg U -C6I, tarr —The model lady tidts her children oar to aarse and tends lap dogs :es ut ben ull aoon: wear? paper-aoied shoes pinches her waist: gives toe piano tits, forges to pay her tmiliner. cms her poor relations. goes to church when she has a new bonnet: turns the euid shoulder to her h t-bauii. and tLrs with his : friend:' * never si v a thimble; ictt'l Itnow a darn;ug needle from a crow-bar woniiers where puddings grow: eats ham and egg* its prt vate. and dines on a pigeon' leg tn public; runs mad after -he last new htsoiotr. ioats on Byron; adores any man who grille bo hind 1 mustache, and, when aeceu the age of hoc youngest .-mid, mpuan; Don t snow indeeo—a-* Betty"' To x.ix* VLacnsaaxv wtw*.—.As this. <hw season tor blackberries, die following rseipe :br -tiatng wtne. which is •jedftrseii by sv etul oitmais. may be ot vai >u u ttw liaites; Measure your hemes aim broiaw dtwlfe, to every gallon uumg one quart f boiling water. Let he mixture scami twwatjMeur lours, <urtng iccastowaily. then *rma >d tne liq w into x cask. u every gallon ada •ug ' pounds ot sugar tfapt 'igiw, and lot staou all todowuet Q<robi *uo *oa wdl Vive wtfto wwiy 10# *e, witlKmt tin* 'her boding o. nutting, tans wul ■*'. Up* sittotck. istitaii ieet stiwuieu s.txr Xiwwtfc uiluence beiotei