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THE CENTRAL GAZETTE.
VOLUME V. CUARLOTTESVIlXE, V V. SATCTIOAV, JANUARY 22, 18 MTMKEll 258. POmtCAl HISTORY. CONSOLIDATION An account of parties inthcUnited Stctes.from the Convention of 1707, to the present period “The authority of constitutions over gov ernments, and of the sovereignty of t!.c people over constitutions, are truths which are at all times nccw'try to be kept in mind, and at no time perhaps more necessary than at the pie sent.” - PREF.iCE. What i» meantbyCon<o!i«lation ? Whatare tl»c distinctive characters of the Federal and' Anti-Federal parlies? Many persons u«e the words u ithotit any accurate ideas annexed to them To throw some light on the subject, I hive drawn up a brief history of the two par tie-, which l submit to the reader’s considera tion ; assuring him that, however I differ from the politician* who havebccn, and usually arc, called Federalists, I concede the same right to them that I take to inysclf. I lirmlv believe the majority of that party arc as intelligent, as honest, and as patriotic as their opponents ; and that the ultimate good of the country is the object of both The mode or pursuing it makes the difforencein opinion,and in conduct The following is the statement ot an Anti Fedeialist; who believes it to he true, and sub mits it to the consideration of his fellow-citi zens I le disapproves of the measures, hut gives full credit to the motives of those who differ from him. The tribunal of the public is tbc p >per Court of Appeal. DKCLAUVriOS OK INDEPENDENCE. We, the Representatives of the Uni ted States, in general Congress asscin M t;tl, * * * tlo solemnly publish and declare, tlmt these. United Colonies are, and of riajht ought to be free, sovereign!, und independent stales: and, that us free and independent status, they huve the full power to levy wur, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com merce, ami do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. 1770. This language was adopted by the confederation of 1777. which called it self the United State* of America; and which declares that each slate retains its sovereignty; adopting as the end and design of their meeting, ‘ lltp com mon defence and general welfare’ of the stat«'s tInis united. The proceedings of the confederation of 1777. were not to he valid till they were confirmed by the several legislatures of all the United States. 'I'iu* probability that this might not be filially obtained to an instru ment containing so many provisions, occasioned the subsequent agreement in 1787, that the constitution then n dopted should he valid, when ratified by nine out of the thirteen United Stales. In each of these oases, tin* confede ration of 17/7. and the convention of 1787, consisted of delegates or represen tatives, not from the people of the Uni ted States, hut from the several and res pective states, in their capacity of slates, free, sovereign and indepedent of each other, as of all the rest of the world. The people of the respective states chose that this should be the mode of transacting tbe business of the con federation, and they acceded to it when finished. Had they chosen to send rep resentatives in their character of the p.»o[ le of the IJ. States, or of North America, or of the heretofore Uritish Unlooses, they might have done so ; hut they directed, or permitted their state representatives to send delegates repre senting each seperate. sovereign and in dependent state ; and to ratify the con st iiiiti«»ii thus considered framed, and a dopted.in their ch&raelcr ns representa tives of states. & not as representatives «.f the people. This mode of transact ing thcbiminess thro’oilt the whole pe riod of meet ing and debate was, and ev er since has been acceded toby the peo ple. Tin* mil cj-.rndcncc and separate sovereignly of each stale of the Union. therefore, never was at any moment conceded, or in anv man ner or degree renounced ’I he eonfederated states ron'sen'ed that, this sovereignty should he exercised on the objects committed exclu sively to the federal government by the eon stitution of 1T!:7. These objects arc sepa rately stated, defined, and limited bv the con stitution : many powers and ohjects proposed during the debates on the constitution, were ►ejected; and finally, by the tenth article of thic ammendments to the constitution, it is declared, that * the powers not delegated to the IJ. .States bv the constitution, nor prohib ited bv it to the states, arc reserved to the spates respectively, or to the people;’ Demon strating beyond all doubt, that the ronstitu tion of the U. States was an instrument con veying specific, exptessed, and limited powers, and those only; that the federal government w as a creature of the several independent states that consented to it; and that so far from being sovereign, independent, and nncontrolahlc. it was otiginaVv created, i* now kept in force, nnd may he altered, limited, controlled, or an untied, at the will of the several independent Mates or sovereignties, who united to give it existence All this agrees with the plain and obvious meaning of the state instructions to the depu ties fiom the twelve slates who met in Phila delphia to form the constitution ol the United States; and particularly with the language of SouthCaro’ina; whose delegates weie instrur ted to meet on that occasion, and *devi«c such alterations as aiay hethough* riecessa-y to ren der thcfideral constitution entirely arleqiiateto the aet ual situation and future goodgovcmn^it of the confederated Mates * None of the cre dentials contained a word of a vnti'mnl govern ment or national union This delegation of Mate, (not national.! representatives, met and was organised at Philadelphia, on the JfMh of May, 1787. There were at that time three | distinct patties in ttie delegation as \vr learn I from the propositions actually made and debal ' cd, in Mr, Justice Ynlet's account of their pro ; ceedings, and the notes taken and published bv Mr. father XI,ir in, of Baltimore, which are the only authentic documents of ihe pro ceedings of that assembly now extant; Major Jackson’s, anil Mr Madi on’s notes will pro bubly he published after their decease. Many accounts and anecdotes might be obtained from piivate recollections, but tbry do not ex ist to the public Lloyd’* Congressional Re gister embraces an early- period of Congres sional debates alter the con-lit'ilioii was adopt ed. Indeed, so fearful were the members of that federal delegation of their proceedings and designs alarming the people, who were at fii «-t the majority, particularly the Consolidation parly, that ‘the members were prohibited even • rom taking copies of resolutions on which the convention were deliberating, or extracts of any kind from the journals, without formally moving for, and obtaining a vote of permission for that purpose.’ Martin's Secici Proceed in os of the Convention, p- 12 The three parties were these : 1. One whose object was, to abolish and an nihilate all state govei nmeuts, and to bring for ward one general government over this exten sive continent, of a monarchical nature, under certain restrictions and limitations The cha racteristic expression and countersign of this party was, ‘nationai. ’ The leaders of this party were Col Hamilton, whose plan of gov ernment to this purpose, was read and propos ed by him, in Convention, on the 18th June It was too coercive, and did not succeed. Mr. Randolph, Mr. Piece Butler, Mr. Governeur M orris, Mi*. Chatles Pinckney, Mr. Madison, | were in favor of establishing a NATIONAI, government in lieu of a frdeial union; of giv ing to this government supreme power; and of annulling every state law that interfered with the acts of the supreme and paramount ger.c ral government; not much differing from Col Hamilton’s proposal, which convei led tlie sev eral states into provinces. The leading nppo nents of this plan, and the defenders of state rights, were Mr. John Dickinson, author of the Farmer’s Letters, and Mr. Patterson The consolidation members were at first, six out of eight. Mr. Dickinson’s plan of a fedc ini government was rejected thoday aftcrt’ol Hamilton’s project was read, viz. June 19th His party was chatacteiiscd by the wold •FF.DKRAI,.’ By this time eleven states had appeared, and the federul, or state parly, had encrcased to live; the consolidation, or national paity, re maining six The deputies from New llamp shire came in on June 23d. The great ques lion came to issue on June 25th, when it was proposed and seconded, to erase the term N A TIONAIj, and te substitute the words UNI TED STATICS, which passed in the aflirtna tivc; this ended the straggle between the par tv of Co! Hamilton, of Messrs Randolph, Butler, Morris, Pinckney and Mad’son,—ami that of Mr John Dickinson and his adherents who were in favor of the preservation of state independence, state sovereignly, and state lights, in every case not specifically and clear ly conceded in the instrument then under dc hate, called the Constitution. The second party did not advocate the nho lition of slate sovereignty, or state rights; hut they wished to establish such a system as would give their own states 9omc preponder ance. This party and the first coalesced for the most part. The third party consisted of the leal fi lends of a federal, not a national consolidated gov ernment; to he inst-lulcd as thccrcaluie of the several slates, acting in their sovereign and independent characters; and conced-ng *o much power, and no more, as was necessary to promote the general welfare of this union of states: expressing, limiting, and defining the •specific powers so conceded, as cautiously as the occasion seemed to requite. We havescen that this party,(until about tbe year 1790, called the federal party,) succeeded on the 25th of June. The term national, the watchword of the party in favor of consolida lion; was therefore relinquished, in all the subsequent proieedings of the convention ’ On tbe 10th August it was proposed to em power me legislature o' me vrniica oiatcs, 10 grant charters of incorporation in cases where the puhhc good mav recline them,and the au thority of a single slate may he incompetent; and to establish an university. These, with some oilier similar propositions, made by the consolidation party, were referred to a com mittee which ha<^ been raised on 2tJd June. The two proposiiions above mentioned, were I debated, and finally negatived on the 1 4th Sep tember. Affording a full and decisive proof, that the powers conceded to Congress are spe cific, limited, enumerated powers; that do not emanate as of course fiotn any abstract pi in ciple of what thepublic good may requir e; but from the deliberate concessions and obsolutc will of the sovereign ami independent states, who then met in convention to define and de clare how many, and what powers were re qnirtd by the public good. If Congress acts upon this vague and comprehensii c prin« iplc o! the gcneiai welfare, it assumes a power not delegated; and it usurps the aulhoiity ol the convention, by whose will it was created. The object of the convention was to asceilain what kind and degree of authority the public good actually required to be delegated to Congress The members of that convention met for that purpose, anti fer that purpose on’y; they de liberated, they settled, they enacted whatever they thought necessary for that purpose, and they committed to congrees no part of their own peculiar power. If congress do exeicise the authority of a convention, it is -exercised by iisiii pation ; and whether it he done by the ingenious subterfuge of implication and con sti net on — by management and contrivance in any covett and indirect Way — or openly, boldly and diiectly. it is in either case a Iraud on the community Congiess was created and appointed, not as a supicme, but subordinate authority; to put in force the powers commit ted to its chatge bv the constitution—not to delegate at its own will and pleasine new pow ers to itself, unknown to, unthought of, unex pressed. and unsanctioned by the framers of that instrument—a body of men certainly pai amount in authority to congress, which owes its powers, properties, and existence to that convention. The sccrcry enjoined on the members of the convention at the eatly period of their meeting, and when the national, or consolidation paity, weie six to two, was a most suspicious cir cumstance— For who would desire to keep the public in ignorance, but those who wish to take advantage by means of secrecy? It is clear that the proposition made in the early paft of that convent ion, were deemed unpop ular by llus proposers, or their conduct would have challenged public inquiry, instead of shrinking from it. For all these facts, and the correctness of the preceding statement, 1 ;*p , peal to the minuted of that convention pub J lished by Judge Ystfs. the notes taken by Mr. I.uther Marlin, and the remarks founded on them by the late Johji Taylor,of Caroline,in his new views of the constitution. Col Hamilton and Mr. Madison, Notwithstanding their dis sonance. very hoiKyaldy signed the const ilu lion. Mr. Ran* ,.lph took time for the pur pose. Congress firs, met in March, 17l*y — Be' ore this, the series of papers called the I'cdcraliit was published, written chiefly I»v Col Hamilton, pait'y by Mr. Ma*’i’on, and pailly by Mr John Jay, for the purpose of rc | conciling the people to the new constitution which the convention had framed in t?!>7. As we might expect, the parti distinctions that took place in the convention are rather con cealed than brought into view in that woik ll was a conciliatory publication, and the mo tives of the authors did them honor. Bui it is lidirulotis to cite them as authority for the real views of the prevailing parly; to which Col. Hamilton and Mr. Madison did not at that lime cordially accede After this period, the adherents of Col. Hamilton and the con solidation party gradually assumed the denoni illation ol federalists, hitherto applied with great propiietv to their opponents ; and the real “federalist*,” the supporters of the inde pendcnce of the lespeclive states that form our fedeial union, have been at different times since, branded with the appellation of anti federalists, jacobins, republicans, democrats, and radicals. Ol the fiaternity of politician* thus vai iously designated lay the ingenious ma nuivei iugof the federal leaders, who well knew the force and value of a nickname, the writer of these pages requests to be considered as a i < ntber; staling it as an liistoiicul fact, within the knowledge of every inun conversant with the history and progress ol our republican government, that the distinctive character of the two great leading (laities in the United States, usually known a* Federalists and L>c inocrals, arc these. i he federalist, approving rather ol an American Nation, than oJ the United States; of a consolidated and single, than a limited and federal govcrnmcnl--ate desirous oT cx tending the power and autkoiity of the cxecu live, legislative and judieiil hranehes ot that government: of enctensing the military and naval establishments of the U Slate*,'*' aug menting the salaries, tVe rank and popular es timation of all public Tjne.tionai ivs : and ol putting the U. S into asituation to take part, if necessary, in Kuropean politics, and of ina king them a great and energetic nation, one and indivisablc. Hence they would reptc-s the interference, and depress the inH lenre ol state authorities, and keep state rights and pretentions in subordination to the powers ol the geneial government, lienee also, they arc advocatcs for the extension of the general or what is now' railed federal authority, by auv means of implication and construction, rather than bv an appeal to the states under lire prescribed form of an amendment of the. constitution ; their policf being to keep state interference as much as possible out or view, in theor y ami in practice lien, e also, the absolute and dangerous control exercised hy the Supreme Court of the United Sta’vs, over state laws, and state decisions. Hence also, the power formerly assumed by tl. s part) ; when the reins of government were in their bands, of limit ng tbc rights ot the people, and checking the inconvenient practice office discussion hv alien and sedition laws Hence a'so, their di-like, not merely to the ho^r'd practices to which the French people were driven or tempted dming the French Revolu tion, hut also to the principles c.f that revolu tion ; and their predilection of .the Rrili'h gov ernment and its forms Hence also, .‘nine of the prominent federalists were, and still are, admirers of a limited monarchy; and advo cates of course, for Col. Hamilton’s energetic plan of government with a President and Sen ate eligible during good behavior, an absolute veto over all state proceeding*, and a President o< er each stale, to be appointed by the general government I ins paitv, how c\ er ,heii hoi is, or wav numerous; the tar greater portion of federalists bring real ftiends to a republican form of government, hut with a tendency to consolidation as the l«\vl ng trait in it; the whole of llicir policy tending to establish one consolidated national government, under the control of one system of authority, instead of a mere confederation of sepaiate states, dele gating expressed and limited powers, for ex pressed and limited purposes * The 01 igin of modern federalism, the distinctive character of the party in its rommenrement and in its pro gress, was, consolidation of the states under one government, paramount in all respects ; and to this object all their proposals lead.— For want of accurate knowledge of the hi«to rv of parties in our Hepnhlie, and the leading objer• j of the t wo great divisions, many of the republicans have been tempted to coincide w ith federal politics, and many of the federal iits are found m the ranks of their usual op ponents. Indeed party divisions are produc tive of consequences so unpleasant, '.hat good men of all sides are desirous of forget ting and of dropping political differences; es pecially when federalists and republicans, the mo'c thev see of each other in common socie ty, the more they are inclined to respect each other’s motives, andtoapprove of each other’s general conduct ; the public good being indn hitablythe object of the great majority of both parties. Still it is the duty of a good man; whether of the one party or of the other, to adopt those political measures, and to support that class of pub'ie men, whose general opin ions and line of condu wt tend to advance the public welfare, according to the leading prin ciples which he deems best calculated to pro mote it. Thc-c leading principles wdl.on ex Aminatinn, be found to he a single consolidated nation'll government. at tic expen e of state sovereignty ; or, a federal government, with powers strictly limited. older the nirth">itii delegated by independent slates ; and to be a/ tertd and amended by an appeal In them, and in no other «!■ y. In examining therefore die character and conduct of public men, w» ifnist applv this test to their doctrines and practices. So far as thev tend to exalt and increase the charac ter. the powers, and the patranage or the grn * It is high time, said Mr. Feuno, (govern ment printer during the reign of Mr -I Ad ami,) that wc should get rid of this luige sow with her farrow of pigs”—alluding lb the gen eral government and the thirteen titles. cr.il government, at this expense nr bevoiul ’he contiol of, and wiihoqt appearing to the state governments,they bear clearly the features and physiognomy of federalism. whoever be the proposer, or whatever may he his possessions. The .4r.!i-i'ccferaiiit, Republican, Demo crat. Radical, tquocmique nomine gaudes) is of opinion, that as history clearly shews the tendency of all power to exceed its proper limits, no more power should in any ca-c be delegated, than the circumstances imperiously require, to produce the good intended. That the holders of all power should he responsible for the use of it, to those who gave U That if airy excess he excusable on either r de, it is better to concede rather too little than too much, as it is much more easy (o add than di tniuish They arc of opinion, that the people and the stare governments of this country ne ver meant to institute a magnificent, impos ing, expensive, intional government, with ex tensive powers, and high prerogatives, calcu lated to control or prostiate the quiet, unpre tending, cheap and salutary governments of the separate states — but a government with so much power and no more, as might be neecs sary to manage the political transactions of common and general interest, in which each and every slate had the same common concern; interfci ing with state authorities as little as possible. That the moresimptelhe apparatus, the fewer the officers of government, and the less they required state lights to he conceded, the better. That if power sufficiently great he not < onceded.it ought not to he boldly seiz ed by direct usurpation,or clandestinely obtain cd by taking advantage of verbal ambiguity, by implication and construction, hut applied for by submitting the case under the constitu tional orm of an amendment, to the legisla tures of the • cspectivr states; this being the mode of proceeding specially designated by the fiamers of our constitution, to meet the case. They arc of opinion, that aliho’ parsimony be one thing and frugality another, the cheapest government is ttre jo»«rrmirni. if it ans w-er the purpose in other respects. They particu larly object to expensive standing armies, and even to a great extent of naval power in time of peace f not that these institutions should he reduced to insignificance, hut kept under con trol They hold, that the public character and conduct, of all public men and public bo dies, from the President to a Tide Waiter, is lair subject lor temperate retuaik; that noth ing brings a government so surely into con tempt as its dread of discussion and examina lion ; ami that in all snob cases tlu verdict on trial, ought to he with the jury, on ihe law and on the fact, uncontrolled bv the con it_ 'They adhere to the principles of public liber tv, as set forth in the Declaration of Indepcn donee, and in the Federal Constitution, par ticularly claiming a free press, untrammelled hv any previous tesirict.on, and extending to every subject of human investigation, as the dearest and most valuable chat actei islic of a trulv republican government For my own pari. I go farther, ami review ing lire event'of the last thirty rears. I am de eidedlv cl opinion, that the republican party lias for gotten, in great pai t, the pi inciples t hat originally ehami lerized it; and they have per- ! milted and acquiesced in one encroachment after another, i'll the power of the T. esident of the United Stales, the power of the Congress j of the United States, and more than all, the power of the Supreme Coutt of the United States (the most dangerous hod v in the Union) HAS INCREASED. IS INCREASING, AND OUGHT TO RE DIMINISHED. But on the pic-sent occasion, I inuit abstain from the detailed investigation that would es tablish my opinion ; an opinion, however, which no man. tvho has obscivcd the progress o' our govet nment. as long and as anxiously as I have done, will he inclined to deny The former oppoaci s of a fcdc> al and ad vocatos of a national government, now seized upon the name by which the series of cssavs was designated, containing a de'cnce of the constitution of l?j;r. and an exposition of the 'psinriples on w hich it was founded ; An expo sition, not likely to be-in all icspccts accurate and authentic, when made bv gentlemen, who had opposed its leading features and priori I pies; ami who were induced to defend it, Fiona the truly honoiahlc and disinterested motive ol promoting obedience and acquiescence in what had I ern sc!tied upon the best and most dclibeiate views that could be taken of a vei v d ilicn!l and comp'icated subject. Mr. Madi son, I believe, giadtially changed his views of a national government, and came round to the sentiments of the majority of the republican leudei s of bis own state Colonel Hamilton and Mr. John Jay, continued of the " nation st paity, ” who. t'oin I78fi to 1790, gradually assumed their modem appellation of FEDFl KALI STS In a I Col Hamilton’s papers in tlie *• Federalist,” the expression national »orci vine v l i* seduouslv presetved ; and he expressly declares, in number thirtv-thrcc. that the principal aim of that series of papers was to inculcate the danger which threatens our political welfare fiom the encroachments of the state govcinrncnls To which he might have added, the labored justification of tbe extended powers given to the national government, in the formation of treaties, the regulation of commerce, the imposition of taxes, and the maintenance of a standing arm v and navy. To the equality ol power among the states, be was strenuously opposed Mr. Madison, in numbers Jj and d6, is of the same opinion as C’ol. Hamilton as to the power and influence of tbe state governments These were wLe and honest men, but I think experience lias shewn that they were bad prophet*. The publication called the Fede ralist. is of a complexion truly federal, in the modern sense of that word; but it did much good at the time,and strongly tended toicron cile the people to a constitution which con tains, after all, hut one capita) defect, viz. tl.c want of a clause appointing a periodical revi sion of it cverv thirty years See numbers fort y nine and fifty ol the ** Fed* r alist ” The Pennsylvania Council of Censors bad no ad mirable effect. and l think, should never have been dropped. General Washington, whose services to tbe United Slates, were probably more than any man hid ever rendered to a nation, and whose motives and intentions were out o the reach of suspicion, manifest!* leaned toward a strong f Naval power. The principle of the demo, rrjiir party, was, not to keep up such a mili tary or naval establishment a. might tempt ris into any r-onlcjt that could be pi vdcnflv itvoid ed I’.ut the circumstances of Unrope, have shewn, that we cannot av.-irl a naval cs'abbsh ment ol» a more extended scale, than was eon f fmpla'ed s^t the commencement of Jeff*-! soil’s adminislf atiun. executive All Ins oil'tcers of govet nmcir ,. Go! Itainlltoii al tlieii head, weie inoie <>■ less of the same opinion, anil of the nutionul pat ty Tlic military habits anil charaetci of I General Washington, hail piohahly no small shaic in giving this bias to iris opinions, ami the superior talents of Col. Hamilton, added weight to the party. Nor i- it any wonder that a President should be in favor of a siiong executive, or that persons in powe< should ho inclined to extend their authority_The Fed eral.s'.s, a< t/ieo u'Ci e now called, heenme therefore, il»»* prevailing, tli* (itvliimnlilc par ty The lutiiling system, the ni a tin fact tiring and tai it) system, were introduced by Col. ' Hamilton, and with the tiealy of commerce with Gicat Britain. were carried sucecssfullv agauist the opposition of the republican, de mocrat, or (now) anti fedeial party Every man pretending to good society, was expected to be of federal polities, and the opposition was considered as cliiedy confined to the ig norant and turbulent mass of the people._ The excise upon whiskey, and the termina tion of that id.judged insurrection, gave the federalists (or court party, as they we e some times called) a decided pre-eminence over their opponents; possessing, as the federalists cer tainly did, in a considerable degree, the coun tenance of the first man in the nation. Gen. Washington. 'I’h** banking interest, the met cantile importing interest, the military, all the depcnd?nls on government, and ail those who sought to he surh, wei e decided I v of the same party; which had undouhicd control from Virginia northward Great force also was given to anti r epublican tendencies, by the excesses consequent on the breaking out of the. French revolution These excesses pro duced in many, an abhorrence for the princi ples of that, revolution, as if they were differ ent from our own, and as if the excesses of the exasperated and misguided mod of tho Fanxbourgs, were the necessary consequen ces of an opposition to the excel able tyranny, political and clerical, by which that nation hail been so long degraded and weighed down. The federal party made a skilful use of tbc*e circumstances, they excited to a ver y great degree a hatr ed against French prinriplea, and against the nation itself; anil brought about a strong inclination to admite, to praise, and to imitate the mortar chiral for ms and pi inciples of the British government. The republicans, democrats, or anti federalists were now put unaei me oan ot all tasmonable society, and every where denounced as jacobin*. By do grees the pi im ildes of our ow n revolution, and our separation from Great Britain, weie attacked, and every man who did not profess to admire the. Ilriiish consti1 ution was regard ed a«an enemy loour own existing "ovennient, and bevond doubt, a di-organizer and a jaco bin 'Hie great mass of the people, however, felt that all this was wiong; they knew that our own revolution, ami the French rcvolu tion, aio-ctrom similar cause?, and were based on similar doctrine.'*. They revolted at the notion of giving preference to the monarchi cal principles and forms of Gieat Britain, which in their operation had forced upon this country the American Revolution; and a! though the men of superior situation, and of comparative wealth, soon after the acres-ion of President hepnn to rsilaijn with out ceasing, and abuse w ithout discrimination, all rcvo titionnrv principles as Jacobinical, the peopled America thought otherwise, and felt otherwise. But the violence of the federal party about this time, aided bv the political character and complexion of the existing gov ernment tinder Genera! Washington's suc cessor, and by their coincidence with British Mercantile Agents, Importers, and their nu. merous connections, among retailers indebted to them, gave them in the great cities, an un doubted predominance; and produced that state of things about two years after the re ti’ernent o! Gen Washington, which was not improperly, or inappropriately denominated, the reign of terror The teal t rptihlii a ns who ar c now living, and areohl enough to temcm her the state of parties on the retirement, of Gen. iV ashington, and the administration of ain.'joim Auams, know the expression was well applied, and that this is not a false and fanci’ul, but a fair and faithful representation of the public feelings of that day, and I can with perfect safety appeal to them, for the honesty and accuracy of this sketch. The conduct of a Mr I'itzhugh, to General Sum ter, in the theatre, at Philadelphia, in the summer of 179M, may he taken as a sample. <!>n the retirement of Genet a! Washington, the federal putv put in Mr John Adams as President. This gentleman was known to he ultra federalist: .the advocated a strong ex ecutive, in which no other should have anv participation. (*) He had wiiiteii a defence (if* the American Constitution, as the ti le of his book imports, but a defence of the IJiiiish Constitution in reality It was a thing of checks and balances, with monarchy as an es sential part; in which the admiration of the writer for the Ibitisli system was glaring — Mr Adams was deemed a tit. person In ran v on the views of the federal party; and was generally understood to have been chosen bv the influeuci.il men of lhatpartv. here.use be was likely to lie led hy Col Hamilton and bis adherents. Col. Hamilton is nowdrad 'I lie animosities of party as to him. me gone by — f did not, and do not coincide in opinion with that gentleman on any subject within my pre sent ifcollection but be ua.. at hcuit a liiend to his count! v. a man of sterling talent, a fold and featless politician, of great ambition, above, all suspicion of pecuniary bias, and I belie*, c a-, honest in his motives as lie was dating in his measures lie dcse*ved to be con-bleud a- the leader of his party , and it was no nrio gance fo e.Hpei l that a man so interior ns Mr. Adams in piartical information, in tcso’irrer, and in riicigv of character, should be led bv him Of Mr Timothy Pickering, and the. other minor officers of govci n .rent, f know nothing (hat can be said in rom mend,it ion ; they w. rc entitled to m> praise but fot zeal in soppoit of their party ('I'n he Continued ) l*' John I ..nigdoii, seni'or‘i oni Aew shire, and afterward* Oovcinor of 'hat t if . in a letter to Samuel Ringobl, c ij da’r-1. Or toher loth. T-OM. declared, that Mr. John Adams in his presence, expressed a hope or expectation io *ce *he day, when Mr J Tay lor of Caroline, and Mr Giles , («o whom he was then vpr.tl’.ri';,! would be convinced, ■ bat the people of America, woof! not be ha; t..*r wirhi.iit an hereditary chief niagi.ti atu and senate, ocat least, for life. Mr. Tayl.»r, on the tiialof Calender, jtt«*nd **d in r < ■ t: 11, e.nrl was sworn, ready to pro va* I this fart; hut J.i ge Chase would no1 permit him to "rive it in testimony.