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weekly. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY The lining Journal Publishing Company, INCORPORATED. Subscription RatesJ l Payable in Advance. ( 3 Months 25 cents Single Copies, 3 cents —At the Office. Advertising rates made known on applica tion. SAH AIL IV. JDANDO, Subscription Cleric. Address all communications to— The Mining Journal Publishing Company, 80-82 East Union Street, EKOSTBURG, MD. FROSTBURG, MD. - SEPT. 30, 1911 RINGING WORDS: Remarkable and Brilliant Speech Delivered by Hon. Arthur P. Gorman on Receiving the No tification of His Nomination as the Democratic Candidate For Governor by The United Democratic Party of Maryland. Ar.hur P. Gorman. In accepting the nomination for Governor Senator Gorman said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: You know, my fellow Democrats, that it Is with the greatest pride and pleasure that I accept the commission given me by the Democrats of Mary land as their Candidate for Governor. I appreciate In the extreme that such a large number of the Repre sentatives of the last Democratic Convention should assemble here to notify me that I have been the choice of the majority of the people of the State, receiving a popular majority not only in our great Metropolis, but in the several counties of the State. I welcome also the great number of Democrats who were not members of the Convention, but who are here manifesting an interest in our nomi nation. I thank you most sincerely, Mr. Chairman, for the gracious and com plimentary terms employed by you in delivering to me this verdict of the people, which was recorded by the Democratic Convention held in Baltimore on September 7th. I have never faltered or known the feeling of fear in the face of a fight, and I shall endeavor in the coming contest to worthily champion the cause of those 52,550 Democrats who supported me with their votes in the recent primary and the 38,943 Democrats who so zealously support ed my opponent, Senator Lee. I am confident that in the contest against the common enemy my asso ciates and myself will receive the same generous and sincere support from those gentlemen who lately supported my friend, Senator Lee, as I will from those who sup ported Messrs. Poe, Harrington and myself in the recent primary, and if the verdict of the Democracy of Maryland had been that Senator Lee should have been the stendard bear er I know full well that my friends and supporters would loyally and faithfully have supported the success ful candidates. The representatives of our party in Convention assembled, have sub mitted to the people of Maryland a formal and carefully considered plat form of what the Democratic Party stands for and what it proposes to do. I am in accord with that plat form from the first to the last word. Today in formally accepting this nomination, I want to tell the people of Maryland just what I, Arthur P. Gorman, stand for and what I pro pose to do if elected Governor. My Political Creed. I am a Democrat and I am a Poli tician, and I am not ashamed to plead guilty to either charge. I share the opinion of my friend, Speaker Champ Clark, that the several States of this country would be better off if there were more politicians—even profes sional politicians. I do myself the honor of thinking that in this respect my profession is the same as that of my distinguished friend and one-time opponent, Senator Lee. Both of us have been life-long Democrats, and both of us are fond of political hon ors and activity. We believe that it is an honorable ambition for any man to aspire to political leadership, and to help guide the destinies of a great party and of a great electorate. In making a choice of my life work, It has seemed to me that in politics as in medicine, law and other profes sions, and vocations, knowledge and experience should be sought and should he valued and that men should enter the field seriously and openly. I have entered politics, for no other purpose than to find a suc cessful and honorable career. I think I have a lively and profound sense of the responsibilities and duties of political life. I am fully conscious of the fact that no man | can succeed in politics, except by proper, intelligent and valued public service; public usefulness must be absolutely the measure of success. But while I am not ashamed to he called a politician, there are many kinds of politicians. I have no more use for the crooked politicians, or ] the man who is in politics for graft j or to serve his special friends or ends or interests, or for the man who j tries to fool the public, than I have for the hypocrite, the liar or the thief. I lay no claim to extraordinary ability and I do not set up as a re- j former or as a political purist. But j I do claim to have some common j sense and I know, and those of you who know me personally know, that if I have no 'other virtues, I have those of honesty, sincerity and loy alty. I know that what is needed above all other things in practical politics is common sense and com mon honesty. I have been in poli tical life long enough to know that there are good men and bad men and that you must reckon with both. But the lesson I have learned above all others is that one honest man in the active political arena, eyen though he must give and take, is a match for forty dishonest ones and is worth a regiment of faultfinders and loud talkers on the side lines. I have made mistakes in the past and I may make them in the future, but no man can say that either in private life or public life have I ever been a party, active or silent, to any corrupt or selfish deal, or that I have ever been guided by any other light than my own honest convictions. No man can say or will ever be able to say that I broke my word or my promise or that I failed to keep faith or that I wore any man’s collar, or that I ever failed to say where I stood, or failed to do what I said I would do. The Organization. I have spoken frankly of my poli tical aspirations; let me also say a frank word about organization. I believe in organization. No party can thrive and carry its platforms into effect without it. An organiza tion to last must be representative. It must represent’ all interests in the party. What is needed is a little clear thinking on this subject. We must not confuse the machinery of organization with the organization it self. The men who do the very necessary work of party machinery must not think that they are the party, neither must they all he con demned because some of them are selfish or disloyal or unworthy. It is idle to talk of any man or group of men controlling any organization in this State under existing laws and in the present state of public opinion. So called machines can maintain themselves only where there is a large vote that can be delivered en block, like the negro vote; or where there is a large corporate or personal corruption fund and a large purchasable vote, or where there is rich patronage at the disposal of a machine, as in the case of the Re publican Federal Officeholders’ Asso ciation in this State, or where the power of State appointments is im properly exercised and controlled. Now I wish to go squarely on record as to where I stand on this matter. The Democratic party of Maryland passed the most drastic corrupt prac tices act in this country, it has driven the corporation out of politics, it has made the political grafter a criminal, and duly enforced, it makes machine politics in Maryland impossible. If there are any defects in this law, I want to see them remedied, and I want to see the law enforced in let ter and spirit. A corrupt electorate is the greatest curst a country can have and personally I desire no office acquired by purchase or theft. I know that it has been charged that I am the organisation candidate and that I will use my power of ap pointment and my influence, if elect ed, to strengthen the organization. What I have just said should he a sufficient guarantee against that, but I will also be more specific. I would be less than human if I did not feel under some obligation to those who have aided and assisted me in the past contest, but I desire to say here most emphatically to the people of this State that I have not made any promises or pledges to any man or any set of men to gain the nomina tion for Governor, nor will I do so in order to be elected, and surely no man who helped to nominate me has any greater claim on my gratitude than the man who helps to elect me; and no man can expect me to he un selfish enough to sacrifice my own political future in order to help him disrupt a party by trying to build up any organization or so called ma chine. The day of that sort of poli tics is past. I say frankly that, if without injuring the public service, I can make appointments pleasing to my friends and of advantage to my party, it will give me pleasure to do so, but at the same time if any of my friends or supporters should ever ask me to transgress my duty to good government and to the whole people of the State by lending my power to the furtherance of their personal or political ends, or to my own personal or political ends I would flatly refuse to do so. If lam elected I shall ap point Democrats to office, but in sel ecting Democrats I shall refuse to appoint any man, regardless of his political backing, who deos not pos sess the highest possible standards of efficiency. In regard to economy in Legisla tive and Administrative expenses, I recognize the spirit and temper of our party in relation thereto as ex pressed in the Party Platform, and I pledge myself, if elected, to carry out to the fullest extent, both in let ter and spirit, the official declaration of our party on this subject. In the selection of .Boards, such as the Police and Liquor License Boards of Baltimore City, I shall, re gardless of political pressure appoint men who have demonstrated their ability and superior fitness, and I shall appoint no man to any Board or any office whose pledges to me and whose pledging to the community are not a guarantee that politics will not enter into the performance of their duties, and the whole State shall know why I appoint them. The Baltimore Police. I may say also that if I am elected l propose to remove the police of Baltimore still further from the pos sibilities of political influence than they stand today. I think that every policeman ought to understand that he has nothing to think of except the performance of his duty. It will he my endeavor to appoint men on the Police Board who not only are in sympathy with this idea, but whose views are known and whose names will be a guarantee of the strictest non-political administration. No possible good can come to the Democratic party from any connec tion between politics and the import ant branches of the public service like the police and excise boards. It cannot help, it can only injure, the Democratic Party to interfere in the remotest way with the machinery o f law and order. The people of Balt’ more have shown over and over agai that they will not tolerate such inte ference. I have tried to treat th' subject with the utmost clearness a:' frankness and I hol.l myself ready all times specifical’v and categoric" ly to give public assurance of my pur poses with regard to appointments in Baltimore City and the State. The Primary. The kind of organization In which I believe is one strong enough to defeat the Republican Party. An organization within the organization, or what is called the ring or ma chine, is no longer possible under the new primary law, if men will only do their duty. That Is one reason why I believe in this primary. I ad mit that I am a good bit of an old fashioned Democrat. I was brought up with the idea that in a Southern State like Maryland the Democratic party performed a function of a high order and that if it was not perfect it was entitled to an unusual degree of tolerance for its imperfections. It is very hard for a Democrat of my school to understand how any man, even though he see faults in his own party, can entertain the idea of Re publican government in a State in which the solid negro vote constitutes over 65 per cent, of the Republican vote. However, as I have better under stood the point of view of those upon whom party ties rest lightly, I have come to recognize the necessity of some kind of competition, either com petition from without or competition within, in order to keep a party in a sound and healthy condition and pro tect it from the chemes to which un interrupted supremacy renders it liable. While at the outset I share in a measure the doubt of many in our party as to the workings of the primary system, I have become con vinced, especially through my obser vation of the recent primary that this system will give us wholesome com petition within the party, will effectu ally break up any possibility of “RING” rule, and will obviate all necessity of turning the State over to the Republican party in Maryland in order to /get relief from any ex cesses and in the Democratic party. This law was tried out for the first time in the recent Guberna torial contest. It was passed in the hurry and confusion of the closing hours of the session and represents a number of compromises that recon ciled conflicting views. In the nature of things it was imperfect and its imperfections could not be cured until the law had gone through a practical test. Under the circum stances It seems tp me that the recent primary opens up to the Democrats a prospect that is in every way gratifying. I am aware that many still regard the primary with dis favor, but I am fully convinced that it affords a means whereby the will of the people can be expressed and government kept constantly under wholesome, popular influence and the party itself protected against cen tralization of management and abuse of power. If the primary is safe guarded absolutely against unfair ness and fraud and if the electorate is made to understand and comes to believe that all votes will be counted as cast, it seems to me that the fear that nominations will be dictated by a corrupt element in the party will no longer have any basis in fact. I feel sure from the large vote polled at the recent primary that a law so amended as to invite the participa tion of every voter will arouse more and more interest" and bring out a larger vote. At the recent primary the Democratic vote was about 90 per cent, of the total vote cast for Governor Crothers in 1907. It is only fair to assume that when the Democrats shall have redeemed their platform promises to surround the primary with still further safeguards of fairness and to postpone the date until summer absentees shall have re turned to the State, that in a contest such as we have just gone through a still larger percentage of the vote will be polled. The Twenty-Third Ward. I believe in the primary as the new leaven of Democracy. What better evidence of a live and virile Demo cracy could you have than such a party contest as Senator Lee and I just passed through. But, Gentlemen, it must be an honest primary. A crooked election is no election at all. It has taken years in this State, as well as in every other State, fully to safeguard the ballot, and now that we have accomplished it, there must be no backward step. When my at tention was called to the alleged frauds in the Twenty-third Ward of Baltimore, I stated in the Baltimore Sun the next morning that if there was any fraud I would do all I could to unearth it and to punish the guilty, and that if there was any evi dence that my own nomination was ‘.ainted with fraud, I did not want it, and moreover would not have it. I meant what I there said, and I here repeat it. I may add that I sent last week the following letter to the State’s Attorney of Baltimore City: “Sept. 16th, 1911. “Hon. Albert S. J. Owens, State’s Attorney of Baltimore City. “Dear Mr. Owens: “I enclose you herewith a copy of an interview which appeared in the Sun of Wednesday, Sept. 6th, from which you can see how I feel in re gard to the charges of fraud made by Mr. McNulty in the Twenty-Third Ward of Baltimore City. “I think it is your duty to go to the very bottom of this affair, and both as a Democrat and as the Can didate of the Party for Governor, I hope that you will leave no stone un turned to ascertain the truth of this matter. “Sincerely yours,” I hope he may be able to get at the facts. Politics may be a game in which many men play many parts, but the sanctity of the ballot is as much the keystone of popular gov ernment as simple honesty is the keystone of a good character. If I cannot be governor on a straight, honest fight, and with a fair, honest count, I don’t want it. The Platform. It is not necessary for me to touch upon the several planks of our party platform here. They speak for them selves and they have my hearty sup port. I see by the Evening Sun tha f u he Hon. Chas. J. Bonaparte, ex-At torney General of the United States, thinks this platform is a piece of political hypocrisy and he is high!" amused that so harmonious and pro gressive a product should have re sulted from so bitter a primary. Let me say that one feature of the new primary law that has impressed me very much with its usefulness is that while a party is fighting as to who shall carry its standard, it is also by discussion and controversy coming to a decision as to its platform, so that both our platform and our can didates are at least the product of a full and free party struggle. This Is something like real democracy. Mr. Goldsborough and the other Republi can candidates at Cambridge last week, however, in announcing them selves as the progressive leaders of the only party of progress were emphatic in condemning this plat form. They have also officially de clared me a machine made product and my party a party of reaction. Let Us See Who Is the Machine Made Candidate. In our primaries 91,000 voters par ticipated. Mr. Lee and I toured the whole State and fought it out like men. There was not a political, or party or personal question that was not thrashed out in the open. Com pare this with the listless, lifeless, utterly inane and farcical manner in which Mr. Goldsborough was nomi nated. Now, Ido not intend in this campaign to be unnecessarily per sonal. It is not my purpose to abuse or misrepresent no matter how much they try to make me the issue in this campaign. Ido not believe in mud slinging. Still, I see no reason why I should not tell the people of Mary land the facts as I see them. This is a political campaign and a real fight, and I do not propose to permit Mr. Goldsborough to hide behind a mask of pretense and hypocrisy. I am ready to stand on my record and he must stand on his. I read his speech of acceptance and I want to say now that it comes with the worst possible grace from him to prate about bosses, bossism, unfair primaries and corruption in politics. His party is tainted to the very core with these things and no man knows it better than Mr. Goldsborough, be cause no man has been in a position to find out more of the truth than Mr. Goldsborough. Let him come on out in the open and tell the people where he stands and to whom he owes his nomination. His glittering generalities, his hollow high sound ing promises and his lofty moraliza tion will not do in this campaign. The people want something specific and definite. I want them to know the real Gorman in this fight and I propose also, if I can bring it about, hat they shall know the real Golds borough. The Real Goldsborough. I am not going to let my opponents erect a jjiyjdiical Goldsborough with which to fool the people. If I can bring it *about this is going to be a campaign in which a spade is called a spade. Personally Mr. Golds borough is a very nice gentleman and an honorable man. Politically I think his record is such as to make his attitude of horror concerning my self and the Democratic party, su premely ridiculous. To read his speech you would imagine he had never held a public office and had no connection with Republican politics, i say frankly that I am a Democrat and a politician. He does not even say he is a Republican and never re motely hints that he has been in politics. He would have you believe that he is and has been a reformer. He wants Democratic votes and he is trying to get them by obscuring his own record and posing as an inde pendent. I charge Mr. Goldsborough here and now with a lack of frank ness, and I have not the slightest in tention of allowing him to go through this campaign attacking me and the Democratic party without having the mirror held up to himself and his own party. The truth is that Mr. Goldsborough has been holding pub lia office practically since he was twenty-one years of age. This is no crime, but we may as well be frank about it. When he was twenty-five he was elected State’s Attorney of Dorchester county, because he had the solid support of the 2,000 negro voters of that county. He has been State Comptroller and for the last nine years. Collector of Internal Reve nue. He has been Chairman of the State Central Committee of his party and was Chairman of the Coun ty Central Committee until he was nominated for Governor, one mem ber of which committee was and is a negro. He is the Republican Boss of Dorchester County and has been for a long time. The office he is now holding, he obtained because he was and still is a close personal friend and political protege of William H. Jackson, and it was Mr. Golds borough! who was Chairman of the District Committee in the Congres sional campaign of 1906, after which Mr. Jackson openly boasted he had spent SBO,OOO to be elected to Con gress and that this money had been used to buy votes. Ido not say that Mr. Goldsborough handled this money or that he bought the votes, but I do say that I cannot see how he could fail to have known about it. In all of Mr. Goldsborough’s poli tical record, which is a good deal longer than my own, there is no incident or instance that marks him as independent of his political spon sors and party bosses. Goldsborough’s Nomination. I will ask Mr. Goldsborough now to say honestly whether he does now owe his nomination for Governor to Wil liam F. Stone, the Republican boss of the Republican Machine? Could he have been nominated had Stone not been behind him How and in what way did the Republican voters of the State have an opportunity to express their views on the question? I assert that as a candidate Mr. Goldsborough is a Custom House product, pure and simple. I recall that four years ago Mr. Goldsborough was a candidate for the nomination for Governor up to the time the Republican Convention met. At that time Stone opposed his selec tion and Mr. Goldsborough accepted Stone’s ultimatum and withdrew from the fight. This time Stone was for him and he became the nominee There was no Republican primary fo- Governor. Stone kept down all othe l aspirants and the Convention di- Stone’s bidding. Ever since I hav been in politics there has not been day or an hour during which the R publican party has not been ruled ar dominated by a little clique of poli; clans, who are largely dominated and sustained by Federal patronage. Considering these facts —and they are facts —it does not lie in the mouth of Mr. Goldsborough to lift his hands in holy horror about bosses and boss ism. Nor will the people be fooled by his attitude. Also I am willing that they should compare the method of my nomination and the method of his. He was nominated in a room behind closed doors by a few Federal office holders. I was nominated in the open field by a majority of the voters of my party. The Republican Platform. Now I want to say a word about the platform upon which Mr. Goldsborough stands. I make the charge directly that it is utterly and completely lack ing in sincerity, that its promises are empty and meaningless. The reason I say this so emphatically is because I know and Mr. Goldsborough knows and every well-posted man in the State knows, that there is no chance that either Mr. Goldsborough or his party will be put to the test, even if they win. They will not have the opportunity to make good their promises, and hence they are perfectly safe in making them. The Republicans themselves have abandoned all hopes, of controlling the next Legislature. They are not fight ing for the Legislature and have con ceded the control of that body to the Democrats. In six counties on the Eastern Shore —Dorchester, Wicomico, Kent, Worcester, Somerset and Queen Anne’s, the Republicans have nomi nated no candidates for either the Sen ate or the House of Delegates, conced ing these to the Democrats. The Dem ocratic candidates in these counties are unopposed. In Anne Arundel county they have nominated only two candi dates instead of four candidates for the Legislature and In the other coun ties bob tail tickets have been put up. There are now nine hold-over Demo cratic members of the State Senate. By not naming candidates in Somerset, Wicomico, Kent and Queen Anne’s the Republicans increase the Democratic membership in that body to 13, and it thus becomes necessary for the Demo crats to elect but one Senator in order to have a majority. In the House of Delegates, the failure of the Republi cans to put legislative tickets in the field in a number of counties insures a Democratic majority there. This be ing the case, even should Mr. Goldsbor ough be elected Governor, the Legis lature would be Democratic in both branches and he would be powerless to do any of the things he promises to do, or that are promised for him by his party. Mr. Goldsborough knows this, his party knows it and I propose let ting the whole people of Maryland know, if I can. This is the reason why I say the Republican platform promises and the Republican candi dates are wholly and completely lack ing in sincerity. ' They can afford to promise any thing because there is no danger of their being compelled to make good. On the other hand, the certainty that the Democrats will control the next General Assembly and be called upon to live up to every pledge made in the campaign, compels you to believe in the sincerity and good faith of our promises. There are many other important questions, but on the larger questions affecting the welfare of the State I at least try to follow what I believe to be the most enlightened public opinion. I can touch on but few of these. Perhaps the greatest single need of Maryland which appeals to me is the need of co-operation for the material development and advance ment of its agricultural and industrial interests. A new era has dawned. I believe that much of this new im petus is due to a movement like that for good roads. This movement is the initial step in a development which if followed up wisely and vig orously, will lead to results almost be yond calculation. Good Roads. In my campaign over the State the full significance of this good roads work was brought home to me. For many years the chief beneficiaries of road improvement —the farmers and landowners were fully alive to the value of road improvement and were inclined to resist the increased tax rate that it necessarily entails. I find, however, that sentiment has under gone a complete change and the farm ing community has a broad and intel ligent grasp of the economic signifi cance of good roads. The soil, cli mate and geographical situation of Maryland fit it in a peculiar way to realize fully upon road improvements. With better roads,_ farm products will be marketed more favorably and coun try life become vastly more attractive. Land will be better tilled and cared" for, will increase in value and will be in greater demand at higher prices. Our lands will attract purchasers and settlers in great number, they will bring with them men, mechanics and trade will be stimulated. One sec tion of the State, especially Southern Maryland, which has been held back by lack of transportation of all sorts, will experience an enormous benefit. This rich and beautiful country, situ ated within a few hour’s drive from both the national capital and the greatest commercial city of the South, is destined to have a development that will recall the prosperous times en joyed by it before the war. This great work of roads must be kept out of politics and must go for ward, and I shall address myself to its problems with an eye single to the material welfare of the State. No private business could be entitled to a more solicitous and intelligent care. A business of such character and mag nitude conducted by a political govern ment might easily fall a prey to in fluences calculated to impair results. I shall devote my best energies to preventing inefficiency and waste and to maintaining thorough and expert methods in the expenditure of the large sums set aside by the people to carry out a work of vital necessity to the future development and welfare of the State. Of co-ordinate importance with road making is road maintenance. Nothing is more distressing than to see comparatively new roads allowed to go to rack and ruin through lack of attention. This is a matter rendered still more difficult through the use of roads by motor cars. Some system must be devised and rigorously put into execution to keep up our roads after they are bult. Personally the justice appeals to me of a more equit able tax imposed on automobiles, ap proximately sufficient to repair the damage done by them. At all events our plan of road making must pro vide a plan that will maintain and not merely purport to maintain the roads we are building under our law. One of the matters of the greatest interest to the whole State is the de velopment of Baltimore, and the State • must do all in its power to enable the City to develop free from selfish po litical interference. I believe that Baltimore is entering upon a new era of prosperity and I propose to do all I can to help it along. If in the judg ment of experts more competent to decide than I am, our tax laws can be changed to advantage I will fight for such changes. The next administration will have an extraordinary opportunity to make a lasting record in bringing Baltimore and the State to the front, industrially and as a manufacturing and commer cial centre. I promise, if elected, to make the furtherance of this by spe cial effort, and to that end I shall ask the Legislature to give the City the charter amendments which its experts have approved and I shall do all I can to change any laws which now re tard the commercial progress of our people. The next administration will be con fronted with a number of important legislative and reform problems which are now before the people of this country and which are demanding careful attention. The Democratic awakening, whiclp I believe will result in great changes in our National Government and econ omy, is bringing new issues to the front. On some of the proposed re forms, which are still in experimental shape, I believe Maryland can well afford to watch and wait her younger and less conservative sisters try them out. As to others I think the time is ripe for action. For example, I have for some years, both as a lawyer and a layman, felt that the time was rap idly approaching when some change must be made in our laws of Employ ers’ Liability. MORE than thirty leg islatures dealt with this problem in some manner at their last sessions, and some w T ay must be found here to deal justly with all the elements in volved. The old doctrines of the law on this subject work great hardship and to my mind are no longer sound either ethically or economically. I am frank to say that out of the multitude of suggestions, and the various laws passed in other States, I have not been able, nor have I seriously tried, to formulate a plan of my own, but, if I am elected Governor, I shall ask the Legislature to enact a law on this sub ject to be prepared by a commission of experts selected to represent both the employers and the employees. The Democratic platform promises to provide by law for holding the State-wide direct primary in Presiden tial years on the last Tuesday in May. In fixing this time of the year the State Convention must have had in National Convention, mind the selection of delegates to the Therefore in order to carry out the evident purpose of this pledge and to make it fully effective I favor adding a provision for the selection of delegates to the National Convention by DI RECT VOTE OF THfe PEOPLE at said State-wide primary in May, 1912, and similarly in every fourth year there after. Maryland, thanks to her successive Democratic administrations, now leads in much of the advanced and progres sive legislation which changed condi tions and greater civic enlightenment have demanded, like the Pure Food Law, the Corrupt Practices Act, the Public Utilities Law, the Direct Pri mary, etc. She must hold this posi tion. I should like to see her take an advanced position in the movement for national uniformity of laws on sub jects like divorce, inheritance tax, and 1 believe that we should unite with the Governors of other States in makini; all proper efforts for safeguarding and exercising those reserved rights of the States which are now neglected and in danger of Federal usurpation. There are a number of other ques tions which I shall discuss during the campaign. It is sufficient today that I indicate, as I have tried to do, just where I stand on what I believe to be the local issues of most importance to the welfare of the State and of the Democratic party. A great opportu nity and a great duty confronts us. A Republican victory this fall will be the first setback to the wave of triumphant Democracy that is sweeping the coun try. I may be regarded by some as non-progressive and reactionary, and too great a believer in organized party efficiency, but this I know that the hope of this country and of this State lies in the Democratic party. It alone is the party of progress today and It alone is free from the baneful influ ences of the “Big Interests,” “The Trusts” that control the Republican party. To the best of my lights and the limit of my ability I propose to fight under this banner and fight to a finish. Down To Fine Points. Claus A. Spreckles, the sugar re finer, was talking in New York about economics in the sugar trade. “We work very economically,” Mr. Spreckles said, “but we haven’t got things down to such a fine point as some folks would have you be lieve. We are not quite so econom ical, in fact, as the lady with the pet cat. “A lady who owned a tortoise shell cat called her grocer up one morning and gave her usual economical order —an order for dried beans, hominy, yesterday’s bread and so forth —and she concluded with a request for one cent’s worth of cat’s meat. “The grocer sighed, for. this order would have to be delivered three miles away. But as he was entering the items in his order book the lady called him up again. “ ‘Mr. Sands,’ she said, ‘oh, Mr Sands!’ “ ‘Yes, madam.’ “ ‘Mr. Sands, I want to cancel that order for cat’s meat. The cat’s jusl caught a bird.’ ” —Washington Star Business Movements. George Ruhl, tailor, has selected Sullivan, Ky., for a business place. He will reach here to-day and during next week, accompanied by his wife, return to that place. The Mountain City Produce Com pany, E. N. Michael, manager, will be gin business next Monday, October 2d, in the Dufty Building, 16 Broadway. Full stocks kept on hand and all business strictly wholesale. As noted in the Journal’s advertis ing columns, the firm of Stewart, Hoh ing & Son, clothiers, was dissolved last Monday, and the stock and busi ness transferred to Otto Hohing & Sons, 51 East Union street. The in dividual members of the new firm are Messrs. Otto Hohing, Otto Hohing, jr., Philip H. Hohing and Conrad Hohing, all of this place. J. C. Cunningham, of Elkins, W. Va., has been appointed superintend ent of the West Virginia and Mary land Gas Company, succeeding the late J. D. Northrup, deceased. Welcome Home. A number of young friends of Miss Minnie Schneider, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. H. N. Schneider, of Maple street, tendered that lady a compli mentary call Monday evening of last week at the family home. A corres pondent writes that “the call partook of the nature of a ‘welcome home’ after Miss Schneider’s residence of a year in Baltimore, and the occasion was one of gladness all around.” A dance was the leading feature, and re freshments, daintily prepared and hospitably served, completed an oc casion of real enjoyment. Among those present were Mrs. Agnes Mar shall, Misses Maggie Mitchell, Daisy Durst, Inez Rephan, Stella Chidester, Dora Eichhorn, Edna Raley, Bessie Williams, Laura Krause, Messrs. Law rence Feldman, Frank Eberly, Roy Rephan, Thomas Ryan, Allen Mc- Luckie, Hugh Watson, George Kemp and James Goldsworthy. Electric Bitters Succeed when everything else fails. In nervous prostration and female weaknesses they are the supreme remedy, as thousands have testified. FOR KIDNEY, LIVER AND STOMACH TROUBLE it is the best medicine ever sold g ; over a druggist’s counter. WHEN HER BACK ACHES. —~ A Woman Finds All Her Energy and Ambition Slipping Away. Frostburg women know how the aches and pains that come when the kidneys fail make life a burden. Backache, hip pains, headaches, dizzy spells, distressing urinary troubles, all tell of sick kidneys and warn you of the stealthy approach of dropsy or Bright’s disease. Doan’s Kidney Pills are for the kidneys only. They at tack kidney diseases by striking at the cause. Here’s proof of it in a Frost burg woman’s worde: Mrs. Cleaver Richardson, 102 Center street, Frostburg, Md., says: “I found Doan’s Kidney Pills to be a very good kidney medicine and I publicly endorsed them in 1907. All that I then said in their praise still holds good. I had various symptoms of kidney complaint. My head and back ached and often I felt dizzy and nervous. Mornings on arising, I was all tired out and my kidneys were in bad shape. Hearing about Doan’s Kidney Pills, I used them and they not only drove away the pains but toned up my entire system. One of my children was af flicted with kidney trouble, and in this case Doan’s Kidney Pills effected a complete cure.” For sale by all dealers. Price 50 cents. Foster-Milburn Co., Buffalo, New York, sole agents for the United States. Remember the name —Doan’s —and take no other. A Great Man. “Ever read Victor Hugo’s descrip tion of the battle of Waterloo?” “You bet. That fellow put some enthusiasm into his work. Were he alive tc-day he’d make a craclcerjack baseball writer. ” —Washington Herald And what a counterfeit centennial exploiter he would make! Production Apparently Doubled. Some people accuse Gen. Kear Hos ken of playing on words, but the gen eral says if the accusation be valid he stands not alone. See this: Luther Burbank is a wizard— Eor instance, places where Last year there grew a single fruit— This year there grows a pear. Hustling Frostburg. Frostburg is a lively little city and the work of improvement goes steadily onward and upward. Paving streets with vitrified brick and cutting away the hump on the National pike, in east end of that city, is some of the work being done. —Piedmont (W. Va.) Independent. Cold Storage. “John Smith” wants to know “if a chicken should be supposed to be ten der merely because it is a spring chicken?” Not necessarily. It might have been hatched in 1906. In which event it should not be eaten until next year. ■Wanted to Rent. A five or six-room House, centrally located, with bath and gas. Would lease for one or two years at reasonable rent. Address— HOUSE, Care of Mining Journal. WARNING ! My wife, Jennie Livengood, having left my bed and board without just cause or provocation, I hereby give notice that I will not be responsible for any debts she may contract. SCOTT LIVENGOOD, Elk Lick, Pa. FARM FOR SALE. Contains 201 acres, 175 acres cleared. 275 peach trees, 3 years old; also apple orchard. 75,000 feet of saw timber. 9- room frame dwelling-house with cellar; barn, outbuildings, etc., all in good re pair. Well and springs. Convenient to church, school, store, postoffice, etc. On county road, 3 miles from main line of B. &O.R. R. 2 miles from Alaska, W. Va. Price S3OOO. One third cash and balance in one and two years. Address DR. PERCIVAL EANTZ, Alaska, W. Va. IF IT WERE POSSIBLE FOR ALL MINERS OF THE GEORGE’S CREEK, Pocahontas, Pittsburg, AND OTHER- Coal Fields TO QUIT WORK MINERS’ ASTHMA would soon be a thing of the past. But it is not. Great relief, however, can be secured by using Dr. M. M. Townsend’s Remedy for Hay Fever, Asthma and Catarrh. In successful use over 30 years. Prescribed by Physicians. Druggists, or direct from Factory, 37 Frost Avenue, Frost burg, Md. Circulars free. “ Don't wait to grovt worse.” JOHN CHAMBERS, Justice of tlic Peace. AND Collector of Claims of All Kinds, Union St., fjy 4] Frostburg, Md.