Mower County transcript. [volume], October 13, 1886, Image 5

About Mower County transcript. [volume] (Lansing, Minn.) 1868-1915

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SUPPLEMENT TO
Iteifow&ttnty Transq&t.
mSTXTl
With
6.,
nr^oNi
LlHOMASWiliSflN
s——
JUDGE WILSON'HAQtWPTA&DR.
'A* the delegates here well know, I had
/hoped that this honor he conferred on
someone el«e. 1 had intended under no
circumstances to accept but appeals have
been made to me I felt 1 could* not resist.
Gentleman, I accept your nomination.
(Tremendous applause.), Tii6 honoris
one any man should appreciate, and com­
ing as it does, unsought aiiji undeslred, 1
.. assure you that I fully appreciate and will
do all that is honorable in my power to
secure the election. I am not unmindful
of the duties and grave responsibilities of
the office if elected. .dentlemen, I will
not go Into the campaign on any old is­
sues. The war is over an$ the Issues on
which the Republican party was founded
are dead. New issues have come before
us, new questions of paramount Import­
ance to the Nation, that"must be met and
answered. The influence of centralized
capital is becoming a source of national
alarm. A very few years ago, business
was done within a very .small radius.
Now everything is done, in the large
cities. Large cities, large business, large
factories, large capital are growing
larger small business, small factories
small capital are growing smaller,
or rather arc disappearing. A few
..men have grown rich beyond the,
{dream of avarice, and to increase the
power of wealth have formed corporations
that unite the wealth of many individu­
als and possess a corresponding power,
This wealth so consolidated becomes a
dangerous power. The transportation
question is one of such magnitude that
we can hardly comprehend it. A small
town or small business may be wip&d out
completely by a slight discrimination in
freight—done by a few men sitting In an
office in Wall street or Boston. Astrug
git is pending in the near future between
corporate monopoly, with its clutch on
the political machinery of one of the
parties, on one side, and the people, un
organized, on the other. How are we to
•..vert this impending danger? How deal
with these mighty corporations that af­
fect so vitally every citizen of the land?
That power must be controlled and re­
cessed. I would not be such a dema­
gogue as to attack these corporations to
gain votes. 1 do not say that it was rep­
rehensible to organize them. They are
necessary elements of the growth of the
country. Transportation by steam on
water and land is necessary. But these
great corporations must be controlled or
they will cripple every poor man and ev­
ery small town that comes in contact
them. A steam engine is a necessi­
ty of modern civilization, but It must be
controlled and guided by proper authori­
ty. And so with the corporations. As 1
have always done, I shall continue to op­
pose all such oppression and favor such
strict and vigilant control as shall make
them subservient to the, interests of the
people. I am unalterably opposed to any
bonus of any kind to any corporation.
Not one cent should be taken from
the pockets of the poor to enrich
the well filled coffers of these cor­
porations. N bonus or si^bsidy of money
or land. I am also opposed to, that other
great outrage, the high protective tariff,
whioh builds up the rich at the expense
of the poor, the few at the expense of the
many. One other thing. I am opposed
most strongly to political corruption
which pollutes our government. Not
only that low form of corruption which
buys votes, by the use of money,but to all
corrupt combinations, intrigue and trad­
ing whereby a few control the election
against the will of the people. I *m op
poised to any man trying to make a politi­
cal bargain with any rear or pretended
political boss who claims that he controls
the Norwegian vote or the Knights of
Labor vote, or the vote of any other class.
This is an insult to and an outrage on the
class whose vote is thus sold and who are
thus bartered away. (Applanse.) A man
that
trades on such a vote before election
is nnflt for the position and wiil After
election sell those for whom he
thus bargains and whom he claims
to represent. Let us .stand for
better methods, purer politics, honest
government. We have a man in the
White House who hat act his footagainst
such abuses. 1 honor him. I respect his
intentions and his sturdy honesty. I
agree in the main withhis policy. Let
ns stand by him in efforts to purify the
public service. (Applause.) Gentlemen,
I thank you for the nomination. 1 don't
much believe in the promises a candidate
may make on the eve of llection. You
have my record in the past. If you be
lieve after studying
it
xorjur a
that I will repre­
sent you and your interests honestly and
faithfully I believe you will vote for me.
If you do not believe that 1 will do this
you will not vote for me and I do not
want you to. I have accepted your nom­
ination. 1 thank you.
opinion of komwm^iaxs
Albert Lea Democrat: A Norwegian
paper of general circulation throughout
Ujhe tate, states that John A. Lovely is a
very particular friend of the Norwegians
and that he speaks their language fluent
ii This is but one of the many dellber*
»te falsehoods that these bribed Republi
can papers circulate. No person haa ever
heard Mr. Lovely speak one word of Nor­
wegian, and we have heard of but-one
*-tirae that Lovely has expressed himsctlt
sfja to Ua particular feelings for the" .Nor
Iwegtina this was however some few
%eara ago* When he said that he cared no
Ignore for a Norwegian than he did for a
-hog. It might seem incredible that he
%Would have made such a remark, but we
f^veeollect that sworn affidavits were m*di
at the time of fact that he did do
those who best know he man,
P%ice that it sounds Just ran vm.
^WDOyqumTJIJITLET
Presented in Twe It
Addresses,
By His rotlriog Effort)) Saving to the State
a Clean Million Dollars.
The Great Railroad Corporations Forced
TOWARDS CENTRALIZATION,
while those who had been democrats
stood opposed. Hence, when the war
closed and the issues of the war lie*
came matters of history,:there was
found to be no unanimity in therepub
lican party on these questions Which
remained unsettled. Each faction
sought to impress its peculiar views
on the party. Republicans in the
Eastern states especially, and in some
of the Middle states, influenced by
what seemed to them their own in­
terests, have ever since the wag
attempted to commit the republics!!
party to protective tariff, while thd
people in the West in that. party by
no means assented to this. Bui as
the party, when assembled in nation­
al convention, has been controlled by
the monopolists of the East, a high
protective tariff has resulted as the
doctrine of the prty. To this doctrine
of high protective tariff and centrali­
zation—to the extent to which the re
inbllcan party has carried It, many
aye been unable to assent. I am of
that number. I have therefore, for
the past few years, acted with the
democratic party, whose views upon
these questions accord with ray own
1
By the Eloquent Defmrcrato &UMMate^
for Congress in the First
District.
His Position Clearly and
Outlined in His Qpeftir
Speech at Rochester
The Iniquitous Protective Tarifl
Which Robs the Farmers
1
Must be Removed,
AND DUTIES COLLECTED ONLY AS JtE
QI'IRED FOR THE SUPPORT OF
THE GOVERNMENT.
The Great Corporations Must be. 3^e-.
pressed and Their Dangerous
Power Circumscribed.
Laws Should be Made to Protect the'
People and not to Enrich
Monopolists.
And/Shows (How .SlnKle-Hamied He {oagkt
the Iufninoufl Bond .Steal.
At Preston, Judge Wilson Reviews Hl« ha Vftlong been lessened and removed
Course in the State Leg- manufacturers andmon
islature,
Magnificent Record, Always Consistneat*
Always the Champion of the People.
The Democratic Platform, Brief, Clear and
^Forcible in Behalf of the
People.
THE OPENING ADDRESS
Judge Wilson made the first speech,
of the campaign at Rochester, ad'
dressing a large audience in Library
hall. Judge Wilson was introduced
by W. L. Brackenridge, who paid a
high compliment to the emjj^ent,
speaker. Judge Wilson's appearance
was greeted with enthusiastic ap­
plause. He spoke as follows:
In all countries occasionally there
is a breaking up of old party lines
and a rearrangement on new issues^
This must be so as long as men are
more interested in principles than in
empty names, for the issues that en­
gage attention this year are often dis-'
placed by new and different issues
next year. Thirty-one years ago I
was a member of a convention at St.
Paul which first, I believe, organized
the Republican party In the Terri­
tory of Minnesota. That convei^Sftn
was composed of men,some of whom,
like myself, had been Democrats
others had been Whigs. Some, there*
fore favored the doctrines of the for­
mer party, others those of the latter.
But agreeing for the time to forget
and subordinate ail their differences
on mere economic questions so that
they might act in concert about what
they deemed to be a more important
one, they agreed on one single point
as their platform of principles, viz.:
Opposition to the extension of slavery.
But when slavery became a thing of
the past, and the right to carry it in­
to the territories could no longer be
an issue, those political questions
which before engaged the attention
of parties became living issues, upon
Which men who had composed the
Republican party found themselves
divided. The fact, of course, that
men had agreed as to the rightjto car­
ry slavery into the territories would
not tend to harmonize their views on
the questions of political economyv
Those who had before been whigs
were generally found to be favorable
to a protective tariff and to look with
some favor on certain tendencies of
the government
I believe, and the Democratic party
as rule believes, that protection to
the exteut to which it has been carried
since the war, is not what the word
would imply- protection to the weals
against the strong—but the contrary,
protection to the strong and powerful
and wealthy against
THE WEAK AND POOR:
that it is an oppressive burden un*
Justly imposed for the benefit of
monopolists who are millionaires
that its effect has been and must be to
make the rich richer at the expense
of the poor. Let us not be misunder­
stood. The democrats are not free
traders. They favor a tariff for the
purpose of raising a revenue sufficient
for all the wants of the country—but
they do not believe in compelling one
Industry to aid in the support of an­
other. No man should be compelled
against his will to contribute his
means for the support of another,
/should add, too, lest we friay be mis­
understood, that the democratic party
Is not in favor of extreme measures.
Speaker Carlisle voiced .democratic
views on the subject in a recent ape*
delivered by him. fie said:
4*Wti
manufacturing interests have grown
up tinder a high protective eastern, or
In a aeries of years hav^ adjusted
themselves to it. and when those en
in them have become accus
to rely upon
nty for support, it mlght
jurious, and even disastrous, to _~-—.
to suddenly repeal or gfSatly reduce
duties. Such a coarse might serious
Cmamiktio employ their
1se$, and when
even without
cause, the malt for the time being is
practicaliy the. same as though the
5fc«sterwere teal. For this reason,
iTfil Hi* othera, it has always been
voti'tbat
Tfiybr
it was.the duty of
to proceed earefully and con
Vt8$rin legislating Qn this sub
rtgard for the large
In other words,
involved
i^ION. NOT REVOLUTION,
of reformation must
power of taxation is
... its proper purposes.
Jnj£rt bprigigep backward, nor
from correct principle
apumf^poiicy." The democratic
pot only opposed to the priii
or protection of private indus
ifexpense of other industries
iUg, but especially is it
tho extent to which this
the war,
com-
ider pcesaary by
not $ospibly have com-
Bft^v#ith outeide manufacturers
Mwe^ au ^ditional jluty was im
on.jf oreign wares* This was
©.jrod. done properly, but it was
"netly understood on all hands
Mthe.. extra duty then imposed
when the burden
ofthe war on such industries was re­
moved. But though the war taxes
opoliste insist that the war tariff
WmAin. And it has been
y»XAfter year to a figure
shall
kept up
that has
produced about one hundred and
of the .demand of the
to
Give up Their Unscrupulous Practices,
And, Despite Intense Opposition, Tbeir Lands
Placed on the Tax List.
revenue to the government,
leffeet being to jaisein value the
fifty
millions of dollars per annum in
ex-
treasury.
A&uty is placed on many articles
high tbat it is .net
so
ilgh tnat it is .nearly or quite prohi
bition. and this does not yield
All THE PROTECTED INDUSTRIES
oin together and oppose any change
or evena consideration of the
te
Interests, the people of Maine become
©very year more and more interested
iir the maintenance of a protective
tariff. No candid man believes a pro­
tective tariff will be upheld for a
single year if the opponents of the
republican party should come into
^ower/.tind by so much as any voter
Mathe helps to elevate free trade
to pdwer, by so much he aids to im­
peril the manufacturing and agricul­
tural, interests of the dtate, and no less
so in the'matter of ship-building."
And in aspeech a few months ago
he said:
"At the late session of congress a
measure known as the Morrison tariff
bill, designed first to weaken and
ultimately destrov the protective
ptolicy, was resisted by so compact an
organization of the republican mem­
bers that a single vote from New York
and two or three votes from Minne­
sota were all that broke the absolute
unanimity of the party, and was ren­
dered still more striking by the fact
that the organs of republican opinion
In New York and Minnesota declared
that these exceptional votes were ad­
verse to the wishes of a large major­
ity of those who elected the dissent
ling members."
ON THE OTHER HAND,
the vast majority of the Democratic
members supported the free trade side
of the question, but a small minority
uniting with the republicans found
themselves able to defeat the measure.
The hostility of the Democratic party
to protection has entailed upon tha
country a vast loss.
It cannot be necessary to waste
words in the attempt to prove to an
intelligent audience that the Repub­
licans of the East who direct the party
and control Its counsels, favor protec
Jon—high, oppressive protection—
and I think it may be said that it is
equally clear tbat the republicans of
the West would oppose it, if permit­
ted. But they have been overridden
and misrepresented. When the re­
publicans of the West have taken the
power out of the hands of leaders and
ring-men and elected a man who rep
represents them on the economic
uestion they soon find that that man
by hook or crook cast aside. The
bn8iness of the whole country has
been subordinated and compelled to
pay tribute to a few protected monop­
olists. Especially has the business of
the West suffered. And when a cry
has gphe up for revision and reform,
we havejfotten it. But how, and in
what? Has the burden been taken off
the pobitt! The tax has been removed
from bank checks, perfumery, hair
dyes, patent medicines, etc. The
people nave
ASKED FOR BREAD
and they ., have. been givan a stone.
On such articles as rice, glass, sugar,
molassee, blankets, flannels, hosiery,
and other woolen goods there is a
du­
ty varying from 40 to 100 per cent
permit me to call attention to
ad
valorem and over. The articles of
necessity to the poor are often taxed
highest. There is hardly an article
worn or used by the poor whose price
is not largely enhanced by
thi9
quitous tariff, while the articles
ini­
that
the poor themselves, produce and sell
are unprotected. They are compel­
led to aell In the lowest market and
buy in the highest. It is not so very
strange that people redding in man­
ufacturing communities which at any
rate are supposed to receive some
benefit from the forced contributions
of the masses, should acquiesce
but
that the people of Minnesota should
not cry aloud against such injustice
passes comprehension. Time
wi
11 not
the
most odious features of the present
tariff, but before turning from it I
beg leave to quote from a speech de­
livered by Joseph Medill, proprietor
of the Chicago Tribune, the leading
BepuMican organ of the north west,be­
fore the American Agricultural asso­
ciation in 1882, at Chicago. He says:
**I understand the truth when I say
that the formers of the West and the
planters of the South are eharged
$500,000,000 a year on their goods for
the profit ot protected Eastern manu­
facturers, more than is fair or neces­
sary on the principle of live and let
live."
MERELY A NAME.
How Irrational party spirit is, and
bow ineiedible it is that it can in­
duce people to losesi^Mof their own
interest—for what
allegiance to a
that to-day the
alike
show their
For I assert
ice between
republi»
of the
merely a
state, of
In Minneso
The people of
name.
either party, are not in fevorpfguch
forced contribution to the mantum^
turer of the east. They are not In
favor of contributing or their own
scanty means to enable the monopo­
lists of the east to add to their mill­
ions—for this is what it comes to. It
has been very truthfully »id that
you never find a subsidy beggar who
is not a millionaire. Point to me the
proprietors of the protected industries
and I will, as a rule, point you to the
possessors of princely fortunes. Out­
side of the great wrong to the masses
to be compelled unwillingly to pay.
tribute to the wealthy manufacturer^
it is an unhealthy state of things to
build up such immense fortunes as
thus have been built up—when the
wealth of the country is massed so
largely in the hands of a few the many
must suffer. It leads to corruption in
legislation. But I cannot longer
dwell on this topic.
CENTRALIZATION.
I have said that the parties stand op­
posed on the question of centralization,
and this too in my judgement is particu­
larly undemocratic and opposed to the
interest of the many and calculated to
give wealth and monopoly an unreason­
able power and advantage over the poor,
and middle class. Let me illustrate by
an example. Our state constitution pro­
vides that "every person ought to obtain
justice freely and without purchase, com­
pletely and without denial, promptly and
without delay." And substantially the
same provision may be found in the con­
stitution of every state. This was not
only the letter of the organic law, but the
practice until a period subsequent to the
war. But a great change has been
wrought. I appeal to those who have
seen nearly as many years as I, that until
of late it was very rare to hear of a case
being transferred fronj the state to the
federal court. But since then vast cor-
Eave
any
its sole
price
of the article manufactured in this
country to the consumer, without
yielding a dollar's revenue to the
government.
subject.
I admit tfiat the democrats are not
unit on the Question, nor are
a
the re­
publicans, bilt the democrats are
by
a
veir large majority in favor of tariff
revisibftj afid the republicans nearly
i' unit a&ainst it. Mr. Blaine
must
ocmCeaed to be good authority on
th6 Object in our favor, and I there­
fore tjuote him. In a speech delivered
twoyears since he said:
^pon ivery question upon which
parties divide in this country the in­
terest of the people of Maine must
ead. them, aner a sober second
orations have been multiplied and laws
been enacted which authorize the
transfer of numerous cases and classes of
cases not before transferable. This is the
result of practice. A widow desires to
collect a sum secured to her by a policy
on her husband's life, or a person having
afire policy on his personal property
which has been destroyed by fire wishes
to collect the amount secured! Suit is
brought, payment by the company being
refused. The first step by the company,
if.it is a foreign corporation or the de­
fendant is not a citizen of the United
States, is to remove the suit
INTO THE FEDERAL COURTS.
This largely increased the expenses of
litigation and is therefore a great hard­
ship. If the claim is over $5,000, the
company can appeal from any judgment
of the circuit court to the supreme court
of the United States, where the case
cannot be reached under four years.
This is simply a denial of justice and
places the person dealing with the cor­
poration at its mercy. The same is trne
when it is found necessary to sue a rail­
road company which is a foreign corpor­
ation, on any contract or for any personal
injury, or for any other tort. This, too,
is a republican measure and is retained
in the statute book by republican votes
—or by the refusal of the republicans to
consent to its repeal. Mr. Townshend,
democratic member from Illinois, at
least once—I believe twice—got a bill
correcting these evils through the house.
I know that to prevent the passage of the
bill in the senate, a prominent insur­
ance company of New York retained one
of the ablest law firms of that city to
prepare a brief against the law, which
was handed to the judiciary committee
of the senate, and the bill, I think, has
never seen the light since. And here I
wish also not to be misunderstood. I
have no doubt that ninety-nine out of
every 100 republicans in my hearing
would oppose this, but the eastern manu­
facturers, railroad companies, telegraph
companies, express companies and all
CONCENTRATED CAPITAL
oppose repeal, and just that class have
dominated the republican party for many
years. While western republicans have
slumbered and slept, their interests have
been trifled with and disregarded. I have
deeply felt the wrong of this centralizing
tendency. It is undemocratic, unrepub-.
lican, unjust. Impressed with this view
and with the great injustice of thia law
to the masses of the people and the un­
just and outrageous advantage which it
gives to corporations and concentrated
capital, and for the purpose of calling
attention to it, I read a paper befpre the
State bar association a little oyer two
years
ago,
in which I attempted to ex­
pose the injustice and wrong. In that
yaper I used this language:
I have said that in my opinion this mod­
ern doctrine is not reconcilable with the
constitution. I believe any onewho will
study the question candidly will assent
to this view. I also said that it is un-,
fortunate, and in opposition to. the inter-.
ebts and rights of the people generally.
I wish to add a word as to the aspect of
the case. I admit that this final decision
as to the jurisdiction of federal courts in
such cases is just such as meets the ap­
probation of corporations and organized
capitalists generally, But as "God
made the earth for man and not for trade,"
or even for corporations, we should not
entirely overlook the interests ana rights
of the people generally in the considera­
tion of such a question. The constitution
of our State provides (as do the consti­
tutions of the several States,.as a rule,)
that "every person is entitled to a certain
remedy in the laws for all
INJURIES OR WRONGS
which he may receive in his person,
property or character he ought to obtain
justice freely and without purchase,
completely and without denial, promptly
and without delay, conformably to. the
laws. This should be the birthright of
every American citizen, even ih the ab­
sence of any constitutional provision.
But the modern doctrine of the federal
courts takes away this right, an^ delivers
the masses of the people bound .hunl
and foot to the tender mercies of .corpora­
tions and concentrated and organized
capital. Every lawyer of extensive prac­
tice has very frequent illustrations of
this. A has insured bis property in a
foreign corporation for a sum exceeding
$5,000, ana the property is destroyed by
fire. The insurance company refuse*
payment. The assured is compelled, at
great expense, to bring suit in the federal
court. Ordinarily the expense of such,
litigation at such a distance, from his
home is a great burden and hardship in
some cases nearly a denial of justice- But
this is only the beginning of his calamity.
An appeal may be taken by the insur­
ance company—if a decision is adverse to,
it—to the supreme court of the tlnited
States. This delays the final decision
about four years longer. Unless the as­
sured is wealthy, if he relies, as is ordina
rily the case, on the amount recovered
from the insurance company to replace
his building or his stock, the delay is sim­
ply ruin. He is therefore compelled eX
necessitate to accept such terms of
AGAINST FOREIGN CORPORATIONS,
generally. In any and all such cases the
claimants, when the case is removed
into the federal courts, and the amount
is sufficient to give aright of appeal, are,
if not wealthy, simply at the mercy of
the corporation, and compelled to accept
such terms of adjustment as may beoffer
ed. The supreme court may declare
that "the practice founded on these decis­
ions, (establishing the modern doctrine* I
at least, injures or wrongs no one:" but
this simply shows their ignorance ofjthe
practical operation of such doctrine.
Some say the people will and should
rise in their might and declare and insist
that the rule tfjhe CQpritutioQ shall be
?*the
federal. courts .be abrogated Tend that
the lights of the people shall be regarded,
49sittBd of the interest oJ^ eapitaL This
modern rule is one of the-inost qbjection
aUe.phases of centralisation it tends and
is intended to magnify the.etiieer at the
expense of the people^ the central gov­
ernment at the expense of the States,
the strong at the expense of the weak,
the rich at the expense of tke poor, the
lawyers of the principal cities at the ex­
pense of the members of the profession
generally. The remedy is easily stated,
bat not, easily applied. See to it that
members of cepgress are elected who
have inflnenc$ alia will use it for the re­
peal of the modern objectionable enact­
ments, and. leave o^ the qtatute book
either tlie judiciary act of 1879, ot one in
principle the same who: will us« their
influence to secure: the enactment of such
laws as will restrain the federal judiciary
within the bounds prescribed by the con­
stitution.
TIME VfllAj NOT PERMIT
me to refer to pther objectionable in­
stances of centralization, which is
opposed to the genius of our govern­
ment and the* best interests of the
people, The social and political evo­
lution of the last twenty years has
presented questions not le9s impor­
tant than those we have been consid­
ering. The rapid and unprecedented
accumulation of capital in the hands
of a few persons, traceable partly to
the monopolistic tendency, and laws
above adverted to, and partly to other
causes, has presented questions de­
serving the mostserious consideration
of every legislator. There, has been
for years a cloud in the political hor«
izon which, though not .tiil recently
bigger than a man's hand, portended
Koliticaldisturbances.
In an address
me, delivered about four years ago
before a convention of teachers at St.
Paul, I used this ianguage: "Until
recently we have been the pioneers,
felling the forests, opening pines,
:nng
sciences and literature, as well as for
the capital to develop our internal
resources. All this is changed.: Now
not only the mines under our moun­
tains, but
OUR INTELLECTUAL MINES,
have been developed. While Europe
has been our banker, westan4 to-day
the second, soon to be the first, nation
in the world In amount of accumu­
lated capital. One of the most accur­
ate and learned staticians of the
British empire, after comparing the
balance sheet of the nations, of the
world for tho decadeending 1880,says:
"It would be impossible to nnd in
histor: llel to the progress of
bates in the last ten
history a parallel
the United States in tlie last ten
years."
niuted at, must, must be most grati
fying to our national pride and, it i9
to be hoped, stimulating to our pat­
riotism, yet they hring with them the
responsibilities of greatness—respon­
sibilities which we cannot postpone
and which it would be criminal to
ignore. While we were mostly but a
community or communities of agri­
culturists while free, rich lands were
to be had by all at a mere nominal
price, or gratis while concentrated
capital had not overshadowed or
choked individual enterprise or the
private enterprises of the poorer or
middle classes while the wag^-earn*
ing population were few and their
condition temporary, it would have
been difficult to find
While these facts, so briefly
A DISCONTENTED CLASS
in all the length and breadth of the
land, or one who could with reason
have found fault with its lot or with
the government. Hitherto, ^here
fore, except by the recent southern
rebellion, our government has been
subjected to but little strain. We
have not had any class prejudices or
contention. The man who labored
by the day or month or year for his
more peculiarly fortunate neighbor,
could clearly see he might soon be­
come, by the exercise of frugality and
industry, a freeholder, a merchant or
a manufacturer. Such a state ofjthings
was the surest.guarantee of order and
patriotic devotion to the government.
He who has acquired property, espe­
cially real property, has given hos­
tages to society for bis good conduct.
Self-interest, as well as patriotism,
impel8 such an one to oppose dis.
refer or violent soeial changes.. But
anew order of things has arisen* .The
wage-earning class is becoming much
more numerous and permanent.
With the accumulation of wealth
in a. few. handstand i£fhei immense
power which itgiv.estoits possessors,
and with
THE PUBLIC DOMAIN
fit for cultivation nearly all disposed
of or granted to railroad companies,
and held at eom^rativdy high
prices, the difference between the
poor and the rich, is becoming more
marked and emphasized. ~The.oppor
tunities to rise nrotn the grade of em
»Ioye to tbat of employeraro becoming
ess, and for reasons wHich cannot be
touched on in the few moments al
loted to me, the purchasing power of
money is growing less: I It i3 hardly
to. be expected that und^ these cir­
cumstances the less fortunate class,
by unremitting industry tnS'ely
earn their daily bread, and who know
that to-morrow they may b^ hardly
able to earn thatj snnild :npt
RICHES ARE JLS IMPKQPIBNT
on our Journey to the good land. At
any rate it is not to he doubted that
the influence of .concentrated and cen
tralizcd capital is becoming alarming.
In a few years a few.meA haxe.grown
rich beyond the dreamsaf avqrice and
to ine^Base,their:power in almost a
ratio.' Corporations have
esing .the .Wealth
vidsafc^and-ptadtically
of many
immortal,
the hands
oomr
promise as the corporation sees fit taoffer.
I might instance too the case of life insur­
ance, of claims for personal injuries
against railroad companies, of claims on
contracts or for torts
power, with its vast ramification all over
tlie Union, and a hard grip on much of
the.political machinery, on the one hand,
and the people in an unorganized condi­
tion on the other for control of the gov­
ernment. It will be watched by every
patriot. He is blind to the signs of the
times who does not see that one of the
problems of the near future, under all
governments and especially under a
republican form of government, is, how
ahall these conflicting forces be reconciled,
and how shall each be educated, controll­
ed and constrained to recognize the rights
of the other? How shall the govern­
ments meet the questions so that neither
the rich nor the poor shall be treated
unjustly, and so that neither liberty nor
civilization shall suffer, nor constitutional
rights be over-ridden?
In a monarchy, perhaps, a few thou­
sand bayonets or muskets would settle
the question, but with us the ultimate
appeal is to the people, and nothing can
be said to be settled until it is settled in
accordance with the dictates of justice.
When any class by mere force of numbers
or wealth overrides the rights of Any
other class, a blow is struck at freedom
which will tell on after generations.
WEALTH'S SHARE TOO GREAT.
These social and political problems are
as important as have ever engaged the
attention of any people. In their pres­
ence it would be imbecile cowardice to
exhume the mummies and petrifactions
of past political eras which have been
long since buried. The handwriting on
the wall is clear, and any lover of his
race must rejoice in the fact that such
laws must be enacted as will make im­
possible the accumulation of wealth in
such dangerous amounts in the hands of
any one. While it is the pride and
glory of our country that personal lib­
erty, personal security and private prop­
erty are sacred and inviolable and must
be fearlessly guarded against all attacks,
on the other hand the rights of indus­
try and labor, either physical or mental,
must be guaranteed a fair compensation
and a fair share of the profit which is
the joint product of capital and labor.
I have no hesitation in saying, and it
has been my view for many years, that
wealth has had an unequal and too great
a share of the profits. The many dis­
honest shifts and artifices resorted to by
stock-jobbing, stock-watering, etc., as
means to this end, should be declared by
law to be a criminal. And "protection,''
so called, which compels the poor to con­
tribute to the princely fortunes of the
rich, should be abandoned as a political
heresy, as should the granting of subsi­
dies and bonuses of all kinds at the ex­
pense of one person or class for the ben­
efit of another.
ANARCHY AND HONEST LABOR
areas diametrically opposed as right and
wrong the lorraer must be denounced
and punished, the latter protected and
honestly and liberally rewarded. The
Crat,
test inducements must be held out to
intelligent exertion. As each
man sows so shall he reap. I believe,
and always have, in the democratic doc­
trine of equal rights to all, special privi­
leges to none. But as wealth is power,
legislators should see to it that such laws
are enacted as will surely protect the
poor and more helpless classes against
rapacious avarice. Just how this shall
be done is a question that no man seems
at present to have settled in his mind.
But undoubtedly some scheme will he
enacted by humane lawmakers who
honestly sympathize with their race and
are ready to lahor for its elevation. The
suggestion of the president in his spe­
cial message of a department or com­
mission of labor, seems, as far as it goes,
to be wise. The democratic party in
congress, under the lead of the presi­
dent, has taken a stand on the question
from which there is no danger that it will
go back. The committee on labor ap­
pointed by the house did much to furnish
such data as will make beneficent legisla­
tion not only possible but probable. And
the democratic house presented and suc­
cessfully carried through the bill to
[abor.
rfe^
mitted, as we grow
observant, we.becptttem#
inclined to accept Uie scrl
literal truth rather than &
expression intended merely,
that
and
express discontent When they Sep their
neighbors Spending, eactf day what
would be to tlistn a fortune., Nor
will mere education in $e sense of in­
formation or knowledge. im|igate or
remove such discontent. Qn'tne eon*
trary, it wiir prove an aggravation
and be an aid and incentive to jorgan
ized opposition to the prder of jthings
which ft will be supposed .festers and
makes possible, sucn^ great disparity.
The book says: *'It is j&Bier lor a
camel to go througnjthe.eyedfaneedle
camel to go throughjtne.eye oraneeaie
than fo* a rich man to enter the }cing
dom of heaven '.Vand it must be ad'
more
more
ture as
ruratlve
declare
What was 4sngerous in
of todi vlduals becomes
moresowhea consoli-
ated.lt Js-aot-exaggeration to sa:
that tew than a score of iodif idua
could be named ia our country who
by the influence of their united
wealth cpnld paralyse the indjostries
of the country and create fuch a
financial crisis as would spread dis­
aster throughout the land. He is
indeed a happy optimist who
feel tbat this is in some degree a
menace to society. Whcn eap}talists
so combine It is not to to expected
that laboring classes and all other
daesesshduldeot associate. The rapid
growth: of -corpbiate power and the
malignJnfluetiee which it exerts by
combination oa the national
kgislatures lS a weH grounded cause
fOTtfatin.
r"
A STRUGGLE iS^PSNlHire
in *hf? ^tntpri^ie^thiweigiown
irohibit the importation of contract
The language of
OLIVER CROMWELL
to the British parliament is demo­
cratic doctrine. He said: "If there
be any law which tends to make a
few rich and many poor, that suits
not a commonwealth." But I would
not do justice to myself if I inti­
mated that this sentiment is not
heartily responded to by the masses
of the republican party also. It mnst
be admitted that there are many
heartless men—that the accumulation
of wealth tends to dry up the better
sympathies of many—"that man's
inhumanity to man makes countless
thousands mourn." But the man
would do injustice to his race who
won Id intimate that among all classes
whether rich or poor, broad, gener­
ous and hearty sympathy is not often
fonnd for every class and degree of
his race. And he is a bad man who,
without reason, attempts to prejudice
one class against another. But I have
by no meansareferred to all the men­
aces of accumulated capital. In the
control of the railroad property of this
country a few private individuals,
responsible to no one but their im­
mediate constituency and subject to
no supervision and looking solely
to their own interest, yearly collect
from the people not less than $500,
000,000.
To no men or body of men
is it safe to commit such a power. The
mere statement of the proposition to
any thoughtful man shows the neces­
sity, for government supervision and
control. It matters not whether they
are honest or dishonest. No man
when his own interest is at stake
should be trusted with such power.
Not only do they levy and collect
this tribute, but a few men sitting
in their offices in Chicago or some
other city may by even a slight dis­
crimination in rates, affect most dis­
astrously the interests of every local­
ity, business and business man in
this land.
A SLIGHT DISCRIMINATION
against any person, place or business is
destruction. It cannot be expected, it
should not be tolerated, that such fearful
power unrestrained and unguarded should
be committed to any private man or men.
The people of the west have exceptional
interests in this question. On this ques­
tion, too, the democratic party has taken
advanced ground. My limited time
compels me to pass hastily over several
other important issues on which I shall
speak during the campaign. I favor
honest civil service reform. The rule
that to the victor belong the spoils car­
ried to its logical consequences is intol­
erable and inconsistsnt with the rule
that the government should be adminis­
tered
far
the benefit of the country—of
tne whole people and not of a party or
faction. It is hnman nature, and al­
ways will be true that a man who has
the right or power to recommend or ap­
point will—other things being equal—
recommend or appointing friend rather
than any one else. Bnt he is not a pa­
triot who would turn out a faithful, com­
petent officer of another party to make
room for one of his own party less com­
petent. What our countrv most nee is
is more honest, independent patriot­
ism and less blind partisanship.
Party is made for man, for the countiy,
and not man or country for party. And
I wish to say oo the subject germane to
this that I am opposed to political cor­
ruption, to all sorts of
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
that by any art, intrigue or improper
consideration, thwarts the will of the
people. We should have laws on the
statute books making penal all such
practices. Until the people repudiate
at the ballot box those who by any dis­
reputable methods, sueceed in securing
nominations they will be misrepresented
for if it is understood that a nomination is
secured by intrigue and a resort to
disrep­
utable methods, then fraud is at a prem**
ium and unworthy and disreputable men
will always succeed over honorable rivals.
It is almost by imperceptible and stealthy
beginnings that good government is
attacked, and it is from such attacks that
it has most to fear. The secret burrow­
ing of au insignificaht mouse will under­
mine and destroy the foundation of a
structure whose strength defied the force
and fury of the flood. Our government
can never be destroyed by force of open
violence from without, but as against
burrowing corruption it may truthfully
be said, "eternal vigilance is the price of
liberty." A Brady, a Dorsey and their
coadjutors and their secret partners are
more dangerous to free institutions than
a Cataline or a Julius Caesar. And, my
friends, be not deceived. He who will
by fraud secure a nomination or an elec­
tion to office will use that office for
fraud. I am in favor of being not only
just but generous to our soldiers. They
who were baptized in fire that our coun
ry might live and posterity enjoy the
blessings of freedom, deserve this—and
have aright to expect nothing less.
JUDGE WILSON AT PRESTOS.
At the request of the Democrats of
Filmore county, Judge Wilson yisited
Preston on Thursday. As it was the sec­
ond day of the county fair, there was a
large attendance of farmers and others
from all over the county. The Judge
addressed a large audience, including
many Republicans, and was frequently
interrupted by enthusiastic and repeated
applause. At the close of his speech,
many Republican farmers crowded
around him and shook hands, pledging
their earnest support. Milo White's
friends very generally will support Judge
Wilson, and there seems little doubt that
he will carry Filmore county, so strong
and widespread is the feeling for him
among the farmers. Judge Wilson spoke
as follows:
Having discovered that my friends in
the district would perhaps urge my can­
didature, a few weeks before the nomina­
tion I wrote and published a letter for
the purpose of letting it be known not
only that 1 was not a candidate, but also
that certain potent influences in the dis­
trict would be opposed to me and there­
fore that my nomination would be unwise.
In that letter 1 said:
Consulting my own feelings and interests
merely, I would decline to accept a nomina­
tion, even if assured of an election. Recog­
nizing, however, my obligations to my friends,
and desiring to oblige them, I might, perhaps,
feel constrained to accede to their wishes in
this case if I felt any reasonable assurance
that my nomination would increase the
chances of success. But I do not feel such as­
surance. On the contrary, as I stated to you,
I think that I would probably lose many votes
which would be cast for some other candidate
if nominated on our ticket. And it is to be
borne in mind that while happily party ties
are growing weaker year by year and electors
feel more and more inclined to vote according
to their convictions, uninfluenced by party
"bosses" or party names, it is hardly probable
that we have so far advanced In the direction
of independent political action that any one
can be elecetd in this district this year who is
called a "Republican," if any influential class
or any great number of electors outside of the
Republican party opposed him. I believe I
would be opposed by some who could influ­
ence a great many votes, have never been
or attempted to be prudent. My action in the
legislature (and out of it) has by no means
been always acceptable on the contrary, it
has at times been deemed very objectionable
by certain influential narties. My opposition
to the granting of lands or other subsidy, or to
the reviving of any land grant to any railroad
company, and my course in favor of tne taxa­
tion of the so-called railroad lands and In op­
position to the right of power of foreign cor­
porations to transfer causes from the state
courts to the federal courts, and my opposition
generally to the expansion of the power of cor­
porations would place in opposition to me
nearly every railroad company and corpora­
tion in the state while on the other hand, the
fact that I have been employed not Infre­
quently as the attorney of some railroad com­
panies and other corporations would enable
certain persons to misrepresent me and my
views and perhaps to prejudice me in the esti­
mation of some honest persons who do not
know the views I entertain, or what I have
advocated or done. Under the circumstances,
therefore, 1 wish to have it
clcarlv
understood
that I am not a candidate.
Unless information coming from dif­
ferent qnarters is wholly unreliable, the
opposition which I predicted frcm certain
corporations is already manifest, and the
reason of it is not far to seek. My con­
duct in office and out of office has been
such as to condemn me with that class as
a legislator. They know me to be un
cliangebly opposed to all land grants,sub­
sidies and bonuses, either by way of orig­
inal grant or renewal, and to any special
favor or privileges to them at the expense
of the people. I have always by word
and act opposed the expansion of power
of corporations and any and all special
immunities to them. A few examples
will illustrate my principles and actions
in such cases, and at the same time the
ground of the opposition of these corpo­
rations to my election.
THE KA1MVAY LAND OHANTS.
In 1857 as those whose memories reach
back so far will recollcct, the United
States made a grant of several millions of
acrls of land to Minnesota to aid in the
building of a number of lines of railroad.
The lands were by the legislature trans­
ferred to certain railroad companies
which agreed to build the roads. The
companies agreed to pay in lieu of all
other taxes three per centum of their
gross earnings and the lands were on that
consideration exempted from taxation
until they should be sold or contracted to
be sold by the companies. This immun­
ity from taxation was only of the prop­
erty of the companies paying the three
per centum of their earnings. The
property of no one else was exempted.
The land-grant railroad companies in
1858 applied for a loan of state credit to
the amount of $5,000,000. This could
not be granted but by an amendment of
the constitution which required a vote of
the people. One of the roads whose
eastern terminus was at Winona, was to
have $1,250,000 of the loan. The direct­
ors of the company lived at Winona and
they by the loan expected to be enriched,
and the people of the city expected that
it would be greatly benefited by the build­
ing of the road. 1 saw, or supposed 1
saw, that the scheme was one intended
and whose effect would be, to plunder the
state, as it in fact proved to be. I there
fore opposed it for though the officers of
the railroad company who asked for
bonds claimed that the state would never
be called on to pay a dollar—I was not
satisfied with the honesty or truth of the
statement. All the companies stood to­
gether in the zealous scramble for plun­
der. At the election in Winona on that
measure there were cast 1182 votes—(we
had honestly six or seven hundred) and
of these 1181 were for the loan, and one
against it. 1 was the one. They tried to
create such a feeling in our town that no
one would dare to vote against it. Though
they could not deter me, they caricatured
and, so far as they dared, insulted and
abused me for my course. After the
work had advanced so far that a few
hundred' thousand dollars had been ex­
pended on each of the roads, the com
panies and the governor disagreed as to
the security to be given by the companies
as a condition precedent to the issue of
the bonds. The governor claimed that
the state should have a first lien on the
property of the company, which they re­
fused, claiming that the law did not re­
quire this. Some of the companies ap­
plied for a mandamus to compel the
issue of the bonds on their terms. Snch
writ was issued in at least one of the dis­
tricts. An application was made to me
by one of the companies in my district, 1
then being judge of this district. I re­
fused even to entertain jurisdiction or
consider the question. After a consider­
able amount of bonds had been issued,
the companies conceived the idea of using
them as a banking basis and thus getting
the money into the hands of the people
undoubtedly well knowing that the cur­
rency so issued would "be unsecured.
Against this I also raised my voice. The
railroad companies succeeded in obtain­
ing about half of the $5,000,000.
PEOTECTIKG THE TAX PAYERS.
In 18811 was a member of the legisla­
ture when the holders of the bonds made
the final assault on it for payment. The
bonds were largely in the hands of rail­
road men or railroad- companies. Mr.
Belah Chamberlain on heheJlbOC himself
and most of theothoK bopdh^den made
an offer to accept in full iteMJement SO
per cent of tbefice vaAue^ofUie boad».
This was favored by .QMny, tft0Ugh, when
the legislature me not (by jneajjy a ma­
jority. The scheme ivtbM?sh&ooth dis­
honorable. and unjufltrr-dkhenOPeble be­
cause it put the *tate ia. .tfetiiglit of a re
pudiator of one half of itaApparent debt,
and unjust to the state ,because it re­
quired the payment of many^times more
than the state
,.owed an^any. principle of
law or equity. The SC^meulMS pushed
through by methoda that l, WonJd be glad
for the honor of thftState 49 have forever
forgotten. That lopposedthiaearnestly
and untiringly fromi firat to., last those
who were then in the legislature or in the
state will not have fofgotten. A clause
was inserted in the bill—
to aid ia floating
it through—giving
out
of the* sum going
to the bond holders $150,000 to
pay claims
due for construction of the .roads. These
claims were largely heid ia .Winona and
many of them wtre at once offered to me
for collection. But declined to accept
them, being determined not to place my­
self in a position where my interest or
the interest of my clients, should stand
opposed to my duty as a legislator, and
also being determined to oppose the
measure at every move so long-as opposi­
tion could be of any avail. 1.: thus lost
individually thousands of dollars in fees.
The bill providing for the .payment of
the bonds was at tne same time introduc
ed into both the House :and .Senate. It
provided that there should be issued
"such an amount of new .bonds as should
be equal to fifty per cent of the amount
of the principal and interest which shall
be due on said Minnesota State Railroad
bonds and the coupons thereto.attached
on the first day of January,,1884." By
the bill as it was introduced and as it
passed the senate it was provided that
the bonds to be issued should bear in­
terest at five per cent per annum, and it
will bo observed that according to the
terms of the bill the old, bonds and cou­
pons were to draw interest uutil
January,
1J384, at rate of 7 per cent. This wits
greatly in excess of the offer of com­
promise made by Mr. Chamberlain.
A 8 INGLE HANDED FIGHT.
The bill in the house was referred to a
committee of ten, all of whom were in
favor of it but two—Mr. McCracken, of
your county, and myself. Ia Uhe com­
mittee either Mr. McCracken or 1 pro­
posed as an amendment that the rate of
interest on the bonds to be issued should
be four per cent per annum instead of
five, and after a protracted discussion the
committee with one exception agreed to
that. 1 also in the committee moved to
amend so that the rate of- interest to be
calculated on the bonds and coupons after
the date of the act up to Jimuary 1884
should be four per cent instead of* seven,
and that the interest should be-computed
on only fifty per cent of the sum then due
instead of the whole sum due, as provid­
ed in the bill. This was also agreed to
by the committee with but one dissent,
and the bill was ordered reported back to
the house with the recommendation that
the amendments should be adopted. But
as soon as the bond men heard of the pro­
posed amendments every possible effort
was made to defeat them. You will ob
serye that inasmuch as the-amount of
bonds to be issued was about $4,300,000,
the sum saved to the state in interest ou
the new bonds would have been $43,000
per annum, making for the thirty years
which the bonds might run $1,200,000,
and the sum saved to the state-by the re­
duction of the rate of interest from seven
per cent to four per cent for nearly two
and one-half years (from ^November 1881
until January !884,) was over $300,000.
When the bill was reported back as so
amended to the House sfieh influences
were brought to bear on the members of
the committee of ten that when the ques­
tion came up in the House, according to
my best recollection but one (Mr. Mc­
Cracken) stood with me for. the amend­
ments. Of Mr. McCracken it is simply
justice to state
that he wai always fearless,
always able and always stood by his convictions.
In the House it, was moved by some one
who favored the original bill that the Sen­
ate bill
which had not been amended,
should
be substituted for. the House bill which
motion prevailed. The Senate bill hav­
ing been taken up and the above amend­
ments moved, one of the most protracted
and heated discussions of,the session fol­
lowed. It lasted all the .afternoon, until
after dark, the lobby, ef thaij^ouse being
filled with state officers and :ta
rspect
tors. 1 had prepared myself in advance
with the data to prove, and: did prove,
that the bonds of other stateaat four per
cent were worth a. pnemium* and I had
caused an examination of the finances and
income of the state to be, made to show
that it was wholly unnecessary to post­
pone the first payment of interest until
1884 that we were able to pay it at once,
and it was therefore
IlOTlI WnONG AND ropiBCKSaARY
for the state to add the interestof the full
sum of the old bonds and coupons up to
1884 to the principal, and that it was es­
pecially wrong to ealculate that- interest
at seven per cent when we had the funds
iu the treasury to pay it. audi when ac­
cording to the claim and proposition of
even Mr. Chamberlain only five per cent
had been demanded. 1 do not now re
col loct certainly whether Mr. McCracken
took any part in the discussion in the
House on the amendments. According
to my recollection he did not,, though he
was just as earnest as 1. If^'dia not,
no one aided me in the disciuision or in
the preparation for it or in .any way in
the contest which was m^e while on the
other side there were very ,numerous
speakers. All those who finally approv­
ed the bond bill stood unflinchingly at
every step. The bondholders' attorneys
were in the House during the, Whole time
to be consulted by any one of that side,
and prominent senators were busy in the
House every minute during the discus­
sion, doing all they could to influence the
the members to vote against the- amend­
ments. The amendmentsweie voted down.
When the vote was takea I was ex­
hausted and nearly discouraged. Mr.
Fletcher (the speaker of the house) at
once came to me- and addressed me in
substantially these words:
"You are right. It would be an oa trace oo
the people to permit tbat bill to,
mm
in Its
present form and It shall not Macjmti! your
views substantially nsvebeentoeorpoimted In­
to It, After listening ta jroar aiftimrat tber*
can be no doubt a* to the matter, lam Mtou
ished tbat the senate pasrtd It in tfeat form or
that any one sbould emtose your views. 1
voted against you now because I might be
misunderstood If I did. not. Between this
time and the meeting of tbe
boose umorrow
morning I shall see the Cktaunor and Mr.
Chamberlain and Induce ttMss, il can. to
assent to these amendments. I do abt with to
oppose tbe governor, If possible to' avoid -it.
But if I cannot induee nim to consent 1 shall
have to follow my own ooavtettoos of right
and vote for the amendment."
He told me at the same time that while
1 was talking he had spoken to D. M.
Sabin, John F. Norrish and 1 belteve
with S. G. Comstock who agreed with
him.
THE BILL AMENDED.
As agreed, tbat night or. next morning,
Mr. Fletcher, accompanied 1
thfnk by the
gentlemen named,, had an interview with
the governor and it was agreed, as Mr.
Fletcher reported to me,, that interest
after the date of the hill ozrth* old Min­
nesota Railroad bonds should aot be com­
puted at 7 per cent as ra the .bill it was
provided, but at 6 per cent sift- that tbe
bill should be so modified thatlaterest on
the new bonds shoeldbe at pre to
not ez-
that the interest shoold'beat-tper cent.)
But the understanding wwjJntt, the in­
terest should, asajsutterot iact, be re­
duced to at least four, and one-half per
cent, and the impression Wis carried to
me that it would prphably ba rwaced to
four but by leavwg tbe mil in^he form
proposed, Governor FiHibury could have
the honor and credit of sedftiiaigthe rate
of interest at least one-half
:of
one per
cent. I was willing that the governor
should have the glory if we C0«Id have
the reduction of interest. 1 agreed on
the understanding that^ mSfr should
not bear to exceed four aad m*-half per
cent interest because I could secure noth­
ing better. I elso agreedMMfclherateof
interest after thedate ofjhe act should
be reduced front seven tojflve per cent
becauselcould.gai* jumafiJbUn. I
was then ia^ocped house
met) thatthe attenMyew M&jQhaalwr*