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-•.+f-- Jti II Ik .11 ii I J) HI ''.lliWfi'MI!!' SUPPLEMENT T&% TtoJtowefXuflty Trai n- *r,t-:^ Wffjunf% .,, .fePI^thatthis honor be .inferred on ... ,someone else. 1 had, intended under no circumstances to' accept bat appealshave been made to met felt icoiildno^ reaiat. gentleman, I accept yoiif: ^bihlnaiion. (Tremendous applause.)/ iftfe honor is 4^,*?/ com- SMJW# Qm* u9^f^ii!CPwil(M, .jJMWw you that JfulJy'appistfateapd will 4tt allthat is honorablain mypower to secure'the election. I am not unmindful of the duties and graVe responsibilities of tbo office if elected! ,&tatffcmen, I will nptjjfiiiqtothecampiignooany old.is sues, (.The vr WM done within a Very ,small radius. Now everything 14 done. la. the large cities. Large cities, large business, large factories, large capital are growing larger small business, smallfactorles small capital are growing .smaller, vot w, parties, on one side, and the people, un 1,. organized, on the other. How are we to a*ert this impending dangerf How deal with these mighty corporations that af-. fact so Vitally every citizen of the land? |j| rhat power must be controlled and re ^prsssed. I would not be such adema ^. jogue as to attack these corporations to ,®iig*ln votes. 1 do not say that it was rep vehenslble to organize them. They are necessary elements of the growth of the p. country. Transportation by steam on water and land Is necessary. But these "^[great corporations must be controlled or they will cripple every poor miiu ind ev ^flry small town that comes in contact ljjg with them. A steam, engine is a necessi ty of modern civilUation.but it roust be controlled and guided by proper ahthori •J-* ty. And so with the cdrp^ratiohs. As 1 j/4 have always done, I shall continue to op- P094 ®uch oppression iod^ fator such t.tpieiBia11 itrlct, and vigilant con trQ\aaj»hall make subservient tothe, igtfrs$tsof the P*°Ple- 1 nm unalterably opposed to any 4$ bonnaof any kind to any corporation, ok Not one cent should be taken from "f the pockets of the poor to enrich the well .filled coffers, ofthese cor prorations. No bonus or st^baidyof money oir land. I am alsoVoppqsed tO)tbat other JNat outrage, the high protective tariff, ll^ vWhloh builds up the rich at the expense of the poor, the few at.the expense of the many. One other thing. I sm. opposed most strongly to poUticaf'r c^vhiption which pollutes our. goy«ir^eiit. Not only ttat low form of ^jriruptton which buys votes, by the usjB o| mouv^ut to all corrupt combinations, intrigue, and trad ing whereby a few control the election against the will of the people.: I *m op posed to any man trying to make politi fcil bargain with any real or ^retended W poetical boss who olaims that W controls JUbft Korwftgien vote or thi|. .^ghta of f| %abor vote, or the vote of:anjr j^her class. T-ThVils an insult to tnd o^tjrikgeonthe c)as9 whose vote is thus sold nnd who are thus bartered away. (Applause.) A man that trades oh such a VOte Mfore election unfit for the position., andi will After election sell those for ^ij|thonibe i.thiis.kargainsand.whoi^^^^^ claims to represent. .Let us ^atind for |. better methods, purer politics* honeat government. We have a man in the White House who hM let hls footagtlnst auolkabuiei. 1 hraorhim. ^mldi Intentions and hie sturdy ^§ptoty. itree. In the .main wi^iiil jpoQcy. Let iwi atnnd by him in offort* t^-purify the ^PBbUoservlce... (Appjanae.^ .Gentlemen, thank you for the nomination..' I don't much believe in the promises a candidate may make on the eve of .flection. You have my record in tbe past, if yon. be jtfter studying it that I will seiit you and your interests honestly and ^kiithfuliy I believe you .irijl itote for me* If you do not believe that 1 Will do this you will not vote for me and I do' not want you to. I have aocepted your nom ination. 1 thank you. xoruri orixioN or MOMW*?***3 Albert Lea Democrat: A Norwegian iiPiP** of general circulation throughout ^ike stau, sutes that John tovelf ""Very particular friend o|,Um» KOT«^aha nnd that he speaks their language |u|nt: ly This is but one of the asany dellber ,gh «te falsehoods that thftee bribed Republi ."can papera circulate. Noperaoahaeev „,V- heard Mr. Lovely speak one word of Nor- Vgian, and we have heard ot but on^ ^iima that Lovely has expressed tO hta particular feeUt^f^th^: H^ hiwgslna this was however aom ago, when he said that he caral no forji Norwegian than h* did JFor hog It aught seem incredible that he have made suOh a rcmark, bttt that iwom ai^^ were?ia dlddo who bfrt kuow the man. 'Mm' *f} *14* comiissiiiN 1 waif [s orer anflthe Issues on Which the Republican, partywasfounded are dead. New issues bare come before us, new questions of paramount lmport to the Nation, that*)nust be met and Answered. The influence of centralized cspHaHs becoming fit' wurce of national rather are di&p^ejifing.' A few .men have grown' rich'' beyond the, j^ream of avarice,, and to incj-gaae the power of wealth have formed corporations Uthat unite the wealth of many individu al and possess a corresponding power, This Wealth so consolidated becomes a ». power. The transportation is. one pf such, magnitude that comprehend it. A small ^w^Wu or small business may be wip&d out completely by a slight discrimination in freight—done by a few men sitting In an itijottlce lis Wall street Or Boston. A strug ^gft is pending in the near future between ^cprft^ratQ monopoly, with its clutch on ^,'thO political machinery of one of the Cve t?* I AMrwset. ftyttw Boqiwnll Mr: Position Clearly andr' Outlined Speech atBochc The Iniquitous Froteotiy# .Tuft ^Which Robs thtf Farmers ICust be Remo#@d, AND DUTIES COLLECTED ONLY A$J QriREO FOR THE SUP##*# OF THE GOVf^in^lf. The Great Corporations Must be.Jte?, pressed and The^r Power Cirbumser)?ed. Laws Should be Made to People and not to Enrioh Monopolists At Preston, Judge Wilson R«view§ Course in the Statef )Leg islatnreV Asd/Shows IHow Single-Haaded lie the lafamoiu Bond ^teal. By His Vatlrlag EfTorts Saving to the Staff* a Clean Million Hollars. The Great Railroad Corporatioas.Feieei Give up Their Uiftcrapnloas Prae(i((t! Aad, Despite Intense Opposition, Tfceir^JLfy^ Plaeed on the Tax Liiti JWl* Maipiiflcent Record, Always Coaniftjiesr/ Always the Champion Of th^ People. .{ The Democratic Platform, Brief, Clear .ami (Forcible in Behalf of the People. THE OPENING ADDMEBS Judge Wilson made the llrst sii^cii, of the campaign at Rpche^tert.litftr dressing a large audienc^ in Xibntty^ ball, judge Wilson was.^ introduced by W. L. Brackenridge, who p^fd I high compliment to the emjjj^ent speaker. Judge Wilson's appcjacaQCe was greeted with entliusiauatic ap plause. He spoke as follows: In all countries occasionally there is a breaking up of old party 'ftpea and a rearrangement on new isiuesi^ This must be so as Jaul long as which on one single poitifc as their platform of principles, jvlz.:} Opposition to the extension of slavery.' But when slavery became ft thiinjgof the past, and the right to carry It ln to the territories could no lemgeri .fee an issue, those political ^u«eatloilSi which before engaged the attention of parties became living isgtieaj, ttpbn Which men who had composed: jthei5 tepublican party foundthemselves divided. The fact, of course, that, men had agreed as to the rlghf£tp car ry slavery into the territories would not tend to harmonize their vieyft.pn 1 he questions of political economy* Those who had before been whiga were generally found to be favorable to a protective tariff and to look with some favor on certain^ tendencies of the government TOWARDS CENTRALIZATION, while those who had been democrats stood opposed. Hence, when the war closed and the issues of the war be* came matters of histpry^there was I bond to be no unanimity^ in therepub lican party on these qucajClohs whi^' remained unsettled. Each sought to impress its pe^iar.y^WB, on the party. Republicans in^the' Eastern states especially, and in SOONI of the Middle states, infi^ence^J^ what seemed to them their own in-* terests, have ever since the Wj|C attempted to commit the repnbllciji party to protective tiriff^ whil€i ,th^ people in the West in that partv.bjt no means assented to this. Bul aS the party, when assembled lit nauoii al convention, has been ^l^hMl:bv the monopolists of the ISa&iL a high irotective tariff has resultea as the loctrine of the prty. To tfcftdjpct|$nt of high protective tariff and cenwlf taition-~to the extent to which t&ie» blican party has carried It, niauiy been unable to assent, am of that number. I havetherefore/for the past few years, acted With the democratic party, whose views upon these questions accord with my own. I believe, and the Democratic pfurty as rule believes, that protection to the extent to which it has been toiled since the war, is not What the .wort would imply—protection to the weak Igalnst the strong—bat the coatraiyj protection to the strong and powi and wealthy against THE WEAK AND FOOR: that it ia an oppressive burden un justly imposed for the: benefit of monopolists who are millionaires that its effect has been and most bete make the rich richer at the expense of the poor. Let us not be mismkier stood. The democrat* are not flee traders. They favor a tariff foir the purpose of raising a revenue all the wants of the com ihesr do not believe in couti^lllnt Indust^r to aid In the suppttrt of an xrfher. Kd man should be compelled against his Will to con tor the snpport M: add, tootlest we ____tood, thatthedem. bemis^ InfevOrOf ^tfi^ini :er. Carlisle voiced. hfm: jie ng Interests ahigliprot^cCI1 a aorles of ves to it. and them have ed to rely upon, tyfor support, it. and even ly repealodr SochaeonneniightseriooSr oy their od when without tha wslt for the time being is ihe, same as,though,th$ ^eat ^or this reason, it has alwaya been "SiwaSthe dutyof ^d^mrefbily^n^con ^ttgwitingenthis sub- Wlm^'lbiTthe large ^|n "Other wpiw, JiOT RRVOLUTIOSr. i?ISIIs#^»must noi principle mocratic tbtheprin r|va(e indus (^industries ipeefaillyisit to which this jcarried since the „^ar, cb account or j^txi 09 our manit&c by the war, have com- i(p*pie manufacturers ^qty was 1m This was A»oe^pitiperiy* but it was pjigod on all hands duty Jhen imposed :ed when the burden HK On such in^ustries was re moved. But though the war taxes b^»ie^ene4and removed, SiMw^twreis and mon tbattbewartariff shall a. And it has been kept up smr to a .figure that has ipitti«oedabout.one hundred and fifty ,i milUoaft Qf dollars per annum in ex- the.demand of the treasury, is piaoed on many articles so is .nearly, or quite prohi Mand this does not yield any toe the government, its sole heiiyf to ralsein value the price 4 of the 4krticie: .maaufactured in this country to the consumer, without lading a .dollar's revenue to the gotternnlent. ALX. TKB PROTECTED INDUSTRIES jether and oppose any change r£ consideration of the subject. tfiaf tbe democrats are not a ttoit'On': the tfttesHon, ndr are the re tittlici^ifbwthe democrats are by a e^ftiorlf? in favor of tariff apA tfte republicans nearly hiinrt it. Mr. Blaine must to ^nimelto be gbod authority on flwsu^ject.in^ Ohr ravor, and I there* fbrt^note him In a speech delivered woyera since^he said• ^Dpotr eveiry questlon upon which j^les.lliVrae in this country the in etest bf the people of Maine must I^V ajwr a sober second pnt 'to Qfipport the republicans. Of manufacturing in- ie $pi histries,the men. aret more interested in principles than in empty names, for the issues that en gage attention this year are offen dis placed by new and ^iflrerent ispes next year. Thirty-one years ago I was a member of a convention at St. first, I believe, organised he Republican party in ihe ^*eVrl iory of.Minnesota. That cpuve Was Composed of men,some of like myself, had been Democrats others had been Whigs. Some, there* fore favored the doctrines of the for mer party, others those of the. latter. But agreeing for the time to forget and subordinate all their differences' on mere economic questions so that they might act in concert about Mrhajt ihey deemed to be a more important one, they agreed OWth VAt..the late session of congress a neasute known as the Morrison tariff iill, designed fint to weaken and ultimately.. destroy the protective wasNsAted by so compact an organization of the republican mem bers that a single vote irom New York and two or three votes from Minne sota were all that broke the absolute hanimity of the party, and was ren ered still more striking by the fact that the organs of republican opinion In Kew York and Minnesota declared that, these exceptional votes were ad vei»e to the wishes of a large major ty of thOse who elected the dissent lingmembers." ON THE OTHER HAND, the vast minority of the Democratic of the quest^^ but a small minority nniting with the republicans found Jiemaelyes able todefeatthe measure. The hostility of the Democratic party to protection has entailed upon tha oountry a vast loss. It cannot bo neeesaary to waste worda in the attempt to prove to an ntelligent audience that the Repub licans of. the East who direct the party andcontrolits counsels, favor protec tion-~high, oppressive protection— and I think it may be said that it is equally clear that the republicans of the: West would oppose it, if permit ted. But they have been overridden and misrepresented. When the re publicans of the West have taken the power out of the hands of leaders and ring-men and elected a man who rep represents them on the economic lon they soon find that that man hook or eiook cast aside. The Jfcit Of the whole country has tuhOrclinated and compelled to iDlilcif 10 afewprotected monop. Enecially has the business of Wtttl^mBa. And when a cry hu gghe'up$biz revision and reform, iAt^eh It.' But how, and in the burden been bricen off Of the Cucago Tribune, the leading dauon inl882,at that tie termers of the West and .the of the South are eharged ,000,0001 a year on ^eir goods for manu niore than fiair or neces snry uopHndple of live and let Eavebeenhave of agricultural opleofMaine become yeiijr mbreand more interested e'jjwintenance of a protective tattif* jNO candid man believes a pro tectlve .tajflff will be upheld for a ear if the opponents of the in party should come into much as any voter il||itie.]b0lps to elevate free trade to1 iMWef, by so milch he aids to im ^erll the m^uufacfuring and agricui turaMn^rests of the^^itate, and no less 'SO' i9,tlie'fii6tjtrr of Bhip-building." 'p(llffi^Il^ech a few months ago to&tcir ,Y A KAME. qairit is, and that it can in of their own show their uce people to "sVZ r" For I assert between repobli people of 1 DEFECTIVE PAGE ^&3fe -3fe^« *4 ettherpariy, arahot in fhVwr|oC| forced contribution to the turer of the east. They 1 favor of contributing ox scanty means to en^Te tiie lists of the east to add to ions—for this is what it comc has been very trathfullj you never find a sajbeidy IS not a millionaire. Point to me-the proprietors ofthe protoctcdlnduitries and I will, as a rule, point you tothe possessors of princely fortun'es. Outr side of the great wrong ib, the .m^ans to be compelled unwillingly to tribute to the wealthymanufac& it is an unhealthy state ot toi build up such immehae fortunes as thus have been bnilt up-^-when the wealth of the country is differ. It leads to corrupt^on ln legislation. But I cannot longer dwell on this topic. I have said that the parties stand op posed on the question of centralization, and this too in my judgement, is particu larly undemocratic and Opposed to the interest of the many and calfeniatea give wealth and monopoly an unnMMIob able power and advantage over7 the. poor and middle class. Let me illustrate bs£ an example. Our state constitution pro vides that "every person ought /to obtain justice freely ana without buidMS^ coaf pletely and without deniaL promptly aad without delay." And supsta'ntially the same provision may. be found in the con stitution of every state This was not only the letter of the organic law,ibttt tbf practice until a period Subsequent to ^the war. But a great change has Men wrought. I appeal to those wlu» liav4 seen nearly as many years as If that iintHf of late it was veiy rare to hear of a cape being transferred froaj tho state to the federal court. But since Wen. CONCENTRATED CAPITAL oppose repeal, and just that class have dominated the republican party for many years. While western republicans have slumbered and slept, their interests have been trifled with and disregarded. I have deeply felt the wrong of this centralizing tendency. It is undemocratic, nnrepub-. lican, unjust. Impressed with this view and with the great injustice of this law to the masses of the people and |he un just and outrageous advantage which it gives to corporations and concentrated capital, and for the purpose of calling attention to it, I read a paper be^oire the State bar association a little oye^ two years ago, in which I attempted to ex pose the injustice and wrong. In that yaper I used this language: II been removed vr-r**- ve ASKIDPOR BREAD *nd they^lave, been givanastone. On suifehartifiieaas rice, glass, sugar, 9ts, .fiannelsfhosiery, and other wooton goods there is adu ty varying.Jfh)m 4o to 100 per cent ad valorem and over. The articles of are often taxed highest." There Is .hardly an article Worn or used by the poor whose price Is not largely enhanced by this ini quitous tariff, while the articles that the poor thsmselveeproduce and sell are unprotected. They are compel led to sell in the: lowest market and buy in the highest. It Is not so very strange that people residing in man uiusturing oon^RUinltleB which at any rate are supposed to receive some benefit from the forced contributions of themaaaes, should acquiesce but that the people of Minnesota should oud against such injustice paaseaoomprehension. Time will not patnitmue tacali attention to the most odious foatures of the present tariff, Hat belbreturning from it I begleaveto qnoteftom a speech de ltveffedby Josimh ICedill, proprietor have said that in my opinion this mod ern doctrine is not reconcilable .with the constitution. I believe anv one who will study the question candidly will aasehfc to this view. I also said that ill ia .un*' fortunate, and in opposition to, tji£ intern' ebts and rights of the people generally. I wish to add a word as to the aspect of the case. I admit that this finaldecision* as to the jurisdiction of federal courts in' such cases is just such as meets the.ap^ probation of corporations and^prganised' capitalists generally, But as "(Jod made the earth for man and not for ^Ade*'?: or even for corporations, we should not? entirely overlook the interests and rights of the people generally in the considera tion of sucn a question. The constitution of our State provides (as do the corisffc tutions of the several State* as a rule,) that "every person is entitled to ^certain remedy in the laws for all INJURIES OR WRONGS which he may receive in his person, property or character he ooght*topb^|j% justice freely and without purc^iaa^. completely and without denial/ pmtjipfcl?' and without delay, conformably %.ther laws. This shonld be the bk^rint^ef every American citizen, even' In the ab sence of any constitutional pro^ra. But the modern doctrine of the feacaral courts takes away this right, and the masses of the people Vwoid^pw and foot to the tender mercies o^pnrppa^, tions and concentrated and Hg^j«ed capital. Every lawyer of extensire praCf tice has verjr frequent illustrations of this. A has insured bis property in a foreign corporation for a sutti $6,000, and the property is destroy1 fire. The insurance company payment. The assured ia com great expense, to bring suit in/th court. Ordinarily the expens^ litigation at such a distance £rom home is a great burden and haroahiD some cases nearly a denial of jnstioe^ J^at this is only the beginning of his calamity. An appeal may be taken by the insur ance company—if a decision is ^vgrgstft it—to the supreme court of tfie UnN States. This delays the final defiliriew about four years longer. necessitate to accept such terms of j|oii fiomise Ituralasso as the corporation sees fittoupftjtjt might instance too the ease of life inaur* ance, of claims for peritonei i^wiai against railroad companies, of claims 00 contracts orfor twts AGAINST FOREIGN CORPORATICWS, generally. In any and all suchcases fbe claimants, when the case is removed into the federal courts, and tl^ alBBpiUit is sufficient to give aright of appeal, are if not wealthy, simply at the jnercy of the corporation, and compelled to such ternu of adjustment as auty be ed. He anpreme court may that "thejoactice founded oh these ions, (establishing the modena dob at least, injures or wrongs no ODef^nit this simply shows their ignorance atactica! operation of sndi say the people will aad rise in their might and declare and 1 who principle^saaie 7 CENTRAIilZATIO N. lawsaswilLreatrain ?vast cor-' orations been multiplied"and laws enacted which authorize the transfer of numerous cateq and classes of cases not before transferable. ^Thisis the result of practice. A widow deares to collect a sum secured to her by a policy on her husband's life, Or a person having afire policy on his pei^soiial property which has been destroyed by .fire wishes to collect the amount secured!. Suit is brought, payment by the\coihpany being refused. The first step by^the Company, if it is a foreign corporation ojr the de fendant is not a citizen of the United States, is to remove the suit INTO THE FEDERAL COURTS. This largelv increased the expenses of litigation and is therefore a great hard ship. ,If the claim ia OTer $6,000, the company can appeal from, any judgment of the circuit court .to the supreme court of the United States, where the case cannot be reached under four years. This is simply a denial of justice and places the person dealing, with the cor^ poration at its mercy. Thesame is trne when it is found necessary tp sue a rail road company which is a foreign corpor ation, on any contract or for any personal injury, or for any other tort. This, too, is a republican measure and is retained in the statute book by republican votes —or by the refusal of the republicans to consent to its repeal. Mr. Townshend, democratic member from .Illinois, at least once—I believe twice-vgot a bill correcting these evils through the house. I know that to prevent the passage of the bill in the senate, a prominent insur*. ance company of New York retained one of the ablest law firms of that city to prepare a brief against the law, which was handed to the judiciary committee of the senate, and the bill, I think, has never seen the light since. And here I wish also not to be misunderstood. I have no doubt that ninety-nine out of every 100 republicans in my hearing would oppose this, but the eastern manu facturers, railroad companies, telegraph, companies, express companies and all tha* «iul ^t'the expeoaa/ofith*' peep&b the cental gov ermaept afcthS expeaae 1 of^ie States, lbs stroag at th^ enenae of the .weak, theridlat the of tie of thesTe- ge iinact- who^willusetheir infinence toaecuns the enactment of such 4e fed«eaVjudiciary wiwin the bounds pteacribed vby the StitOtiOB. -yr liPipi. NOT PERMIT eon* 7 me tp refer,to i^nahle in of fpi|raU^^r! w^ich is opposed tothej^iuaefour goyern ment^and the:£esfci Intertsts c» |he ple. TheiSoeial andipoliticailevo ion of the^last .twenty years has sented OuestlonS not leas impor tthan thoeewebave been considx ering^ The rapid and unpreoedented a^nmula^on of capitdllnthp hands ^ifi few Mjteraons, traceable partly to the monopolistic teudnicy. and frvirs presented qu^tions de- 1 po^lideration jtOr.". Therehas beOn .. dinihe^ii^lhor. hjch, thqugh ppt, WU, r0(jBntly than ajnan'shand* portended caldisturbanoes. In an address before a bonveation of teache» at St. Paul, I used this language: ^Until recently-we have been toe pipneers, feUihir' the forests, opening, mines, t^e hQ$ Wajmaipfd gp malting therOogbpJaces ttiiod ba^nB, Jopk^f tOrJpfdpo for arts, *£eop^ fihd lijterature, as wel| as/for this dipital to /develop Our latenial r^outces. ^I:thisis,$hai ged4 I^onjr notionly the inlnes under pur moan' tains, but 1 OUR INTELLECT UAL* MINES, have been developed. While Europe has bepn Our banker^ westa^d jto-day the second, soon to pp |herfifst, jn^tion in tbe ^orld in amotitit jw. accumu lated caii^ai. Qi|| Of themOet accur ate and' lenrbed statlciahs of ,:the British emp^reA after .comparing the balance sheet Of the nation^pf the wwld^th^oi^eM(og^.W»wy)» fit would ble impossible to. ^nd in history a parallel to the prepress of the United States in jthe last ten ears." Whilothese facts, so briefly uted at, must must! be. most grati fying to our national pride and, it is tp be hoped, riimoMing to ot^r pat riotism, yettiiey taxing with them the responsibilities ofgrentness—respon sibilities which we cannot postpone and which it would be crinonnal to ignore. J\yhile ¥re were mostly hut a community or communities of agri culturists while free, rich lands were to be had by all at a mere nominal while concentrated we price, pr gratis capital had not dversiiado^ed or choked 'Individual enterprise^or the private enterprises of ihe :noprer or while tha wagjs-earn ing population were few and[ their condition temporary, it would ^haye been dilficult to find A DISCONTENTED CLASS in all the length and breadth of the land, or one who could with ^reason liave found fault with its lot ol* with 1 he goyernraent. Hitherto, there fore, except by the rpcent southern rebelIion, our government Has been subjected to -but little strain. We have not had any class prejudices or contention. The raan iwho .tybojred by the day or month or year Jfor his mOre^peculiarly fortunate could clearly see be might sopn be come, by the,exei^i^of Irug^l^ty and industry, afreehbldertamerchant or a manufacturer.Such asto^pfjthin^ le whohas acquired Oroperty^ espo cialIy real property, has given lios* to sGfdiet^.for^bis gppdpopduct. interest, as Deli as patriotism, impels such an one to oppOM dls. er ot violent soeial c^nges.J But a new order of things has arisen* fThe wage*earning class is becoming mupli more, numerous- and permanent.: Wlth tb&y^ AQcnmulation of wealth in avJew^ hmids^andfihai inmense powerwhichitgiwstoJts possessors, and with THE PUBLIC DOMAIN fit for ^tiltivation nearly'-ail disposed ofor jgfraQtea tP ralIrc^id pan les, arid mid f' thaiiM UiUeBsthe aa-^ sured is wealthy, ifhe relies, from the insurant company hia building or his stock, aa is ardina-^ rily the case, on the amount recQVMBdi' to s^ilaoi the delay iaiUB? ply ruin. He is therefore compelledeSk: .^t high prices,r the dij^nef hi|Swepn the tjiof for |r«ttoll&'W MhMoh loteoP to m'e. the pilrch moneyisgWiii-lett: to.be expected that uni cumstances the leds tot whbby unremittlhg Ihd thatto-morrow tr abtet^e^tbat,sfiouId piwi forimti(m or m@k eeaMbe^amedia our by the influence not be srfor a le of thecomtryiuid-cfeaie #niuieialeiisla as wectld aster throughout the InH ladeed a Mmr jmore more te as jMC«0B| ^RIHIS&8fSNT norJounk^rtn thegoodland. At any rateitJs^naitskJiie dn&tid that theinlltieoeeof^boointadedandcen la LESS »W 'A-5f PP«m witt vast ratification all oveir the IJnion, and a hard grip on much a UiM^itiealinachioeiy,on theone hand, and nepple in an unmganized condi taon on Ow other for control of the gov-" erasient. lt will he watched by every patriot. He is blind to thesigns ofthe times who does not see that one of the ptoblems ofthe near future, under all govermnenta aad especially under a republican form of government, is, how aadhow shtdlMctTleeducated,control' edand constrained torecognizetherights of the other? How shall the govern ments, meet the queations so that neither tile rich nor the poor shall he treated unjustly, and ao that neither liberty nor d^liiimon shall suffer, nor constitutional rights be over-ridden? 'J' a monarchy, perhaps, a few thou sand bayonets or muskets would settle the question, but'with us the ultimate appeal is to the people, and nothing can besaid to bo settled until it is settled in accordance with the dictates of justice. When any elasa by mere force of numbers or wealth overrides the rights of any other classy a blow is struck at freedom which will tell on after generations. I., WEALTH^. SHARE TOO GREAT. Jj&eie social and political problems are as important, as: have ever engaged the attention of any f»eople. In their pres ence it would be imbecile cowardice to exhume the mummies and petrifactions of past political eras which have been long since buried. The handwriting on the wall is clear, and any lover of his race riuat rejoice in the met that such laws must be enacted as will make im possible the accumulation of wealth in auch dangerous amounts in the hands of any one. While it is the pride and glory of our country that personal lib erty, personal security and private prop erty, are sacred and inviolable and must be fearlessly guarded against all attacks, on the other hand the rights of indus try and labor, either physical or mental, must be guaranteed a fair compensation and a fair share of the profit which is the joint product of capital and labor. I have no hesitation in saying, and it has been my view for many years, that wealth has had an unequal and too great a share ot the profits. The many dis honest shifts and artifices resorted to by Stpck-jobbinjg, stock-watering, etc., as ineans to this end, should be declared by law* to be a criminal. And "protection,' so called, which compels the poor to con tribute to the princely fortunes of the rich, should be abandoned as a political heresy, as should the'granting of subsi dies and bonuses of all kinds at the ex pense of one person or class for the ben efit of another. ANARCHY AND HONEST LABOR areas diametrically opposed as right and wrong the former must be denounced and punished, the latter protected and honestly and liberally rewarded The greateat inducements must be held out to nOnest, intelligent exertion. As each man aows so shall he reap. I believe, and always have, in the democratic doc trine of equal rights to all, special privi leges to none. But as wealth is power, legislators should see to it that such laws are enacted as will surely protect the poor and more helpless classes against rapacious avarice. Just how this shall be done.is a. question that no man seems at present io have settled in his mind. But undoubtedly some scheme will be enacted by humane lawmakers who honestly sympathize with their race and aire ready to labor for its elevation. The au]ra e?tion of the president in his spe ciaC message of a department or com mission of labor, seems, as far as it goes, to be wise. The democratic party in congress, under the lead of the presi dent, has taken a stand on the question from which there is no danger that it will go back. The committee oh labor ap pointed by the house did much to furnish such data as will make beneficent legisla tion not only possible but probable. And the democratic house presented and suc cessfully carried through the bill to prohibit the importation of contract labor. The language of OLIVER CROMWELL to the British parliament is demo cratic doctrine. He said: uIf there be any law which tends to make a few rich and many poor, that suits not a commonwealth." But I would not do justice to myself if I inti mated that this sentiment is not heartily responded to by the masses of the republican party also. It mnst be admitted that there are'many heartiessjhen—that the accumulation of wealth tends to. dry up the: better sympathies of many—"that man's inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn." But the man would do injustice tO liis race who wonld intimate that among all classes Whether rich or poor, broad, gener ous and hearty sympathy is not often found for every class and degree of his race. And he is a bad man who, without reason, attempts to prejudice one class against another. But I have by no meansjreferred to all the men aces of accumulated capital. In the control of the railroad property of this country a few private individuals, responsible to no one but their im mediate constituency and subject to no supervision and looking solely tO their own interest, yearly collect from the people not less than $500, 000,000. To no men or body of men is it safe to commit such a power. The mere statement of the proposition to any .thougjitftil man shows the neces sity, foir government supervision and Control. It matters hot whether they ,are honest or dishonest. No man When, his own interest is at stake— Id bp trusted with such power. Not only do they levy and collect this tribute^ but a few men sitting in. their offices in Chicago or some other city may by even a slight dis crimination in rates* affect most dis astrously the interests of every local ity, business and business man in this land. A SLIGHT DISCRIMINATION againat any person, place or burineas is destrnction. It cannot be expected, it shonld not be tolerated, that rach fearfol ^committed to any priva^man or men. I^hepeople of the west have exceptional iatereata in thia question. On this ques tion, too^ the demoaatic party has taken advanced ground. My limited time compels me to pasa hastily over several other important issues on which I shall speak during the campaign. noueet civil service reform. The rule that to the victor belong the spoila car* ried to its logical consequences is intol erable and ineonsistaht with the rule that the government should be adminis* ierad ibr the benefit of the country—of toe whole pemle and not of a partv or &ctioo. It huaaan nature, and 1 ways will be true that a nan who has the right or power to recommend or ap point will—other things being equal— recommend or appdatafa friend rather tiUa aaf one else. But he is not a pa triot who would turn out a faithful, com petent officer of another party to make room for one of his own party less com &&&*&• nomin^ims Ser. I favor What our coonfary moat neeh patriot and kas bfind partisanship. fart]r ia made for man, for the connUy, and not man or country for party. And I wiah to aay oa theanbieet germane to tins tint am opposed to political cor rapdoa, to allsortaof POLITICAL CORRUPTION: Uut by anr art, intrigue or impropa —thwarts the wffl of the We shonld have laws on the WiA« maiding penal sU Until the people radiate at the. ballot box thoae wbo bf anydia ia securing "?fe.iia||i|W''»u*^ '^--i'^& iia.-^SL^'-41- e,^ theywOlbe misreprasented for if it is underwood that a nnninath» ia secured by intrigue and a resort to disp utable method^ then fraud is at a^rem*' ium and unworthy and disreputable men will alwayssucceed over honorable rivals. It is almost by imperceptible and stealthy beginnings that good government is attacked, and it is from such attacks that it has most to fear. The secret burrow ing of au insignificaht mouse will under mine and destroy the foundation of a structure whose strength defied the force and fury of the flood. Our government can never be destroyed by force of open violence from without but as burrowing corruption it may truthfully be said, "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." A Brady, a Corsey and Uieir coadjutors and their^secret partners are more dangerous to free institutions than a Gatallne or a Julius Gfesar. And, my friends, be not deceived. He who will by fraud secure a nomination or an elec tion to office will use that office for fraud. I am in favor of being not only just but generous to our soldiers. They who were baptized in fire that our coun ry might live and posterity enjoy the blessings of freedom, deserve this—and have a right to expect nothing less. JUDGE WILSON AT PRESTON At the request of the Democrats of Filmore count}', Judge Wilson yisited Preston on Thursday. As it was tlie sec ond day of the county fair, there was a large attendance of farmers and others from all over the county. 'The Judge addressed a large audience, including many Republicans, and was frequently interrupted by enthusiastic and repeated applause. At the close of his speech, many Republican farmers crowded around him and shook hands, pledging their earnest support. Milo White's friends very generally will support Judge Wilson, and there seems little doubt that he will carry Filmore county, so strong and widespread is the feeling for him among the farmers. Judge Wilson spoke as follows: Haying discovered that my friends in the district would perhaps urge my can didature, a few weeks before the nomina tion 1 wrote and published a letter for the purpose of letting it. be known not only that 1 was not a candidate, but also that certain potent influences in the dis trict would be opposed to me and there fore that my nomination would be unwise. In that letter 1 said: Consulting my own feelings and interests merely, I would decline to accept a nomina tion, even if assured of an election. Recog nising, however, my obligations to my friends, and desiring to oblige them, I might,perhaps, feel constrained to accede to their wishes in this ease if I felt any reasonable assurance that my nomination would increase the chances of success. But I do not feel such as surance. On the contrary, as I stated to you, I think that I would probably lose many votes which would be cast for some other candidate if nominated on our ticket. And it is to be borne In mind that while happily party ties are growing weaker year by year and electors feel more and more inclined to vote according to their convictions, uninfluenced by party "bosses" or party names, it is hardly probable that we have so far advanced in the direction of independent political action that any one can be elecetd in this district this year who is called a "Republican," if any Influential class or any neat number of electors outside of the Republican party opposed him. I believe I would be opposed by some who could influ ence a great many votes. 1 have never been or attempted to be prudent. My action in the legislature (and out of it) has by no means been always acceptable: on the contrary, it has at times been deemed very objectionable by certain influential parties. My opposition to the granting of lands or other subsidy, or to the reviving 01 any land grant to any railroad company, and my course in favor of tne taxa tion of the so-called railroad lands and in op position to the right of power of foreign cor porations to transfer causes from the state courts to the federal courts, and my opposition generally to the expansion of the power of cor porations would place in opposition to me nearly every railroad company and corpora tion in the state while on the other hand, the fact that I have been employed not-infre quently as the attorney of some railroad com panies and other corporations would enable certain persons to misrepresent me and my views and perhaps to prejudice me in the esti mation of some honest persons who do not know the views I entertain, or what I have advocated or done. Under the circumstances, therefore, I wish to have it clearly understood that I am not a candidate. Unless information coming from dif ferent qnarters is wholly unreliable, the opposition which I predictedfrcmcertain corporations is already manifest, and the reason of it is not far to seek. My con duct in office and out of office lias been such as to condemn me with that class as a legislator. They know me to be un changebly opposed to all land grants,sub sidies ana bonuses, either by way of orig inal grant or renewal, and to any special favor or privileges to them at the expense of the people. I have always by word and act opposed the expansion of power of corporations and any and all special immunities to them. A few ,* examples will illustrate my principles and actions in such cases, and .at the same. time the ground of .the opposition of these corpo rations to my election. THE KAIIiWAY LAND OK ANTS. In 1857 as those whose memories reach back so far will recollect, the United States made a grant of several millions of acrds of land to Minnesota to aid in the building of a number of lines of railroad. The lands were by the legislature trans ferred to certain railroad companies which agreed to build the roads. The companies agreed to pay in lieu of all other taxes three per centum of their gross earnings and the lands were on that consideration exempted from taxation until they should be sold or contracted to be sold by the companies. This immun ity from taxation was only of the prop erty of the companies paying the three per centum of their earnings. The property of no one else was exempted. The land-grant railroad companies in 1858 applied for a loan of state credit to the amount of $5,000,000.This could not be granted but by an amendment of the constitution which required a vote of the people. One of the roads whose eastern terminus was at Winona, was to have $1,250,000 of the loan. The direct ors of the company lived at Winona and they by the loan expected to be enriched, and the people of the city expected that it would be greatly benefited by the build ing of the road. I saw, or supposed I saw, that the scheme was one intended and whose effect would be, to plunder the state, as it in fact proved to be. I there fore opposed it for though the officers of the railroad company who asked for bonds claimed that the state would never be called on to pay a dollar—I was not satisfied with the honesty or truth of the statement. All the companies stood to- ether in the zealous scramble for pinn At the election in Winona on that measure there were cast 1182 votes—(we had honestly six or seven hundred) and of these 1181 were for the loan, and one against it. I was the one. They tried to create such a feeling in our town that no one would dare to vote against it. Though they could not deter me, they caricatured and, so far as they dared, insulted and abused me for my course. After the work had advanced so far that a few hundred 'thousand dollars had been ex pended on each of the roads, the com panies and the governor disagreed as to the security to oe given by the companies as a conditionprecedent to the issue ot the bonds. The governor claimed that the state should have a first lien on the property of the company, which they re fused, claiming that tne law did not re quire this. Some of the companies ap plied for a mandamus to compel the issue ot the bonds on their terms. Such writ was issued in at least one of the dis *tricts. An application was made to me by one of the companies ia my district, I then befog judge of this district. I re fused evento entertain Jurisdiction or consider the question. After a consider able amount of bonds had been issued, the companies conceived the idea of usiag them as a banking basis and thus getting the money into the hands of the people— undoubtedly well knowing that the cur rency so issued would te unsecured. Against this I also raised nqr voice. The nulroed companies succeeded in obtain ing about half of the $5,000,000. FBomrmrGthk TAX rATKBS. la 18811 wss a member of the le^aht tore when the holders of thebonds made the final aaunlt on it for payment. The bonds arete largely in the hands of fail- -,c?t roadmen Saiah jQhaashsriita.se andntostiefJi aa offetto eeeepfcvJs^lel! per cent ^f^f|teeiO|le boada Thfa una faiaredj^iiswy^tioegh, when the legislatiuai^eti aefchMMeahr a ma jority, lh%«Ol|«m£i£iMti£fcth dis honorable andt anjnt. dtohaaWsble be cause it put tbe^te JeiitiMftlifllit of a re pudiator of one half el.lU suBWrntdcbt, and uniust to .thenStats^ibeeaNse it re quired the payment eti jniayjlipes more than thestate^wectaAAaiifi(Pfinciple of law or pwdwl. for thehonoriol.thftotateiaohafe forever forgotten That jEBBtSKKHhiifarncetly and untiringly fromiififstjablest those who were thenintha iegialatwe or in the' sUtfrwill net h%veJtaB*tte*- clause was inserted in the bm-Hto a^dW floating it t^ugh-^iviag ^ut ol.MHi«am 'as gite due for awstrttcUoo^ fhejeaiis.' These claims were largely heW ia^ Winona aad many of th^a were ato«9«.oPeied to me for collectionftut i.dediaedto accept them, being determined not to.jplace my self in a position where nq& jatereat or the interest ef ,my cUenttefcf»ild atand opposed to my duty. aaa legislator, and also being determined, Uo doppoae the measure at every move so tongas A SIKGLK HAKOan rtOKT. The bill in the house waa- referred to a 1 committee of ten, all of wh«awere in favor of it but two—Mr. McCracken, of your county, and myaelf. Ivithe com mittee either Mr. McCracke* or I pro posed as an amendments that the rate of interest on the bonds to-be issued should be four per cent per annum- instead of five, and after a protracted discussion the committee with one exoeptioa -agreed to that. 1 also in the committee moved to amend so that the rate of interest to be calculated on the bondsand coupons after the date ofthe act up toJaaaary 1884 should be four per cent iasteadof aeven. and that the interest shonld 'bacomputed on only fifty per cent ot tbe sunt then due instead of the whole sum due, as provid ed in the bill. This was also agreed to by the committee with but one dissent, and the bill was ordered reported back to the house with the reoonuneafdation that the amendmentsshould baadOpted. But as soon as the bond men heart of the pro posed amendments every possible effort was made to defeat them^ Ton will ob serve that inasmuch as the amount of bonds to. be.issued was aboUt^ #4,300,000, the sum saved to the state ia^interest ou the new bonds would 'havabeea $43,000 per annum, making for thathirty years which the bpnds might Tua $l,200,000, and the sum saved to the statevhy the re duction of the rate of interestfrom seven per cent to four per cea£ for nearly two and one-half years (from .November 1881 until January 1884, was^ ovieir $300,000. When the bill was reported back as so amended to the House steh lfifluences were brought to bear on tha BMtmbers of the committee of ten that wbea the quea tion came up in the House^aceOrding to my best recollection. but one Mr. He Cracken) stood with me: fbrthe amend ments. Of Mr. McCrackea It is simply justice to state that he teat afo&yt fearlttt, alwau ate bill which had not been, .VQqwti, should be substituted for, the. House ceni. were wwm n,( -MM opposi tion could be of any avail, flithus lost individually thousands of,dollars in fees. The bill providing for the .payment of the bonds was at tne samflLtimejiatroduc cd into both the House .and,Opiate. It provided that there should Jbe issued "such an amount of newhoadaas should be equal to fifty. per cent*t,the amount of the principal and iaWMm^jphich ahall be due oa said:Minnesota State Kailroad bonds, and: the coupftnftAhemfcfcattached on the first day of j&auaiy^ltM." By the bill as it was. introduced and aa it passed the senate it was provided that the honds to be. issued should bear in terest at five per cent per annum, audit will be observed thst:aocoRdiag to the terms of the bill the old boadstand cou pons were to draw interestuatil Jaouary, 1.884, at rate of 7 per icent. ^.This was greatly in excess of .the iOffer of com promise made by Mr, Chamberlain. ihttl which motion prevailed. The Senate bill hav ing been taken up and the above amend ments moved, one of the most,protracted and heated iscuasions ot,theseasion fol lowed. It lasted all the .afternoon, until after dark, the lobby/ef tha iflouse being filled with state officers and- nthar specta-' tors. 1 had prepared myself lia: advance with the data to prove^Mdj did prove, that the bonda of. other atataaafcfour cent were worth a.iPfleminm^ and I. four per |iiiwunnij tand I had caused an exsminatwfcof the flnancea aad income of the stats to be^ made to show that it wss wholly un nooasisfy to poat ponc the first payment of? Jaiersst until 1884: that we were able to pay it at once, and it was therefore BOTH wnojw AM) {UWV0MS4SY for the state to add theintersatef the full sum of the old bonds and ooupoas up to 1884 to the principal, andthat^it waa es pecially wrong to ealeulate thati intereat at seven per cent when wehadthe funds in the treasury to nay it. andi ^rhen ac cording to the' clafa aad propdsition of even Mir. Chamberlain only Are per cent had been demanded. 1 donfcot-' now re collect certainly whether Mr. 'McCrackea took any part in the discuasioa in the House on the amendments* According to my recollection he did notg.though he was just as earnest' as I. Uj^s dia not, no one aided,ma in-.the disenssion or in the the 1 other side there irera, speakers. All thosewho Jiaallv aimrov edthc bond bill stood -naAincningly at every step. The bondhi^derif' ittornsya were in the House during'the.lkfcole time to be consulted by anyone of that side, and prominent senator* were husy in the House every minute doriag ithe discus sion, doing all they could to iaflaence the the members to vote a^inst tbs' amend ments. The amendments Wats rated down. When the Tote waa take* 1 was ex hausted and nearly discouraged. Mr. Fletcher (the speaker. of tibhouse) at once came to me and addrsamd me in substantially thesewords: Yoa are right. It weald be ao oa trace on the people to perailt t^ bUl tesKssln 1U present fonn your View® fUMUtfiiWIJ niTlvMiNOVpoiitMift* to it. Alter lisUauMP tafM»a^tttaent theiw can be no doobt—to tin wtSer. Xam —ton Uhed that the senate wiMK la mat form or that any one, MdCiSofe yservlewa. 1 voted against ytea now MeawSe hiislit be misnnaeratood if did, not aitWum mis time and the nMeUneeCmeaeeaa&mapvvow morning I shaU aee the Oltisiwf and Mr. Chamberlain and induce ttnaa, ai eaa. to asssntto ttoeae ameadmanta. li»Sbt wlA to oppose the governor, wH«S !aSTold .it. But if I eannot IndaSalflm^iMmssafe 1'shall hare to follow ay own apsnSiosi oT rlgtit and vote for the amenrtiliisaf He told ms stthe asms tins that while 1 wss talking he. hid. spofcea to D. M. 8abin, John F. Notrlsh/aa& lr beiteve with S. G. Comstock whq S^eed with him. __ THB MILL IKHDID' As agreed, that ni^kt or aaat moralag, Mr. Fletcher, eeeompanlsdfjgMak by tie gentlemen nwltmlil' IfflifSW with the governor andit waeaflaaai« as Mr. Fletcher reported te imsr after thedatec' nesota Bailrpad putedat 7 bill should be so the a#w bonds shwMJm^JIJsto n* a ceedint Sper,tt8t. ""M that the bill itsell that theiatsnoti But tha teresti to stiesstfenr. cent, andtheimi me.thatitwmddj four butl propossdi the bmmMm&mwfiS of interest at lflaat one-1 cent. Iwae wilhog should have thei' the thei notbssrt^i centintetertJ therste