The Perrysburg journal. [volume], April 03, 1854, Page 28, Image 4

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'28
THE PERRYSBURG JOURNAL.
The nations of Europe have seen nothing
like the present vast and energetic prepara
tions for war since the days of the first Na
poleon. The singular spectacle of the ar
mies and fleets of England and France, side
by side, and in the closest amity, preparing
to meet the gigantic power of Russia, adds
interest to the scene. A late arrival brings
the following among other items of interest :
There were rumors that the British fleet of
forty sail, under Vice Admiral Sir Charles
Napier, on its assembling at Spithead, would
be joined by the French fleet of ten sail of
the line, luteen frigates (ot which nve are
steamers,) and fifteen corvettes, (all steam
ers ;) and that the allied fleets, thus number
ing eighty sail of the most magnificent ships
in the world, would be reviewed prior to
their departure for the Baltic by the Queen
and Prince Albert ; and that the Emperor
Napoleon would cross from Cherbourg in
his imperial steam yacht Reine Hortense, to
be present at the spectacle.
The appointment of Sir Charles Napier had
been received with the greatest satisfaction.
Hobbs's Lock Picked.
There can be no doubt of the fact that
Day & Newell's American Lock," under
the care of Mr. Hobbs, now in London, has
been successfully picked by Mr. Goater, fore
man of Chubb's establishment. A long cor
respondence has in consequence taken place
between Mr. Hobbs and the successful pick
er of his lock. The London Mechanics' Mag
azine is very severe upon our countryman,
for endeavoring to bring English locks and
lockmakers into disrepute. It accuses him
of asserting in one lecture that his lock could
not be picked, and again (after he heard it
had been picked) making the statement that
it could be picked. It therefore endeavors
to fasten the charge of tergiversation upon
him. The following is Mr. Goater's reply to
Mr. Hobbs ; it presents the English side of
the question :
" The question is, did I or did I not fairly
pick, last week, four of Hobbs's new Ameri
can locks, each lock when sold by Mr.Hobbs
being accompanied by his printed guarantee
that it was secure against picking?'
" An objection is taken by Mr. Hobbs,
that I have only operated on one sized lock,
and that a small one. To this I reply, the
size or shape of the lock makes no difference
to me, except that the larger the lock, the
easier it is picked, and it can be opened as
easily, fixed as unfixed.
'' Mr. Hobbs says he had some locks at the
second meeting, with improvements in them
to baffle my operations. After he had ex
plained these, I told him plainly, before all
the civil engineers present, that they would
not stop me, and I could pick them 'as read
. ily as I had done the others.
' " In conclusion, Mr. Hobbs really has no
right to complain of this exposure; he began
the war against the English locksmiths in
1851."
There is no necessity for any controversy
on the subject. The simple question is, "has
the Hobbs lock been picked?" If it has,
and that fairly, it settles the whole matter.
There does not seem to be any doubt of the
fact, and this shows us that the unpickable
lock has yet to be invented. Scientific Am.
Big Trees. There is an apple tree in
Litchfield, Conn., owned by Solomon Marsh,
which measures fourteen feet around the
, trunk, is 130 years old, and produced last
season, twenty bushels ot apples, of a deli
cious quality. Previous to 1835, it had
yielded near 100 bushels per annum for
ages. lhe tree was brought from Hartford
by some of the early settlers of Litchfield.
Henry Ward Beecher tells of a pear tree in
Illinois, about ten miles from Vincennes,
Ind., that bore 184 bushels of pears in 1834,
and 140 bushels in lb4U ot large sized pears.
One foot above the ground it girths ten feet,
find nine feet above, six and a half feet, and
its branches spread over a space sixty-nine
feet wide. It is said to be about one hun
yearsold. ' The following is said to be the most exe
crable conundrum ever perpetrated :
. What reason is there to suppose Cain was
.'.a liquor seller? Bscause Abel was dewed
at his grocery.
Anti-Nebraska State Convention.
This convention met in Columbus on the
22d ult., and was organized by the appoint
ment of Judge J. R. Swan of Columbus, as
president, with a long list of vice presidents
and secretaries. Addresses were made by
Hon. D. K. Carter, Hon. S. P. Chase, Hon.
Jacob Brinkerhoff, Hon. B. F. Leiter, Hon.
Mr. Collins, of Cleveland, (formerly member
of congress from the Lewis county district,
N. Y.,) Hon. Samuel Lahm, Judge Spaulding,
Samuel Galloway, and Mr. Blackwell of
Cincinnati. The number in attendance is
estimated at 2000. Letters were read from
Hon. Thomas Ewing, Hon. B. F. Wade,
and Charles Reemelin. We cull the follow
ing paragraphs from the letter of Mr. Ewing.
Missouri, which, except a small gore, lies
north of 36 deg. 30 min., was admitted as a
slave state. All the residue of the Louisiana
territory north of that parallel, was opened
to the emigration from free states and foreign
countries, by the agreement and declaration
that there should be neither slavery nor in
voluntary servitude within it. All south of
that parallel remained as slave territory,
open to southern emigration. With this
both grand divisions of the Union were con
tent. Agitation ceased, excitement was
calmed and quieted, and we had a return of
peace and kindness. The new territory was
believed to bs fairly and justly apportioned,
and an equal field opened to the emigration
of both sections of the Union. The princi
ple which governed this compromise, and
which is to be deduced from it, is not that
then and in all future time the parallel of 36
deg. 30 min. should be the dividing line be
tween slavery and freedom in newly acquired
territories, for if that had been the case, sla
very would have been excluded from Missou
ri ; but it was that a due proportion of new
ly acquired territory should be open to the
unobstructed occupancy ot each section ot
the Union.
It is said, however, that all the territories
of the United States ought to be freeto all
its citizens, south and north, to come into it
with their property, and when there to make
laws for their own government. This is
plausible in theory, but it would be unjust
in practice. Free labor will not voluntarily
mingle itself with slave labor. The free la
borer will not migrate to a slaveholding
country, where he must work in the field or
shop with slaves, and associate with them
on terms of equality, unless he be driven to
it by stern necessity. Therefore if the mu
nicipal law do not exclude slavery from a
territory, a law of our social and moral na
ture does exclude free laborers from it, and
with them those whose business depends up
on such labor.
It is said too, the distinction contained in
the prohibition in the Missouri compromise
is disparaging to the south. That the nor
thern man may go where he will with his
property, while the slaveholder is denied the
privilege of taking his property into the
northern territories and states.
This may be disparaging to the slave, not
to the slaveholders. It is to them merely an
inconvenience, and one which we cannot
obviate if we would. The free and slave
territory must be separated, by a law prior
to its occupation, or it will at no distant
day separate itself in a manner greatly more
injurious to the peace and good order of so
ciety. We cannot ask our free laborers to
mingle and associate with slaves, without
forgetting the dignity and importance of la
bor as a social and political element in our
northern communities.
The Missouri compromise makes this sep
aration. It was a wise and well considered
measure. Its repeal would be a great wrong
and a great evil. As such we ought to resist
and if possible avert it. On this the people
of the north almost as a body, and a goodly
portion of the south will unite. Let us en
gage in it in a manner becoming the object ;
with calmness, prudence and consideration,
and by no means suffer ourselves to be de
feated in this, which we all feel to be right
and just and necessarv, by blending with it,
or suffering to be involved with it, anv other
object, however desirable to many, Let us
take this single and alone. In any departure
from the plain straight forward path to the
one sole object, there is danger, danger of
division, and with division defeat.
We can probably prevent the infliction of
the anticipated wrong; if not, we can cer
tainly in due time and by constitutional
means redress it.
The following are the resolutions adopted
unanimously by the convention. We com
mend attention to the 6th especially. Its
truisms are very pertinent just now.
Whereas, the 8th section of the act of
March 6th, 1820, commonly called the Mis
souri Compromise, embraces in its limits
about four hundred and eighty-five thousand
square miles of free territory, which is not
included in any State or Territorial organiza
tion, being an area of more than twelve times
the extent of the State of Ohio, as great as
that of all the free States of this Union, ex
cepting California, and capable, as we be
lieve, of sustaining a population of more
than fifty millions, and which section of said
act is as follows :
Sec. 8. Be it father enacted, That in
all that territory ceded by France to the
United Slates, under the name of Louisiana,
which lies north of thirty-six degrees and
thirty minutes north latitude, not included
within the limits of the State contemplated
by this act, (Missouri,) slavery and involun
tary servitude, otherwise than asthe pun
ishment of crimes, shall be and is hereby
FOREVER PROHIBITED.
And whereas, by the bill now before Con
gress for organizing the territories of Kansas
and Nebraska, it is proposed to repeal the
said eighth section of said act of March 6th,
1820, therefore,
1. Resolved, That the said eighth section
of the said act of March 6th, 1820, is a part
of a solemn compact between the free and
slave States of this Union, and that we pro
test against any American statesman aiding,
directly or indirectly, in its violation.
2. Resolved, That there can be no doubt
that slavery will, if permitted to do so, en
ter the territory lying north of 36 deg. 30
min. north latitude. To say nothing of Del
aware and Maryland, the States of Virginia,
Kentucky, and nearly the whole of Missouri,
lie north of this parallel of latitude, and in
all of them slavery not only exists, but is
increasing. The slave population of the
State of Missouri, more than doubles its
numbers every twenty years. Until the
laws of nature abolish slavery in Missouri,
they will not prohibit its existence in
Kansas and Nebraska.
3. Resolved, That the bill now before
Congress, for organising the territories of
Kansas and Nebraska, was deliberately and
carefully framed with a view to permit the
extension of slavery into these territories. To
accomplish this purpose, its friends seek to
repeal the Missouri Compromise. In order
to make that repeal effectual, they refuse to
submit the question of the existence of slave
ry in these territories to a popular vote, un
trammeled by the vetoes of slaveholding
Governors refuse to permit the people to
elect their own Governors, and Judges nay,
as a crowning act of defiance, not only to
the principle of popular sovereignty, but to
the uniform practice of the Government,
refuse to permit foreigners, who have declar
ed their intention to become citizens, to vote
within these territories at all. This may be
slaveholding popular sovereignty, but it is
not the popular sovereignty of the Democ
racy of the North.
4. Resolved, That in the language of the
joint resolution of the Legislature of the
State of Missouri, passed February 15th,
1847, " the peace, permanency and welfare
of our National Union, depend upon a strict
adherence to the letter and spirit of the
eighth section " of the said act of March
6th, 1820 ; and we say deliberately, on be
half of an immense majority of the people
of the State of Ohio, and as we believe of the
whole North, that they will under no cir
eumstances whatever, suffer slavery to ob
tain a foothold, in the proposed territories
of Kansas and Nebraska. The heart of this
continent is the choicest heritage of free la
borers of the United States. These slave
holders arc not equal in numbers to the
voters of the State of Ohio. We say to
these misguided men: Be not deceived you
are sowing the wind, and you will reap the
whirlwind.
5. Resolved, That we approve fully of
the conduct of our Senators in Congress, in
opposing the passage of the bill referred to,
through the Senate of the United States,
and we look for a unanimous vote against
it, on the part of our Representatives.
6. Resolved, That the Government of the
United States is a free Government, not a
slaveholding Government that the Consti
tution of the United States was framed for
the purpose of securing the blessings of lib
erty, not to extend the curse of slavery that
under it, liberty is the rule, slavery the ex
ception that liberty is national, slavery is
sectional and that we recommend to the
people of Ohio, of all. parties, to be faithful
to the principles of this resolution, at all
times, under all circumstances, at all haz
ards. 7. Resolved, That copies of these resolu
tions be sent to the President of the United
States, and to our Senators and Representa
tives in Congress ; and also to the newspa
pers of the city of Columbus, for publication.
The Kissane Trial. Some idea of the
state, of feeling at Helena may be formed by
the following incident in the trial : While
Mr. Palmer, who is the leading attorney for
the prosecution, was making some remarks,
Kissane smiled at him. Mr. Palmer turned
to him and said, " A man that has been
guilty of what you have been, would smile
with the haltar around his nock but you
are not in Ohio now you are in Arkansas
in Phillips county, and we are going to try
you h'ue, and we are going to hang you here.
You may laugh at this, but you will not
laugh when the Di gets you in Hell."
Kissane at this became ghastly pale, and did
not smile again during the speech. Colo
tried to laugh at the matter but Palmer
turned and used some personal remarks, to
him, not so severe as to Kissane, but severe
enough to check his merriment. Something
of the state of public feeling here may be
inferred from the fact that this remark, sav
age as it may seem to us, was received with
marked satisfaction by the audience.
Cleve. Leader.
What is Dirt' Old Dr. Cooper of
South Carolina used to say to his students:
Don't be afraid of a little dirt, gentle
men. What is dirt? Why, nothing at all offen
sive, when chemically viewed. Rub a little
alkali upon that "dirty grease spot' upon
your coat, and it undergoes a chemical
change and becomes soap. Now rub it with
a little water and it disappears ; it is neith
er grease, soap, water nor dirt. That is
not a very odorous pile of dirt" you observe
there. Well, scatter a little gympsum over
it, and and 'tis no longer dirty. Everything
you call dirt is worth your notice as students
of chemistry. Analyze it. It will separate
into very clean elements.
Dirt makes corn ; corn makes bread and
meat, and that makes a very sweet young
lady that I saw one of vou were kissing last
ni;iht. So, after all, you were kissing dirt
particularly if she whitened her skin with
chalk or Fuller's earth. There is no telling,
gentlemen, what is dirt. Though I may say
rubbing such stuff upon the beautiful skin
of a young lady is a dirty practice. " Pearl
powder, 1 think, is made of bismuth noth
ing but dirt."
Splendid Mule. We saw on Monday
last the finest mule that was perhaps ever
exhibited in our city. It was bred by B. B.
Groorae, Esq., of Clarke, was sired by the
celebrated jack Black Sampson, is only
eleven months old, and is full sixteen hands
high. Its dam i3 only fifteen hands two
inches high. We doubt whether a finer
animal of this species was ever foaled.
Lex. (Ky. Observer.
The N. Y. Express cautions purchasers to
weigh the barrels of flour thnt they may pur
chase, for while the price rules so high there
is strong temptation to commit lraud. In
some cases, the weight has been found to fall
some 20 pounds below the standard, Just
now, when prices are so extravagantly high,
this is a consideration not to be overlooked.