Belmont chronicle. [volume], September 19, 1878, Image 1

About Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973

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PUBLISHER
Crrry Thursday .Homing.
w. A. uiJ.vr -
TAlfr.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
mnclesakaaslrter, per mobih, 11 80.
six moDtbs.ll
. ' Throe monUui. duel.
. it not paid within six montna, MM will be
' . olod of ail yelj .nbacriber. . ...
Ae-OIFICK IN CHRONICLE BUIUMKO
w doo i Kut of the National Hotel
MASONIC DIRECTORY, 1877.
,rnnl" on or-pfn, thefulJ
WOOD. - JAMJM
St. ClatarvUle Crater. Nov Bfy'"
1 Q V r r KB. Deu'J. - " -r
Belmont Council. R. ud 8. M., meeta OB tha
..e.d lue.y fiXB053XBHBr.
v t n a i v Ham
U Commander, ;No. " ?K
01OOLD. . V. w
V. D. Baiht. Ree. ,
Business Cards.
':
i'-
.'1
i
ST. CLAlKlKEliliY,
4 siu. at Lena. St. CUirnSk, Ohio.
e Offloa first door tut or the Court Houm
Uerge II- Imatead.
j . , a nML at Law. SL Citirmlle, O,
Irtleol'ltentlcnt1eaUUeUoii
: au Uie seiuenitju. . -
- ; d.D.T.COWEH,
i L OaMOe, Ohio.
I i. rOffl on norta aid. of Main Street. 1
noura ene oi
- A II. & W. MITCHELL
ATTORNEYS AIUWIC O";
tOKKICEon eoePi- ,.77.
j,LiODau -y
L n W 1L TAIiLMAS,
ATTOKBFEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW
j.ir. TAXUiAir,
. DENTISTRY.
H. C. MORRISON,
DKKTUTt
V kii ed Residence, aver Went Dra
O'VoVeTwpSjTKlnii National BMLMain
All wor ww Jited ,Toa l.ft-P'd
HERMAN HOUSED
Wjfl.: VAKQOAST. Proprietor
V.S. TJLYIxJft.
TAYLOR & HOLLISTER,
Attorneys at Law, t -
w noruM Fifth aiitl Watnnt Streeu, Cln.
iiuUo.TjohiiiUin Balldinga. Boom a,
'icttoe in Ihe UnlU-d Biatee Conn. '
May 17. lWT-ly.
"T
P. TAIjLMAN & BON,
i ; i Attorneys at Law, .
uffloa. worth-wert Oor. Main A MnwMaU,;
.. !.. our. ' ! ' i !' V
,.!! .: S. Claim Tie, Ohio ; ':
. n ! .' -hj - '
r s. & A. P. LACEY. ;
'" X 1TTOKNEY8 AT LAW,
.u.uKH.nArk.npt atrial OaMirl Ol
Claandapp-Hroeforeall the Department
Vro""!lmall.facUongin lnall J-"-ie-entriiated
U U eo. .rre.noeo
lolted. 6 Seventh Street, oopoalte Poat.OfBoi,
uartment . WASHIK 3T0K.P. U aapU
NOBLE CARTER, . i
COUNTY SURVBYOB,
18 now prepared to attend U bla ffloteCdn.
I tlea and wlinee all person addreulng hlnr
teforolMb TowneUlpaud Becllon where anil
erl to be made. Feea $S 0 pe- day. .
IA12P at-Clalraville Belmont oo-nty
o. w. soon. .1 , nuj. Atoovsn..
TTHIABBUST8, ABTHOHT WinJU.
a. a SBKtSt ' ' "
HOOK, HKKTal; CO.,' '
JB -A. 1ST KIl l 3 ,' :
BELLaIRE. OHIO.
' tE VI. IS EXCHAKQK.and tmy Ooln, Ooop
U oaa,andOovrnmentHOPt. . " '
j)uin.ili In money reeelyed. Wreetpaidoo
awerar foi'.u nllla ef exchange. t
aeoerHi I'slngbaslnena. JV
'"Houg siid' Sign " J
it. if !. aim . ..
.... Practical Paper Hanger,
iil: ti n sr. ciJiit-mixE, onio. '
ri i-'n , il :
raiiiine, Glar.ing, Paintine and Paporing
.lone on .sTioyt p.fci ' All bft-nr, f,the
liwle will rAneivo p.injA attunUon". ,
-Orlon solicited. npl-otf
Barber fHair
itJiKlc. iAt'l iWl,35tL Cb.irtlU.
j Oujcls-Braids ' Switches ,
Propftlaii lU"t Bvylea and on short
4oUo'.-ilAt.lrepard at aOc per oaoa. y
ni!XVK KYLE.
Monumena, Spi?t, flea Stones, eic.
"7 JtAlrfaTSEET. CAMBRrDGE, OHIO.
f'.ilR.'Tr . ...aj,M1rlM Depot,
7-fleoVen arairHe MonnmenU, Marble mad
Mate Mntel8Furnla6ed to Order.. , . j -
. DeelgnaaDd sample work can be seen M
ttJohnston's. Qennral Agent, St. Clalrsvllf
Ohio ' "-p - -
.FIRS! NATIppiBAM
ST ClAtRSVIUE OHtO .
L, fLO 0,000.
m ill i. oncll 8 p.; Dls-
adptl& Collections made aad sroeeeclsre-
nsteovrampuy. mdm mupem
ZHior Oonard Troll, David Brown, Joaepb
hC VautAT Cashier.
- READ THI3 ABOUT "S3s
.tohn-haoue;
And tie removal of bla
T-AJETi03rt SHOP 1 '
'V H a new pKnsidd. tn bii new quartern.
ia.ne.owev wessoi mnrwHui vumv, m
afaetare
a Su its to'Ordcr ' ; M
In the Latest Styles and at reasonable rate
' Transient "Cuttlng'promptly attended
.W - -. - !
' . Eepaetal attflntlon given to repairing and
clean Ing old clothes. Satlsfaellon guaranteed
In every case. . .
. 411,78 ly . . ' lOHSf HAGUE.
Brass Band Music.
M'HEST OLAIEHVILE OOKHKT BAUD
A (Twelve Members,) with a variety of Mnsl
now prepared tofnrnlsh good Moalo at rea
m buu uu Mini uwvioe lor Anca.
jal Fairs. BaLday School and other oelebr.
. ns. Pie Mica, Exhibitions, Political and oU
nUleMteUtik.
. w. tiAb. ic. t.1 l.lf it
til;
Ketablislied in 181
ST.
CLAIR9VILLE, OHIO-SEPTEMBER 19. 1878.
lllllfjrf iff
NewSeries-VoL 18-lSTo 33
Pittsburgh, Cincinnati &
St. Louis R.
PAN HANDLE ROUTE.
Time Table East and West.
MAY 12, 1878.
Trains Ure the Paadle Depot, foot of Elev
entb street. Wheeling. AV. Va. near Public
landing, dally except Sunday, Oolnmbos time,
as follows:
Leave
Wheeling .
Thro' Ex. Fast Line Mixed Ft,
7tm 4 p m
17 p m
Amve
Wellsbnrsh l7Btm
Steobenville- 8 20 a m
Pitteborgb 10 uu a m
Barrlbargh W 55 p lu
Baltimore
Washington .
Philadelphia 8 80 a m
New fork Ciaam
Boaton , 4 p m
5 24 pm
00pm
7 46 p m
S Warn
7 45a m
I 07am
7 36a m
10 36 a in
8 30pm
7SZ p m
8 36 p m
OOIJIO
Pa&Ex FstLlne.
f'l Ex. Kali
Leave
Wheeling
r u
4 47
Arrive
atenbenvllla 8 I CO
Oadls ; M 0M 8 00
A It
Denalson 11 55 8 15
P M
Newark 2 11 11 25
A K
Oolnmbna S 20 12 3'
Leave A M
Columbus S 40 . 1 10
Arrive
Dayton , 6 35 7 15
Cincinnati 8 0 ' SO
Indianapolis 11 25 . '.'
A M
Ht IxMtls 7 as . . .
Chicago 7 50
A X
26
A
10 UU
P M
1 00
s uu
S 55
11 IS
pa
12 55
i .30
8 30
Tralna leaving Columbus at 40 p xn and
S 25 a tn, run dally.
Tbroogh Chicago Express leaves Colunibos
dally exeept Sunday at 5 40 p m, with sleeps
Ing ears attached aod arrives in Cnlcago at
7 5V next morning.
To -Pan Handle Boote" U the shortest,
quickest and most eemfortable Konle to all
uoroU tn Missouri. Arkansas. Texas. Kansas,
Colorado aud the Western Hut lee and Terrllo
rtee. . . . .
. This Is the Route by which yon make the
fewest chaoses or cars, obtain the lowest rates
on Hoaeenoid Oeoda, U Mock, Ae, and
poanda ef issggaga Free, on Kveiy Coloniat
Ticket.
A ny Information about time ef trains, oon
neettons. Lands In the Wet, price ol Single
lUmnd Trip r Colon lst'a Ttckets, C ebeer
lolly tarnlsbed by oalllug uroo or addrueslng
JOS. M. BEI.LV1L1.E, Ticket and Emigration
Agent. Wneellnm W Va, or W. U CtiKIEN,
Oeneral Paaeenger Agent, 21 North, High St,
Colamboa,0.. , ..; '
Rale always as low as the lowest. -i ;
D W CALDWELL. W LO'BKIES,
, . tian'l Manager. Oen Pass ATkt Agt;
. . . COLUMBLB.OUIO.
. r,vf i - I i
READY-MADE CLOTHING !
i
LOUIS P. H0FFNEK -!
r ... I-..-; l -
lias recelvee and is now opening a
( A BPLENDID STOCK OF ,TIIE
LalB'GDOlsjIJeSsii!
;t . u:r :Yit".-vvAL i ;"'
, , Consisting in par o j j '
' '. . , '- ...'.. ,' '. . . . i'
Cassinier68, - 7 , . : ,
v Ctoihi y.and'':
a 1.
ti
Gent's Furnishing Goods !
Hats, Caps and Valises! "
. M i j .'
n-REMEMBBER THE PLACEJ
Nearly eppvalie ike Ht. t'lalr lieiel.
t ;laibmvii ijc omo. ,
tamdry Matme8kp Wfrk sail
Farmers of Belmont Qo.
Tne Bellalre MannlaetartngOompany piopiiw
k. to aell you t;. . . I
MOWING MACHINE or. -
Combined Mower Sc. ReaSer
, , with either " j
tfiMV) m vs va J ( aatwen- sj , w at -j .-j
Dropper Attachmepv
and warranted to be equal to any In nam j
We are alao doing a general
FOUNDR Y & MAQHIN E;
Imslnesa. Mr. Mathew Beasel la In ebai
the Foundry, and Mrlames B. Moore or to
MaeMne pepartment, men of character anA
reputation in tueiruepanmenia.
. w nj noi patronise a aumv hwhiuiiud r .
' Far DeeoiipUve eatstoguS of Mower, Bespat
BKUUA Hi XANCfACI ffRTXO COL V
O.L. Poouf ArJ
a pSOJ secretary
BeHRlrev3hlo, oi il
bWm.
A. W- Ahbkbsok, Pres. Jft. Clalraville
1 vi i I -!
National .Planing" Mills!
... t ..: t.-.i -AND (
LUMDEP.YARD,
rluBaiDQEP0illT;iO.f
LiufLl BAGS: itlSONS; PROP'S
Marmfkctiirers of
Doors, bash, Shutters, Frames, ModJrJ
lot;. Brackets. I'sllnes. btairiuu'-
BallBstersj News, and c
jfefib .J.UMBR,
Vyiiiri'iilon and iaitW iB
Miaysstere, mews, anu ci
Lumber,
' ' 1 Rxiingles,
Scantlinc,
, T-fetth, Joists,
Frame-Timber, 1
Fir ttrick and
Builders; Material In General I
- Carils aci Oil (!!&
WaU"" Papery
Widow SbadesJMats " ' , .
. i -'. : . Rugs and Table Covers
House Furnishing Goods.)
A larger stock and greater variety than can1 bef
onna in any other establishment in tnis oily,
and at prices lower than offered for many
yean. Persons going to . housekeeping can
MVS money by giving us a calk- - - I
HftRRnilR niTTMANlTl
rMi.'.af fa..fisla,iais. " Pa's
UnaaoUelted
..r,..w w.. M a. . .
; 143 MAIN STREET. . ;
t - V WBEEI.lXG.W.VA'
aJ'-a ' l; ; - J
I
1
f
-disthrbed
-.
BELMONT CHRONICLE
ST. CIiAlKSVir.LE OHIO.
THURSDAY. SEPT. 19, 1878.
. Tug result in Maine shows that every vote
against the Republican party is a vote against
honest money and the National credit.
Trig vote in Maine proves that the Repub
lican party is the only organized political
force which opposes the rising tide of Social -ism.
Tn New Hampshire Republicans have
nominated as their candidate for Governor,
General Nat Head. He is a brilliant and able
man, and will make a brilliant and efficient
canvass.
Thb Pendleten Democratic send-off at Co
lumbus last week, did not pan out very well,
although the city was full of people, and ev
ery inducement offered to get them to turn
out.
It would be lamentable if a Nation which
bad just proved its readiness to fight aud suN
fer for a principle, should fiul at last for lack
of common honesty; fail to keep its word in a
simple business matter; make shipwreck of its
honor in the hope, and the baseless hope at
that, of gaining or saving certain dollars in a
forced bargain with its creditors.
The History of a Fraud.
Some of our sensational novel writers of
the Wilkie Collins class should tell us a story
in telegraphic dispatches. 1 1 is a pict uresque
and admirable way of relating a narrative, es
pecially s narrative that hinges on the com
mission of great crime. In proof of this it
is only necessary to refer to the New York
Tribune's telegraphic account of Mr. Til den's
attempt to steal the Presidency of the United
States by bribing an Oregon elector. This
story has been appearing iu a serial form for
some weeks bock, and has attracted a great
deal of attention It lias now beep put to
gether, and in the Tribune of Wednesday we
have it in the shape of as compact and
straightforward a tale of rascality as could
nave been expected from a deliberate confes
sion by the rascals themselves.
In the order in which the dispatches fe
presented hardly a word of explanation is ne
cessary.' They speak clearly and to the point
in almost every instance. There is first the
dispatches from Governor G rover sent tw
days aftet the election declaring that Oregon
had unquestionably gone Republican by a
clear majority of over 400. Then follow, the
telegrams sent to G rover by Mr. Joseph Teal
from San Francisco, and by Mr. Abram Hew-'
itt from New York, stating that Tilden's elec
lion depends npon Oregon. Up to this point
everything is plain enough and honest enough.
Mr. Joseph Teal and Mr. Abram Hewitt in
form Governor G rover that Tilden's election
depends upon the vote of Oregon, and Govt
arnor Q rover telegraphs that the State has
unquestionably gone for Hayes. At this point
the intriguing begins. First there is an an
onymous dispatch sent from New York to
Hon. J. A- Bryant, Mayor of San Francisco,
lelling him to caution Governor G rover not to
express any opinion as to the result of the
election in bis State. Then Governor Grover
becomes more discreet, so very discreet, in
fact, that he elicited a plaintive little hyster
ical squeak, from Senator Bogy, who tele
graphs, to Jm from St. Louie, "Do send
sorntAiDgrmiftff-mrmrf cAherthis
followtbe; idispnlches-T relstire to Special
Agent 1'atnek s departure for the ncene of ac-
ST1 lfT!i.i!L I? liLVil If" wjis urgeu to go
himself but could not. When Patrick reach
ed Oregon niineS81i)egnn in earnest. En-
.ffpigryjT.spafar ITdiiSTNeT Y5?k tell
Tin's laaVsaSMreavpeM to afUMttarxls,"
be proraptJyrepljes.witUone of the famous
cipher dispatches Jle must. purchase a Re
:pabqfiOPeJph'e'iWoiw! and act
with AP0M)c?at;2 add present: trouble, and
the closes by astjng that $10,000 be placed
to. hisr credit. Iiyeply to this he receives the
i'VWiyiBpifch)rom Nephew :
"If you make obligation dependent. in; March
ipendttot . in March
ther?' is 'haggling
it'Jom-'beJTlffncV,-- Then. I
rifrr rrr rsz .r: r zn ' 1
t'c"6he?' fe iVeJEroai g'i'l a dispatch urging
epupy eiti.n jio.f '.uo ;natcver our inena
asks JrompHy."., Nephew, Pelton did what
pur irigna .waniea, uui . lie.. w(U not quite
prompt! pnojigh, ; He ,'ltiporfted ight for
unseljltiesj,' but i-when ..the : 'eiglt ' for
.gojuwii. rj".iK,jras,.;: transferred) , by
j'lrapli Ptr(ck . was pnl ibis' Way
$9$ Spf)yltiflc,jif;Thig , created a deal
of copf usiott. o All concerned, for the money
pufiVjtqot bo dtawrl until Patrick was heard
,frdpV and iNepbev Pdtcar suffered a good
deal from anxiety as .is shown by the fre
quency and th utoe of his dispatches.-' Then
follow the series of telegrams having reference
to maklagabe: "eight Tor- counsel fees avaihv
able Ih OregOhV and there was a dealof furab
Uog. in Ms-Impaction, so tnnch, fn fact, that
life aTlnrxs-tflnt Bay when the electors met
ne 'before it had .been fully completed, or
M soon' after ward tiiqt the scheme that, was
'based upon It failed, anil ' Pelton mournfully
rya n nis'prtch (to Kelly at Salem, Oregon:
.leicgrapa imun io return me 10 par
Ijrllmtleft It. The ,'Kame was up, Mr.
TndenXBharp.ageDL'toW him as ;soon as he
aVed On. the" ground. !t6at ",wth $5,000 ue
codldbijy,a Republican 'icfector anil steal the
idenpy (or'himv.TTilderi approved of the
traded but lie Wanted to make the terms sure.
Ueffriitedluc bbiiigood'ansl strong. As he
stated jn.hia.djBpalch, annpaneirig the deposit
of'the, trappy, (he panted it qderskx)d that
U waa iifjta be -used unless; they csrry out
iha; rrange'men.-reeognize tbo Democratic
Jtceptor, aad duly forward, his vote to the Vice
teeigqux- . tiq itaggiea over this .too long,
and (htMlgb. he Committed the crime it brought
ilim jm-. return tS3u! -v: . '- '-' ' '
L.Nolhing.fulil. a.&re beautifully complete
this picllirg.ef; rascality Jbaij lot Uie -rascal
hitnclf, wlenJjhjs .schemcj fU through, to
pose as an innocent victim to the wiles of po
iijintS,' njd this U precisely what
i.'jfiiifca J beenidwng.Tbe .impudence
of the thing is unparalleled. Having attempt -
fd" 6 J? the blackest M. frauds to steal the Pres-
ltkJJLi fc v,l,J r.r.
persons who were coguiaaot of his crime and
'MU r M,:MPt pwi.i.ii,iiujcu wi,
Urs Desce of the countrv and sauan-
ieryi tkouaanda of -dollars of public money
.thai perjurers and lunatics might swear that
- . t . . i 1 i. . J . . 1 : j .
mis man uau ueeu ru.iueu ui uis just uues oy
fraud." We are hot likely, .however, to bear
so much about fraud in the future as we have
in tbs past, and we shall doubtless Jie&r even
less of Mr. Tilden as a candidate. Cleveland
Herald. . ...
mvriiiT Oi. nrr-f anil Hafria?li: ttUaJ Plinn that.
a syicierUiepuieaii, elector : can be
.raWW.'wiWl nOr,' Miller,' of Omaha,
Hon. Lorenzo Danford
Speech at Bridgeport.
Able Discussion of the Financial
Question.
From Wheeling Intelligencer, 12th.
Hon. Lorenzo Daefoni, member of
Congress, opened Ibe campaiKO liwt
even in if in our neighboring; town of
Bridgeport. Hollo way Hull was fairly
filled with an audience composed al
most entirely of citizens of the town3
of Bridgeport and tnaville. ' Owing
to the unfavorable weather it had been
given out that probably Mr. Dunford
would Dot come, and of course there'
was no moan-t of counteracting this
impression. Elowever, as we have
said, the hull was comfortably filled.
The meeting was organized by calling
Ali-xncder Brarinura, Esq., to the
chair. After a few Introductory re
marks by the Chairman,' Mr. Danford
took the stand and briefly referring to
the part borne by Ohio In the great
political battles of the last forty years,
in which her intelligent and patriotic
people had never failed to sustain , the
right, he came directly to the present
issue before the country and said: -.
In this campaign, as in the three last,
the question that is chief in the minds
of the people is the question of . the
currency,'. Our Republican State Con
vention declard In their eplutform that
this question Is virtually bettled. The
Democratic State? platform disputes
his declaration and demands '"the
absolutejcpeal of the resumption act."
It also tie ma nils '.'the gradual substitu
tion of United 8tates legal tender paper
for National Bank notes, and its per
manent otttaMhthmeiit as the sole paper
money of the country, made receivable
fur all dues to the Government, and of
equal tender with coin." Judge Thur
man adroitly attempts to make the
chief issue between the parties on tbia
question of currency, an issue between
the- greenback and the National Bank
notes. In doing this, however, he Is
compelled to stand, as he expresses It,
squarely . npon the - platform el . his
party, and with them to demand the'
substitution of United States legal
tender . notes for National Bank no
which necessarily Involves an increase
of the volume of greenbacks . by the
amount of the National Bankcurrency.
Judge Thurman finds It necoasary to
cover, to soke extent, the many tracks
he has made in the past in the direc
tion of hard money. ' The platform
makers of his party are under no such
necessity. Whilst their war is ostensi
bly upon the national banks and in
favor of the greenbacks, their fight in
Ohio is a fiijht in favor of cheap money,
irredeemable money, a fight against re
sumption, a ii attempt to have a further
issue of greenbacks without regard to
the time of their redemption, or with
out regard to any purpose of redemp
tion in the future. .
. Fellow citizens. It Is to me a
strauge thing to find a great body of
the people of this country arrayed
directly in favor of an issue of irredeem -able
paper currency by the government
of the United States.
Our fathers, in the legislation and
policy of this government for more
than fifty, years, had - established, be
yond "question a' policy, against such
paper Issues.! ,.'.'
In the formation of the constitution
of the United States they had in view
the future money of the eople, and in
that Institution they make two de
clarations in relation to money The
first, in the eighth section of article 1.
declares "Congress shall have power to
coin money, regulate the value there
of, and of foreign coin, and fix the
standard of weights and measures.''
. The other, in section ten of the first
article, provides that no State shall
have power to emit bills of credit or
make anything but gold and silver
coin a tender in ptyment of debte.
This policy was adopted by the f ram
ers of the i onstitutlou. They had felt
the evil effects of an irredeemable paper
currency that became worthless in their
hands. Alexander Hamilton, the first
Secretary of the Treasury, in his first
report makes . use of the - following
language: , ...
"The emitting of paper money by the
authority of the government, is wisely pro
hibited to the individual Slates by the Na
tional Constitution, mid the iqiiril of Viat pro
hibition, ought not to be dutregardtd by the gov
ernment of the United Stale. Though paper
emission under the general authority might
have some advantages not applicable, and be
free from some disadvantages which are ap
plicable to like emissions by the States sepa
rately; yet they are of a nature so liable to
abuse, and it may even be affirmed, so certain
of being abused that the wisdom of the gov
ernment will be shown in never trusting itself
with the use of so seducing and dangerous an
expodeirt." ! .,; - . - ,. "
i John Marshall declares: , i
"Such a medium has always been liuble to
fluctuation. It's value is continually changing,
and thoso changes, often great and sudden,
expose individuals to immense toes, are the
source of numerous speculations, ami de
stroy all confidence between man and man."
James Madison, who is said to have
been the author of the Constitution,
said: ' ' ' - '
"The prohibition to bills of 'credit must
give pleasure to every citizen in proportion to
his love of justice and his knowledge of the
true springs of prosperity. The loss which
America has sustained from the pestilent
effects of paper money, on the necessary con
fidence between man, and the necessary con
fidence in the public councils, on the industry
and.iborals.of the people, and on the character
of Republican government, constitutes an
enormons debt against the States chargeable
with this unadvised measure which must long
remain unsatisfied; or rather it is an accumula
tion of guilt which can becxpiated no otherwise
than by a voluntary sacrifice on the altar of
justice of the power which-has been the in
strument of it." . '' ' .
' Similar utterances were made, by Mr.
Ellsworth, of Connecticut, and others,
and the policy of the government was
established. ' ' .',;'"'
' Again, In 1814,' Mr. Dallas; then See
retary of the Treasury, In a report re
ferrlng to the financial conditiou of the
country, like his illustrious prede
cessor, Hamilton, ' declared that he
considered the question of seeking re
lie by the use of government notes a
plan too dangerous to be risked. And
in 1836, upon the expiration of the
second . charter of the United States
Bank, and after the bill for its renewal
had been vetoed by President Jackson,
in an attempt to settle upon some cur
rency policy, there was found in all the
Congress of the United States but one
greenbacker. Mr. Webster made to
him and his suggestions the following
vigorous reply:
"By this scheme," said he, "government is
not to pay money, bat to issue paper. If
there is to be found anywhere a more plain
and obvious project of paper money in all its
deformity, I don't know where to look for it.
Fortunately a scheme so wild, and which
would be so mischevous, rests upon an as
sumption for which there is not the least
foundation, either in reason or experience. It
takes for granted that which the history of
every commercial State refutes, and our own
especially, on almost every page. It supposes
that irredeemable government paper can cir
culate in the business of society, and be kept
at par. Thi is impos-tible. The honorable
gentleman rejects convertible bank notes, and
adopts in their stead government paper with
no promise to pay, but a promise only to re'
ceive for debt aod taxes. He cherishes the
imagination bo often and so long refuted, that
this paper will be kept in circulation, and
will be able to perform the great business of
currency. If it be necessary at this day to re
fute ideas like this, it must be because the
history of all Countries, our own included, is
a dead letter to us."
And although the discussion went
on between the frieuds of the national
banks and various other projects for
supplying the peopla with currency,
down to 1SU2, the policy of the govern
mont was settled as against the issue
by the government of the Uuited States
of an irredeemable paper currency.
And in 1S62 when, the necessities of
the country had driven Congress to
supply a currency in some way, there
whs no claim by any one favoring the
policy of issuing paper money not re
deenable on demand, who did not put
It upon the ground of public necessity.
In the discussion of this bill Mr.
Spaultilng, who was the author and
who introduced the original bill, said
"The bill before us is a war measure, a
measure of necessity nod not of choice.
And Mr. Hooper, after the legal tend
er act, the tax bill and the National
Bank law had been considered, said
that the bank and tax bills were to be
made permanent, and that upon the
expected results of these the legal ten'
deract was In some degree based.
V THADBU3 8TEVEN3,
who was Chairman of the Ways and
Means Committee, said "This bill is a
measure of necessity, not .of - choice.
No one would willingly . issue
paper currency not redeemable on de
mand, and make It a legal tender. It
is never desirable to depart from the
circulating medium which by common
consent of civilized nations forms the
staudard of value."
. Mr. Fessenden, Mr. Sumner, Mr.
Allev. of MafRachnoatta- nnrl others. In
tefvjdiscuaeing and advocating the meas
ures, wunouia single exception, au
mitted the experiment to be a dan
gerous one, and one that would be ru
inous as a permanent policy, and they
declared that it was not, and should
not become a permanent policy.
The Democratic members, such aa
Vallandigham, insisted that the legal
tender clause was unconstitutional, that
it was a forced loan, that it would be
unjust and disastrous, that they oppos
ed the measure. !'
President Lincoln, after the passage
of the act, spoke of the issue of Uuited
States notes for currency as a measure
Congress was com pellet to resort to on
account of thn pressing demands of the
Treasury. He said: . -
"A return to specie payments at the earliest
period compatible with a due regard to all in
terests concerned, should ever be kept ia view.
Fluctuations in Uie value of currency are al
ways injurious, and to reduce these fluctua
tions to the lowest possible point will always
be a leading purpose in wise legislation.
Convertibility, prompt aud certain converti
bility into coin, is acknowledged to be the
best and surest safeguard against them-"i .
When the legal tender act canoe be
fore the Supreme Court of the United
States, the majority of the Court argu
ed the circumstances and necessities of
the government aa justifiable grounds
for the issue of the currency, ' and in
their decision, reported In 7th Wallace,
the Court says: j
"It is clear that these notes are obligations
of the United States. Their name imports
obligation, and every one of them bears on its
face a promise to pay a certain sum. - The
dollar note it a promite to pay a duUlar, and the
dollar intended is the coin dollar of the United
States; a certain weight and fineuess of gold
or silver. These notes are obliga
tions. They bind the national faith. , They
are, therefore, strictly securities." j
And again:
"The Legal Tender Acts do not attempt to
make papr a standard of value. We do not
rest their validity on the assertion that their
emission is coinage or any regulation of the
value of money. Nor do we assert that Con
gress may make anything which hat no value
money."
Clearly, then, in the opinion of those
who voted for the measure, as well as
those who opposed it on its passage,
this act was a measure of necessity. It
was recognized as a clear departure
from the fixed and safe policy of the
Government In relation to money.
And the true policy and that followed
In the maiu by the Republican party
since the close of the war, is to bring
about such a state of things as will
make this heretofore irredeemable pa
per currency convertible into coin.
And it is upon this proposition that
the Republican party of Ohio and the
country go to the people. ' A it was
clearly put by Secretary Sherman In
his Toledo speech, the Republican par
ty are in favor of such an amount of
legal tender currency as can be made
and kept convertible upon demand In
to gold or silver ctiin; that much and
no more. Whilst the Democratic par
ty, on the other hand, are in favor of
an amount of legal tender currency
such as may meet the wishes and the
demands, or rather the exigencies of
what they are pleased to call the busi
ness of the country, without any regard
whatever to its convertibility into coin.
If it was hardly justifiable In the Con
gress of 1862, when we were plunged
into the iiiiUst of a fearful war, deman
ding millions of money daily to carry
it on, to issue this irredeemable paper
currency, what possible justification
ctn there bo in this year 1878, when the
receipts of the Treasury are thirty mil
lions beyond the wants or the needs of
the Government, to issue a further
amount?
THURMAN'S RECORD.
I want to read just here in connec
tion with what 1 have been saying.the
ringing words of Judge Thurman, ut
tered in the Senate of the United States
on the 21th day of March, 1874, when
the currency question was being dis
cussed. .
He said t "Are we to do the business
of this country, for all time, upon a
wholly irredeemable currency, or are
we to have the standard that exists
elsewhere throughout the civilized
world? - For it is of no we to say, we
only propose to increase the currency
forty, fifty or sixty or one hundred
millions now. Sir, you did that three
years ago. You authorized its increase
fifty-four millions then, and if you in
crease It one hundred millions now,
three years hence there will be another
demand for another increase. The
very same arguments will be used, the
the very same pressure will be brought
to bear. Whenever there is overtra
ding, whenver people become deeply
in debt, or whenever people have
schemes of speculation which can only
be secured by an inflation of the cur
rency that shall turn men mad In the
whirl of speculation or In the desire of
amassing fortunes; whenever such a
state of things comes about, the same
agencies will be at work, the same ef
forts will be made that are being made
bow, and that are pushing us forward
to what I see ia likely to be the result
an inflation of the currency that will
only aggravate the evils under which
we at present labor. At least this
1b my opinion."
Again he says. "Are we prepared to
declare th-it under a government which
our fathers meant, if they meant any
thing, should be a hard money govern
ment, but which has drifted a long
way from their intention; do we now,
against all the world over,, mean to
banish gold and silver, and do the bu
siness of the country upon nothing but
irredeemable paper, depending lor its
volume upon the will and caprice of
the moment, or upon the views of
members of Congress seeking re-election,
or aspiring to higher place?V
' It seems to me that -re have about
reached the point at which the people
of this couutry must determine, in the
language of Judge Thurman, whether
"against ail the lights of experience
the world over, we mean to banish
geld and silver from circulation in the
country for all time, and do the busi
ness of the country npou nothing but
irredeemable paper currency."
We have had a long, weary struggle
with the evils of an irredeemable paper
currency; we have been afflicted with
all the dire trains ot evils predicted by
Vallandigham and Pendleton, when
they declaimed against the constitu
tionality, and the policy of this curren
cy in 1862; we have lor sixteen years
been paying to other countries in our
trade aod barter with them, the differ
ence between our irredeemable paper
and the currency of the world, and at
last we are approaching the time when
the greenback of 1862 will be a full,
round dollar, equal to gold or silver,
and convertible on demand into either
ot these coins, and the propoeitition is
now made to repeal the Resumption
Act, to go back over all the long weary
years that intervened between 1862 and
1878. And for what good purpose?
To whose interest is it that wo shall
have a paper dollar worth less than a
gold or silver dollar?
CONTRACTION,
I know that it is claimed that hard
times, depression of , business, bank
ruptcies, with all the consequent dis
tress in the land, has been brought
about by a contraction in the volume of
the currency. Eveiy n-.tice of a bank
ruptcy by the press of th Democratic
party ia the west, and of ihoGreenback
party throughout the country, is head
ed with "more of Sherman's ruin," or
"Squeezed out by 8hermau'.s Policy,"
or "Ruined by Republican contraction
of the currency ." Now, gentlemen, I
shall attempt, In my feeble way, to
show that there has been no contraction
of the currency in the past six or eight
years,that would briniribout all this ra
in that is talked about, and heralded as
the work of the contractlonists. Just
here again, and before I pass to the
facts anti figures upon this subject, I
want again to quote the Democratic
leader in this cixipslt;n In Ohio.
And I refer to Judge Thurman for
the reason that he has been put forward
to sound the key note for his party ,and
I want to quote him to his Democratic
followers as to the cause of this panic,
these hard times and these bankrupt
cies. Ia the same speech to which I
have referred, made on the 24th of
March, 1874, Judge Thurman 'was
brought out by an arraignment of his
cause in Congress, made by the Cin
cinnati Enquirer, and re-id from the
Enquirer the following extract:
- "Last fall when the panic began.
Senator Thurman justly characterized
it in his speech as the result of an ef
fort on the part of the creditor Etst to
force the debtor of the South and West
into violent resumption of specie pay
ment, by which a debt of $100 would
really cost the debtor $150. Senator
Thurman went further and declared
that If God would give him strength to
reach Washington his voice would be
heard resisting this effort on the part of
Eastern capitalists, which if successful
would end in widespread financial ru
in. This contest has now been going
on for over two monihs and our distin
guisbed friend has made no sign." To
which Judge Thurman replied:
"Mr. President, I never uttered such
an idea in the world; I never thought
of such an idea as that the panic was
the result of an attempt by the creditor
East to force a resumption of specie
payments. On the contrary, in every
speech I made on this subject, from the
first one in the town of Kenton to the
last one, and especially in the elaborate
speech I delivered in Cincinnati, I said
that the panic was the result of over
trading excessive indebtedness and
Congressional legislation; that it was
overtrading, running too much into
debt, embarking in nnremunerative
enterprises, and notably that it was the
North Pacific Railroad enterprise that
had been stimulated by Congress,which
brought about the panic Never did I
say that that panic was the result of an
attempt to resume specie payments,
for nobody could say that or think it
who knew anything about the subject."
I believe myself that Judge Thur
man was right four years ago, when be
declared that the panic was attributable
toother causes than contraction. I
have met with many arguments ad
vanced by those who favor what is
known a the 'fiat" or "absolute" mon
ey policy. Since I have been in Con
gress I can say within the bounds of
perfect safety that I have received
hundreds, if not thousands, of docu
ments bearing upon this subject, advo
cating absolute money, the issue of
money directly by the Government,
and making it a legal tender in pay
ment of all debts and dues, public and
private, schemes of all kinds and char
acters, but the question that seems to
trouble those who are honestly inqui
ring after the truth is as to the volume
of our currency.
There seems to be with the people a
generally accepted notion that the Re
publican party has been or the last few
years contracting the volume of the
currency, lessening it from year to
year, and that this process of contrac
tion and lessen ing of the currency has
brought about the stringency of the
times. i
THE VOLUME OF CURRENCY.
The declaration is freely mads that
the money, the currency of the people,
has been reduced in volume (and I
speak of the tree value now, rather
than the actual value of tbs money)
i .i "ii"
uuui ucar iwu luuuanufi minions. - i
discussed this proposition last year,
and it becomes necessary to discuss it
again, for the declaration is persistent
ly made In newspapersand publica
tions intended to be authority with the
"hat" money men and others, who
seek every occasion to complain of the
policy or ine republican party In re
gard to the currency. I find one state
ment in what is known as "American
Finance," a recognized authority in
the Greenback and Democratic parties,
that the currency on July 1, 1866,
aggregated $1,818,317,191 42. In order
to arrive at these extraordinary figures
tney take tne amount of the United
States notes and of fractional currency
outstanaing at lour different eiven
periods, commencing with th 30tb of
January 18b4. aod ending with the 1st
of January 1866, and add these sums to
gether, thereby producing the above
amount, rne process is simply a
multiplication of the outstanding
volume of United States notes and
fractional currency by four. And yet
these curious aud extravagant figures
are gravely put forth as the basis of a
charge against the Republican party
of ruinous contraction. But tbey chief
ly rely on another statement published
in many of the greenback and Demo
cratic papers, and found in almost
every greenback and Democratic
speech in the west, which is that
a very large amount of the interest
bearing public debt of the United
States should be fairly counted as a
part of the money or currency of - the
people. For instance, the sevon-thirty
notes of which 830 millions were Issued.
are taken into ai count in making up
the two thoussnd millions of currency.
The compound interest legal tender
notes, tno temporary loans, and certi
ficates of debt, the five per cent leeal
tender notes, and many other forms of
indebtedness are taken into account in
order to swell the figures in this calcu
Hon. Now, sirs, Mr. J. T. Fowler who
is chief of the Warrant Department, in
answer to an Inquiry made of him in
relation to trie aoove forms of indebt
edness last May. says: "The. compound
interest notes and the seven-thirties of
186 land 1865 being interest bearing,
uever entered into the circulation to
any considerable extent." It is a well
known fact that ail of these interest
bearing notes were gathered ur bv
banks and capitalists, and held for the
interest, and funded into six per cent
or nve per cent gnia Dearing Donas. , 1
remember very distinctly that the ar
my with which I was serving in .1862
was paid in thorie interest bearing notes
or th j uoverament; and during; the
time the paymaster was lu our camp,
and just prior to the battle of Pittsburg
Lianuiug, x reeoiieci mat oneoi tne of
ficers of the command to which I be
longed suggested to me the propriety
of not taking our pay at that time in
these compound interest bearing notes.
and that by the next nay day the legal
tender money would be issued by the
Government, and it would be a better
currency than the interest bearing
notes, rhowing that the officer, who
was a very good patriot, was not a very
good financier.
I also recollect well that while at home
in the fall of that very year, and after
the legal tenders had been nut into Cir
culation, I saw six dollars in legal ten
ders given for a nve dollar interest
bearing note of the government by a
speculator for the purpose of funding it
into a six per cent interest bearing
oonti. Ana so the whole of this inter
est bearing Indebtedness, although a
portion of it was made a legal tender.
was gathered up, and by the first of the
year 1866 every dollar of it had Dassed
out of the hands of the people as cur
rency, and had ceased . entirely to per
ioral any or tne functions oi money
wnatever, , , . ,
WITNESS THESE TRUTHS.
- aow gentlemen, you are each Of you
my witnesses as to the truth or falsity of the
statement i matte, 1 assert here in tne pres
ence of laborers, of merchants, of business
men, of bankers, and of landholders, that
since January 1866 there' has not been in cir
culation in this community or in any commu
nity in the United States, as money, any of
tne various iorms ot government paper to
which I have alluded. And I further assert
that the sale of money of the people for the
last twelve and a half years has consisted of
the legal tender or United States notes, the
National Bank note, and the fractional cur
rency, up to any recent period, when the
subsidary silver coinage and the trade dollar
nave made their appearance to some extfnt.
Now I come to the question as to the
amount or currency in circulation as money
at any given period subsequent to the first of
January ISM. And I wilt take as a point of
time the first of July, 1896. We bad at that
time 400 millions of Greenbacks; we had 381
millions of National Bank notes; and of frac
tional currency 30 millions, making an aggre
gate of $711,000,000. This aggregate was
very slightly increased by an additional issue
of uational bank notes and fractional curren
cy, but in the main it remained at the above
figures until 1867, when Secretary McCul
lough proposed to Congress to gradually re
tire the greenbacks and put them out of cir
culation, and the bill was passed by both
bouses of Congress and became a law by the
signature of President Johnson, authorizing
the Secretary of the Treasury to retire green
backs at the rate of four millions per month,
which he proceeded to do. The bill became
a law by the almost unanimous vote of both
bouses of Congress, but one single democrat
in either house voting in the negative.' After
that ; law had been in operation 11
months, and forty-four millions of the green
backs had been retired, and the volume re
duced by that amount, its further operation
was suspended, leaving the volume of the le
gal tender notes standing at about 856 mil
lions in circulation. Now, there, was no
further legislation affecting the volume of the
greenback currency until the 43d Congress.
During the panic of 1873 President Grant, in
conference with the Cabinet and with other
distinguished men from different sections of
the country, directed the then Secretary to is
sue from the Treasury a portion of the forty
four millions held as reserve, that had been
retired by McCullough. It was thought that
this would relieve the disasters of the coun
try, but it was found that it was consumed
almost instantly. It was taken up and disap-
peared like a cupfull of water thrown npon a j
parched street in August, and when the Con
gress met in December, 1873, this currency
question, its volume, its character, and every
thing connected with it came up for discus
sion. It was debated from the first day of the
session for three months, and finally it was
determined as to the volume of the currency
that it should remain just where that Con
gress found it. They determined that they
would not authorize the putting out or issu
ing of the remaining eighteen millions of the
forty-four millions that had been retired by
McCullough, nor would they direct the re
tirement of the twenty-six millions that had
been put out by Secretary Richardson during
the panic, or any portion of it, and so the
volume of the greenback currency stood at
383 millions, or thereabouts, until the passage
of what is known aa the Resumption Act,
and the commencement of the policy of Sec
retary Sherman.
a
it
it
a
i
THE RESUMPTION ACT.
Now, while npon this point, I desire to cor
rect a tnuapprehension that many of our
friend are laboring under in relation to the
EXAMINATION.
1878-79.
Belmont County, Ohio.
Foarth Saturday of September, Glenooe.
Third Hatnrday of October, Martin's Ferry.
Heeond Hatnrday of November At Clalraville.
First Selunlay of December, St Clairsvllle.
Heeond Saturday ol January, Barnesville.
Tnlrd Saturday of February, St Ulairavllle.
Flret Saturday of March. Bridgeport.
Third Saturday of March, St Clairsvllle.
Weoond Haturday ol April, Belmont.
Heoond Saturday oi May. Bellalre.
First Saturday of Jnne, Morristown.
Fourth Saturday of June. St Clairsvllle.
Ateloee of Institute In Martin'. Ferry.
Examinations begin at S o'clock, a. m.
Fiomptneea la expected.
Testimonials ol character are needed If ap
plicant is not known to the Board, and ceniM.
sales of success In teaching are allowed theli
due weight. I Ohas. r. shkbvbu
Ex. Board, f R. Alkxamdbb,
U.M. YabncuT
contraction of the currency under the Re
sumption Act. 1 assert here that there was
no provision whatever for contraction of the
currency by that act.
On the contrary the Resumption Act pro
vided rather for an increase in the volume of
currency, for it provided for free banking,
a matter that had been contended for by the
South and West during the preceding session
of Congress, clamorously, loudly, earnestly.
r ree oauaing was conceoea by tne Resump
tion Act, and the only contraction provided
for was in connection with free banking. It
was provided that for every 100 per cent, of
National Bank currency issued under the law.
eighty per cent, of greenbacks should be re
tired, and- by . this process the volume of
greenbacks has been gradually reduced to
about 346 millions, where by a law of the last
Congress it now remains fixed -
the point t desire to make, however, is
that that aggregate volume of currency is as
great now, aye, is greater now in fact, than
it was in July, .1866, or at any subsequent
time. This proposition I shall come to in a
moment. iNow, during all these years, from
1867 to .1873, when we had no more than 356
millions of greenbacks, never more than 354
millions of National bank notes, and about 40
millions oi fractional currency, making in
round numbers about 750 million of dollars,
with value as low as 510 millions, the business
of the country, as our greenback friends tell
us, was prosperous, we did business upon a
large scale, we were buying here and selling
yonder, men were piling up what they con
ceived to be fortunes, and everything was go
ing along on tne mgu tide of prosperity.
There was currency enough then to do tbe
business of the country, currency enough
then to engage in - speculative enterprises of
the most visionary character; there was no
lack oi credit, no want ot confidence, and
everything seemed to be prosperous. And
with this volume of currency practically un
changed all at once there came a crash that
resounded through the whole length and
breadth of the land; business was suspended.
men wno nan money lest confluence, men
who were engaged iu building railroads, and
in other enterprises that gave employment to
labor stopped short, and for five years we
have been struggling with, that condition of
things. It was no stringency in the money
market, it was no want of currency with
which to do business that brought about the
trouble of the last live years. I believe with
the ' distinguished Senator from Ohio, the
leader ot the Democratic party, that it was
overtrading, that - it 'was indulgence and ex
travagance and speculative enterprises that
brought theas things about and not any want
of money.
1 he contraction of tbe currency, however,
is made the scape-goat by almost every man
who fails in business by every politician who
desires to make personal capital, or capital for
his party, out of the distress of the land. I
have in my mind at this time an instance, and
I refer to it because it has been made public.
and because the chief actor in it has publish
ed a mstory ot h bunaess transactions dur
ing the last twenty years, and charges his
failure, his bankruptcy, his own ruin and the
ruin he hag brought upon others, to the policy
of the Republican party. A Mr- Peter Heid
rick, of Williams port, in the -State of Penn
sylvania, lhas published a statement in the
form ot an address to the people of that State
and of the conn try, in which he goes on to tell
that some twenty years ago he went into the
town of Williamsport, poor and with no
capital, ' and that by engaging in various es
tes prises, such as lumbering, .merchandizing,
building, and trading ia every direction, he
had by 1873. in a period of twenty years-
amassed a fortune of millions; that the panic,
occasioned, as be .charges, by a contraction of
the currency,, destroyed his bnsiness, broke
down his enterprises, bankrupted him and his
neighbors, and brought general ruin into the
neighborhood in which he lived. "
FORTUNES ON PAPER.
Now I want to appeal to the laboring men
before me whether tfjs a possible thing for
a man without capital, in this country, in the
short period of twenty years, to boild up by
fair legitimate laoor a lortune ot auiUona.
This supposed fortune that Peter Heidriclc
had built up, and that Peter Heidrick has
lost, was only the bubble of an' inflated, irre
deemable paper currency that has cursed this
country for sixteen long years- Fmtnnes are
accumulated in this country slowly. Some
times by fortunate situation, men tu new and
unsettled countries, by reasoa of llsa rise tf
property, or by fortunate investments, make
substantial fortunes in a lifetime. But these
things are the exception rather than be rule,
and while 1 sympathize with men like Peter
Heidnckvyell lvib .japoa the disaster that
has overtakes him as one of, the legitimate
consequences of overtrading, speculation, go
ing in debt, of an extended credit, for it was
credit that saade him and gave .him his sup
posed millions, and finally it was the-want of
credit, the want of confidence on the part of
his creditors, that broke him dowai 1 bis
stale of things affected not only men in his
condition, but it reached through every rank
and position ia life, it reached the laboring
man. it reached the tradesmen, it reached tbe
capitalist and all alike have suffered-1
-But it is no fair way to treat this disease to
give the country still more of the medicine
we were compelled ' to take in 1363, and
which finally brought this disaster Upon us.
Money is property lust as bases, just as land.
just as merchandise are property.: It has iis
value-, . Uoe oi tue strange things in relation
to this craze is the effect that it has had upon
the laboring man, and the poor man There
is in this country, at this time, about, twenty
one dollars par capita in money, and that ia
all. But in merchandise, in houses, ro lands.
in railroads, and m all tbe various kinds ox
property, there is 1,000 per capita at least.
Now there ia no species of property so equally
distributed among all classes of men ss mon
ey. There are hundreds of men wio walk
the streets of this town daily who own no
houses, they own no land, they own 'no mer
chandise, they own no property in the gener
ally accepted meaning of the time, but they
all have a little money. They have their share
of the currency of the money of the oountry,
and, as 1 said before, there is nottiing so
equally and generally cBsiriboted among all
classes of people as money: Why, sir, you
talk about tb power f DKney- . Take tho
currency of the country, greenbacks Nation
al Bank notes, and til that circulates, as cur
rency among the people. -We speak or the)
banks aa oontrolliug the money of the coun
try; they are only we means through which
the money and currency is distributed to the
neonle. and the monev ia in your hands. You
go down into the mine or into tbe miil and do
dav'a work.or a week's work, and you receive
your pay, not in merchandize, not nbousea.
not In lands, out money, aw wutua. juu
have not a foot of land, no house that is your
own, to cover your head and shelter your
family, yet you have in your pocket a few
dollars of money,ll you have on tha face of
the earth. It is what you get for your lahcr,
is what you earn in the sweat of your faoa,
is what you are paid in whether, by th
banker, tbe farmer, the railroad man or the
bondholder. Money is your power, it is year
possmsioo. The currency of the country, to
great extent is in your pockets. And If
there is any class of men on earth who are
more especially interested in having- money
good, whole, round, with a full purchasing
power of one hundred cents to the dollar, it ia
the man who has bot one dollar, or Ave dol
lars, or ten dollars, aod woo has nouung etsa,
Vm hatM no hooaes to build. You have bo
land to sacrifice, you have no land to depreci
ate apoo your bands. Dot you navsa una
money with which to feed your family, aad
to clothe them, and you will want it good.
You don t want to pay a uiscouu iujvh w
price of your tea, your coffee, your preaaoc
your meat. And it Is the policy and the par-
pose oi me itepuoucau t-.j "
nf the war. this-dollar that was brought
out of tbe hot, fiery struggle for the nation's
life, a good, honest, wtaao, roona oouar.
BAD MONEY WANTED.
I believe that it ia a fair charge b mak
against the Democratic party and against the
leaders of the Greenback party, that it ia not
more good money that they want, but it is bad
money, cheap money, irredeemable money.
There are many reasons why I believa that
any distress that may exist in the country at
BAD MONEY WANTED. [CONCLUDED ON SECOND PAGE.]