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Ypsilanti sentinel. [volume] (Ypsilanti, Washtenaw Co., Mich.) 1843-1900, June 23, 1847, Image 1

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Volume 4 Number 31.
published every Wednesday, at Ypsilanti Washte
naw Co. Michigan, by
l .ftOCash in advance and $2.00 will in
variably be charged if payment is delayed three
Months from the time of subscribing.
If anv respect was ever paid in this country
to Mexico, it has long since disappeared. No
hation on the face of the earth occupies at this
tnowent so low a position. The people, it evi
dent, cannot govern themselves ; they have not
the sense to be quiet under authority, nor the
ability to frame a government that can protect
itself from dissolution. Their conduct is a cu
rious mixture of childishness and woltiike rapa
city ; but what else can be expected from three
Centuries of Spanish mismanagement 1 The
government of a band of robbers, is as little fa
Vorable to intelligence as public k private virtue
Incapable of managing themselves, they are
for ever breaking out in revolutionary tumults;
a revolution being called by them a u pronun
fciamento," that is, a declaration in favor of
koine new chief. The narrative of one of those
erio-comic events, by an eye witness, presents
SO striking a sketch of revolutionary tactics &
achievements, that we shall oermit him to tell
hie Own story, premising that, having travelled
along the western coast of the American conti
nent, he was well qualified to describe the pro
ceeding!) of which he was a spectator. On his
way northward, he had touched at Guaymas &.
found the city in an uproar. A revolution, he
says, had broken out, some days before, and the
history of this, is the history of revolutions in
Mexico : as absurd in origin, and contemptible
in result, as they are original in detail.
The commandant of the place, General To
bar, was an old soldier, active and crafty, who
having been for many years engaged in pacify
ing the native tribes, became weary of constrai
ned inaction. The fame of the President San
taAnna, the man of pronunciamentso, and coun
ter pronunciamentos, prevented him from sleep
ing. As it is always glorious for a Mexican lo
pronounce for or against his rulers, General To
bar declared against the President as soon as he
beard of his downfall. Such an event derang
ed all the General's plans, and delayed their ex
ecution To get rid of his vexation, he mount
ed his horse, and gave himself up with more
pirit than ever to his favorite pastime. Recli
ning on the broad Mexican saddle, he galloped
across the plains in pursuit of the wild cattle.
Singling out a bull, he seized him by the hairy
tuft at the end of the tail, the animal lowered
bis head to resent the insult, but his persecutor
speeding by, lifted his hind quarters from the
grouno", and before the bull could understand so
strange a proceeding, with a rapid eommerset
le was left breathless on the ground.
The general was sometimes assisted ir this
diversion by his Lieutenant, Cassilas, a soldier
of fortune, intrepid and adventurous, as the com
paniots of Cortex. He was what is called in
Mexico a bomb re de caballo ; that is, he could
break a wild horse in two hours, pick up an ob
ject from the earth at full gallop, throw the
lasso, and knock down three enemies at once
oee with his stirrup, another with his sword k.
a third with his hoise. In the days of chivalry
ho would have been a chevalier without fear,
but not without reproach. Overwhelmed with
debts, he was shunned alike by those who were
his creditors, and those who dreaded being add
ed to the number. With all these qualities,
Cassilias was only a Lieutenant. General To
bar, however, considered him likely to make a
good partisan, and as they rode along side by
side, after their merciless chase, he inquired ab
ruytly of his subordinate 1 Docs not time ap
pear dreadfully long to you now that the State
is so quiet ? For my part I am quite tired of
having nothing to do. The dogs of Indians,
give no further signs of life.'
"You have pretty nearly exterminated them,'
answered Casillas gravely, I wish I could say
the same of my creditors.'
MI have othrr subjects of complaint,'' contin
ued the General, "as well as weariness, Is it
not scandalous, on the part of the central Gov
ernment, to unseat the excellent Senor Santa
Anna ? My rank is only garrison commandant,
while I merit something better. Where is jus
tice now-a-days ? I am resolved, either to re
instate the cx-president, or make myself Gover
nor, and I count upon your aid. "
"When shall we march upon Mexico," ask
ed Casillas, laughing, "and call upon the sov
ereign Congress to make me a captain f
1 will let you know," replied Tobar, majes
M'tMh ; meantime "Santa Anna forever !'
"Santa Anna or death 1" shouted Cassilias,
end the two revolutionists rode back la Guay
mas. As soon as the scheme waa concocted, con
federates were found in abundance. Casillas
was erabarrasstd in his choice among so many
friends. They were principally young men of
distinguished families, but depraved habits, and
gome of them well known to the Aicalde & his
officials as implicated in one or two assassina
tions. The opportunity of paying their debts
at the expense of others was too good to be lost
and they flocked eagerly to Tobar's standard.
The night preceding the execution of their pro
ject, about twenty of the party met to deliber
ate on their proceedings; opinions ran high ,
some were for binning the city and slaughter
in' the idhabitants cn masse ; others, however,
opposed so barbarous project, and at last a list
of names was made out, whose owners were
doomed to execution. Each man present con
sidered it his duty to place on the list the name
of the creditor he most feared, or the Alcalde
who had caused him the most vexation. On
this point, Casillas kept a profound silence, as
he did not wish for the destruction of the whole
city. The next proposition was to march upon
Mexico, after having made themselves masters
of the fort. This led to a hot discussion. One
suggested that if the garrison were not to be
massacred, a bribe might purchase their co-operation
; but there was not a single piastre in
the whole company. The final resolution was
to surprise the fort at day-break, and seize the
public treasure, locked up in the revenue chest
at the custom house. Before they separated,
Tobar was named Governor of the State ; Cas
tas Was made a captain ; each officer present,
rose a step in rank ; and those who were only
citizens, dubbed themselves officers.
At day-break, the conspirators, armed to the
teeth, marched silently through the city ; and
halting beneath the walls of the fort, summon,
ed thegarrison to surrender, with cries of San
ta Anna forever ! The troop inside slept as
n rho bee netbfng to lose, and wit ":tV
solicitation joined in the cry. The pronouncers
were surprised at this sudden success, not know
ing that tbe evening before the soldier& had sold
their cartridges to compensate themselves for
arrears of pay. At sunrise, the installation of
the new government was known through the
city. Some hours afterwards, General Tobar's
chief officer presented himself at the residence
of the receiver-general of customs, who was
taking his siesta in his hammock. Casillas sa
luted him with all the courtesy of a Mexican
robber, and politely inquired if there was any
money in the chest of the department.
1 Twelve thousand dollars,' answered the offi
cial. 'Not much, rejoined Cassilias; 'enough to
spare me the necessity of an unpleasant duty,
' What is that ?' said the receiver-general,
turning himself over in his hammock.
'To conduct you to my chief ; for I promised
to carry back either the treasure or the treasu
rer,' replied the soldier.
'At all events, captain' you will give me a
receipt ?
' YVhat ! Yet it Is but fair. I fear only that
my signature may not be very valuable ; ah !
Senor Administrator I have been greatly calum
niated in this country
After giving Cassilias the contents of the
chest in exchange for his receipt, the treasurer
continued his siesta. The captain went back la
den with booty, which he deposited in Tobar's
house, transformed for the time into the seat of
government. At this sight the confederates
broke out into shouts of triumph. There was
but one opinion as to the destination of the
twelve thousand dollars; they were to be em
ployed for the public good. But the phrase
public good admits or a thousand different in
terpretations. Every one understood it after
his own manner, and gave his advice more or
less disinterestedly, so that it became dificult to
settle the question. After a long parley, it was
decided on the motion of Casillas,to devote the
funds to repairing thgun-carriges, which the
great heat, of the sun had split and rendered
useless. When the meeting was over, Tobar,
after investing Casillas with his authority, rode
to his country-seat, after the manner of his pat
ron Santa Anna.
"A few days afterwards, one of the younger
members of this self-elected government offered
to introduce me to his associates at their nightly
meeting in the only tavern of the city. In a
small room about a dozen rneil were seated
round masive table drinking and gaming. A
thick smoke from the numerous pipes increased
the obscurity of the department, dimly lighted
by a few long-wicked candles. A tall man,
with stronggly-marked features and dark eyes,
and whose bush v whiskers reached to his mouth
rose on my entrance.
"Welcome, Senor Frenchman, for there are
no serviles in your nation! Welcome! Bring a
"France is a great nation, said a voice half
choked by brandy, in one corner of the room,
and Napoleon is a great man How is he?'
"I turned at this strange question : the spea
ker was an old sergeant, seated against the
wall, with an enormous rapier between his
knees. He did not probably hear my answer,
for with a hcavv snore his head fell forward on
his breasfc While I was looking at him, Casil
las for it was he who had welcomed me
again spoke in the sententious style borrowed
from the Indians 'Calumny is the lot of the
poor, Senor foreigner, I have been poor, but
now I am powerful. Who will prevent my ta
king vengeance? Nobody! Casillas can enter
where fire enters, and reach where the wind
reaches I But no j I will only avenge mv
self by benefits.'
"At these words the future benefacto of the
state drove his dagger into the solid table, with
a force that made the bottles and glasses jin
gle. The acclamations that follewed were in
terrupted by the arrival of a messinger with
the infoimation that two regiments were on
their way from Arispe to put down the rebels.
This news threw the party into consternation;
every one looked to Casillas for adv ice. Start
ing up, he said, 'Gen. Tobar must be informed
ofwhat has happened; Which of you will ride
for life or death to his seat?'
"A dead silence followed this proposition,and
Casillas looked round with a gloomy frown.
"I will go,"' exclaimed Gutierrez; a voung
man of calm and modest appearance who had
not before spoken.
'I want a bullv, a fear-nought, for the road is
dangerous,' replied the captain, looking at the
young clerk, for such was theoccupation of the
youth who had volunteered for the journey.
'I will go,' was all he answered; 4I only vant
time to saddle my horse.'
'Go, then, and luck attend you!' returned
Casilias, taking him aside to give him the ne
ccssary instructions; and with a parting glass
the whole parly separated.
"In the course of a few days after this event
every trace of the twelve thousand dollars had
disappeared, except Casillas' receipt to the rc-rceiver-general.
Recourse ffll had to exactions,
for the news from Arispe became more and more
threatening. Tobar still remained at his country-seat,
not sorry to devolve the responsibility
of rigorous measures upon his captain. Some
of the richer citizens had paid a heavy fine with
tolerably good grace; but everything has an
end, and the provisional government was at end
of its resources.
"At this juncture a large French merchant
man was telegraphed off the mouth of the har
bor. This was a piece of good fortune for the
conspirators, as they hoped to touched the a
mount of duties to be paid on the cargo. The
following morning I made my way to the top
of a high hill which overlooked the port and
the whole city. While looking on the ship
standing slowly in; some one touched my arm,
I turned round: it was Casillas.
It is Providence that sends to us so opport
unely,' he said, pointing to the ship on which
my eyes were still fixed. All at once the cap
tain exclaimed, with a fearful imprecation,
'Confusion! What demon is spoiling the affair?
"A cloud of dust was visible, moving rapidly
across the plains on the opposite side of the
city, above which tbe red pennous on the lan
ces of a troop of cavalry fluttered iu the bright
' It is the governor general,' said Casillas,
clenching his hands. 'A day later, and we
should havo beaten him or bought him.'
Whether a courier had already brought the
oews to Guaymts, or from some other cause,
we could see from the height on which we
stood that there was an unusual stir in the
city. Casillas looked on with a haggard eye,
but without moving. A few minutes after
wards, with a cry of rage, he exclaimed, dash-
ir,f pi? h?t gro-n-i. Th cowans the trait-
Ypsilanti. H.
ors the idiots! See! they are disbanding!
Ah! there is Guiterrez on horseback: is he go
ing to assemble our friends? No; he is off at
full gallop. Stop! he shouted in irrepressible
wrath, as though his voice could reach the fu
gitive. 'Look! there is the brave Tobar: heat
least will not run away. All is lost! he is follow
ing the example of Gutierrez. The cowards,
the traitors! legality frightens them! they whom
the yelling Indians could not intimidate. But
I am thcrei'
Still denouncing the traitors, Casillas moun
ted his horse, which he had tied to a tree, and
hurried at a furious trot down the steep descent.
I flowed him with my eye as he dashed along.
He reached the great square in safety, where
I lost him in the crowd.
When I looked again the place was emptv.
The Governor's troops was just entering the
city. By a singular coincidence, at the mo
moment that the cavalry deployed Into the
square, in fcompiiny with Indian infantry armed
with bows and arrows, the vessel, which had
so greatly excited the cupidity of the insunrents,
entered the port; and at the same moment the
last ol the pronouncers the captain galloped
from the citv.
In my subsequent peregrinations Ihro' the
country, I fell in with the principal members of
the provisional government of Guaymas, hid
ing in obscure villages, excepting one Casil
las in whom I felt much interested: but his
friends had never heard of him since the day
on which his command came to so sudden a
termination. Gutierrez, the clerk, went back
to his desk, as though he had forgotten all a
bout his daring midnight ride, and his share of
the public funds. General Tobar was more
fortunate: his rank placed him too high to be
easily disturbed by a political storm. After a
brief suspension, his command was restored to
him: and the recollection of his pronunciamen-
to became confounded with many others which
have shaken, and will again shake, the ill-constituted
government of Mexico."
On the thirteen of May, Mr. Benton address
ed the citizens of St. Louis in regard to the va
rious topics of public interest, in the course of
which he thus noticed the war with Mexico:
The same annexation of Texas and its se
quence, the present war, with Mexico, was an
other of the great subjects on which he had
been called upon to act within the last few
years. This great drama, Mr. B. said, divided
itself into muny acts and covered a long space
of time, during all which he had been an actor
in it, and he hoped a consistent and a prudent
one. He considered this drama as being in
1819) when Mr Monroe's Cabinet ceded Texas
to Spain. It was then given away; and if it
had not been given away there could have been
no war with Mexico about getting it back.
He denounced that treaty in many newspaper
articles as soon as it was made, and vowed at
the time unceasing efforts to get back thecedeo
province. Mr. Adam's administration, wiih
Mr. Clay Secretary of State, presented the first
opportunity to make the effort for its recovery.
Mr. Clo
sentatives, had severely condemned the treaty
which gave away Texas: Mr. Adams had op
posed that article of the treaty at the council
table when the majority of Mr. Monroe's Cabi
net adopted it. But this was not known to him
("Mr. B.) until long afterwards. His reliance
at that time was on Mr. Clay, as a Western
man, and from his publicly known opinions on
the subject. He and Mr. Clay were then
separating in the new div ision of political par
ties; but it did not prevent them from commu
ning together on the subject of Texas, and co
operating to get her back. They had an in
terview at Tennison's Hotel at Washington.
Among other things intended by the new Ad
ministration, Mr. C. mentioned the recovery of
Texas: he (Mr. cordially concurred, and
premised his faithful co-operation. The Ad
ministration made the attempt: he (Mr. B. )
wrote articles to promote it: but the scheme
failed. Mr. Poinsett was then minister in
Mexico, and favorable to the object, but could
not succeed : and so ended the first attemi t to
recover back the great province which the un
wise treaty of 1819 had given away. I speak
historically (said Mr. D.) and justly, and with
out design to favor or to injure any man, but to
place aright before my constituents my own
conduct, and that of others, in this great drama
which has ended in a war between two Repub
lics. Mr. Adams, at th couueil table, voted
against the article which gave Texas away.
Mr. Clay, in the House of Representatives,
denounced the cession. They made the first
effort to get it back; and in a speech which
professes to be fair and impartial, let justice be
done to every actor. Let every one take his
proper place for censure or for praise in the
great drama of the Texas question and its
bloody sequence.
The next attempt was in General Jackson's
time, Mr. Van Buren being Secret iry of State.
A large sum was offered than in the previous
Administration, but with no better result. The
negotiation miscarried, though zealously sup
ported by President Jackson, his Secretary of
State, and the Minister at Mexico. He (Mr.
B.) co-operated with them, filling the newspa
pers with articles in praise of Texas, and using
all the arguments tor getting her back which
have since been repeated by others who gave
no help then. And so the second attempt to
repair the mischief of the treaty of 1S19 failed,
as the first had done.
The mission of General Memucan Hunt,
Minister from Texas, was the next serious at
tempt to bring Texas into the Union: but the
parties were then changed: it was after the bat
tle of San Jacinto, and Texas herself became
the applicant. Mr. Van Buren was then Pres
dent, Mr. Forsyth his Secretary of State, and
both in favor of getting back the country. But
Texas and Mexico, though not. fighting, had
not made peace; they were in the legal state of
war with respect to each other: and to have ad
mitted Texas into the Union would have adopt
ed her side of the war, and to have placed the
United States at war with Mexico. Neither
justice nor policy permitted this, especially as,
ifletalone, they would make peace after awhile,
and then annexation could be effected without
a breach with Mexico. Upon this view thev
acted. He (Mr. B.) concurred with them, and
so did all the people of the United States.
The question of admission ofTexas then went
to 6leep, and was quietly waiting the end of the i
war with Mexico. All the old friends to the
recovery of the country were willing to await
that event; but in the year 1842, during Mr.
Tyler's administration, a new set of friends,
who had cared nothing about Texas before, and
one of whom had given her away when he had
; hrr, became fhri'vir for immediate tnnratba;
Wednesday June 33, 1847.
and the annexation treaty of 1844 was the fruit
of that new and sudden impatience. Tbe old
friends of Texas stood upon their old ground:
the countries were still at war but actually ne
gotiating for peace: they wanted Texas annex
ed, but without war with Mexico, and urged a
little delay, to permit their Ministers, then ne
gotiating under the auspices of Great Britain
and France, to make peace. All delay was re
fused, the treaty was signed, and was rejected by
the Senate because its ratification would have
been immediate war with Mexico. He ( Mr.
B. ) was one of the majority of the Senate which
rejected that treaty: and his constituents, tho'
all in favor of annexation, appreciated his mo
tives, and justified his conduct. His re-election
to the Senate in the same year was the verdict
of the people upon his conduct, and he made
them his profound thanks for the justice of that
verdict, and tbe honor of that election.
The treaty of annexation was rejected, hut
annexation in another torm was still prosecuted
A resolution for the admission of Texas, as i
State, passed the House of Representatives; an
additional and alternative resolution was added
in the Senate, to appoint commissioner to ne
gotiate for admission, and to conciliate and re
concile Mexico, and thereby prevent the an
nexation from bringing on war. The expiring
administration ot Mr. Tyler snatched the al
ternative from the hands o!" the President elect.
hurried oil the House resolution by a midnight
messenger slammed the door of conciliation
in the face of Mexico and inflamed her pride
and resentment to the highest decree. From
that time forth every thing breathed war be
tween the two countries, which broke out the
ensuing year.
Mr. B. said this was the history of the loss
and gain of Texas, and its sequence, the war
with .Mexico. The country is recovered a war
lias followed, and tbe question now is, how to
tinish it? For himself he felt clear. His pol
icy had been uniform from first to last it was
to get back Texas without a breach with Mex
ico; and he was certain it might have been
done if wise and temperate counsels had pre
vailed. The United States had only to wait for
peace: that was upon the point of being signed
in January, lb-rj, under the powerful media
tion of Great Britain and France, when the
then Administration broke up the peaceful ne
gotiation, dispersed the Ministers, assumed the
war, and placed the army and navy under the
control of the President of Texas to fight Mex
ico. The rejection of the treaty stopped the
war then assumed; but the midnight transmis
sion of the House resolution started it again, and
soon placed the two Republics in the unhappy
condition in which they now stand.
Mr. B. repeated. His policy from beginning
to ending had been to get back Texas without
war, or even a breach of friendship with Mexi
co. He was greatly averse to such a war. He
saw great and extraordinary evils in it. Be
sides the evils common to all wars loss of
lives, distress of families, interruption of com
merce, ruin to many merchants, and a load of
debts and taxes; besides all these ordinary evils
incident to all wars, he saw others of a new and
extraordinary kind in a war with Mexico. She
was a Republic, and a weak one, and our neigh-
OOr, 4 l. I J... t--- Jtirtfvt w v --
constitution and form of government, and had
mainained civil wars at home to keep it up.
She was one of the Spanish American States
which stretch from the southern boundary of
the United States to Cape Horn, the whole of
which had copied our form of government, and
established close political and commercial rela
tions with us. All these States had justeman
cipated themselves from European domination,
adopted the republican system, and taken the
United States for their model and their friend,
the elder sister and parental guardian of the
cjrdon of Republics which stretched across the
two Americas. The position of the United
States, at the head of this long chain of Re
publics, was grand and impressive, and imposed
upon her an enlarged and enlightened system,
which had been carefully acted upon by all A
merican statesmen, from the time these Spanish
American States began to establish their inde
pendence. Europe had a system of Monarchies
consolidated by a holly alliance. The new
world had its system of Republics, to be cemen
ted and united by sympathy and friendship.
To maintain our position at the hcan of this
republican system in the new world was due to
our.-clves and the human race. To cherish
and perpetuate these Republics to preserve
their friendship and their commerce to contin
ue to be their political mentor to continue
them in the republican system of the new world,
and prevent their relapse into the monarchical
system of the old world this was our true and
noble policy. War with any one of them would
endanger that policy; for being all of the same
origin, religion, language, customs, they would
naturally sympathize with each other, and in
hav ing war with one the friendship of all might
be jeoparded
fie ( Mr. B.) had endeavored to act upon these
enlarged principles, originating not with him,
but with enlightened statesmen before he came
into public life. He had endeavored to get
back Texas without a war with Mexico, and
was certain it might have been done with all
ease by the simple process of leaving Mexico
and Texas to make peace, and treating Mexico
with the respect and deference due to a sister
llepublic the more proud and sensitive be
cause weak and unable to contend with us.
The first great error was the annexation treaty
of 1842, and the mdnner in which it was con
ducted; that was the work of the Tyler Admin
istration, and for selfish and unworthy purpo
ses. The second great error, or worse than
error, was the rejection of the Senate's alterna
tive resolution, and dispatch of the midnight
messenger to Texas with tbe absolute resolution
of admission, on the night of the 3d of March,
1845. That also was the work of the Tyler
Administration, and in the last moment of its
expiring existence. The first of these steps
(the treaty) would have made instant war if it
had been ratified by the Senate; the second
made the war, and now the great question is to
finish it. How lo finish it? That was the
question which every one present, no doubt,
would wish to hear him speak. The time would
come, but it vva3 not now. His opinions had
been asked by the President, and given him, and
in time it would be given to the public.
But he could say that he relied more upon
pol icy than upon arms to finish this war with a
weak and proud neighbor. Fight us battles
she could not. That was proved from San Ja
cinto to Cerro Gordo, and wherever the two
races met, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Bay
of San Francisco, victories would come as often
as fights came: but there was a danger to be
feared the danger of fanaticism and the con
version of the war ino a death contest for coun
try and religion. The Spanish race is suscep
tible of ?oet pat'ni' Mnettoft t fanatic? -
motion both religiously and politically, and of
which their history furnishes abundant exam
ples both in the old and new world, and from
the time of the Carthagenians and the Romans
to that of the French under Bonaparte. Poli
cy more than arms, but combined with arms,he
considered the road to peace.
He would not say that victories alone would
not bring peace; they might do so, but not the
kind of peace he was in search of. He wanted
the peace which was not merely a cessation of
hostilities, but a restoration of the fruits and
blessings of peace; the restoration of friend
ship and commerce, and of our position as head
and chief and parental guardian of the system
ol Republics in the new world. The peace
which leaves all the animosities and resent
ments of war behind, was not the peace which
the interests of the countries and the good of
the republican system, and the safety and in
dependence of the two Americans required,
Mr. B. said he 6tood upon ground which he
could not explore: he alluded to subjects which
he could not unfold: but he could say that it was
a great error to confound the whole Mexican
people the whole eight millions of their mix
ed population under any one general view,
either politically, morally, or in their feelings
towards the United States and the war. It
would be a great error to confound this large
and mixed mass under any one general view;
and a worse error to act either military or poli
tically upon that view. It had its divisions,
both of races and of political parties: and, leav
ing out the illiterate, impoverished, and de
pressed part of the Indian race, which signified
noting politically, though the half of the whole
population, and the sole resource for day labor
ers and theiank and file of the army "leaving
out that depressed half, the other half is radical
ly and irreconcilably divided in political sys
tems, and in all the affections and views which
result. from that division. The largest half of
the enlightened half is republican, and has
struggled since 1824 for our form of govern
ment, and always carry the elections; the oth
er part is the monarchical, and the strongest,
though least numerous, because it has the sin
ews of war money and arms. It rests upon
the church and a standing army of near twen
ty thousand officers and not much over twentv
thousand men. The policy of the republican
party lends them to peace and friendship with
the United States ; the policy of tho monarch
ists leads them to European affections and A
merican antipathies. But there are points at
w hich they all unite the pride of nationality
the love of religion and of country and which
makes them all equally formidable, equally
susceptible of being fanaticised, both religious
ly and politically, against a foreign invader.
This unites both parties against us now; but
still there is a great difference between those
who wish to be friends and those who do not,
between those who are willing to make perma
nent and cordial peace on terms just and hon
orable to their country and those who want no
peace, and if they make one will only intend it
for a treacherous and hollow truce. This dif
ference of parties should be known to the A
merican statesman, and acted upon. Unhappi
ly, the present war had given the monarchical
parry tne ascendant at tne very moment that
the elections were bringing the republicans in
to power, and enabling them to re-establish our
form of government.
Mr. B. said he he had expressed his opinions
publicly and responsibly in the Senate, both
in speeches and in votes: and privately and
frankly to the President whenever asked. He
had done more. He had been willingto resign
his place in the Senate and go to the field of
operations, not so much to command armies as
to make military movement subservient to di
plomatic policy, and not a mere truce, extorted
by force from weakness, and leaving the ani
mosities of war behind. He who had refused
ambassies to the first Courts of Europe, was
will to go to Mexico; he who had refused to
let his triends propose him for first Major Gen
eral in May, 1846, which would have put him
at the head of the army, was willing to have
taken a commission when the war began to
take the appearance of continuing long, and of
becoming fanatical, and giving strength to the
monarchical European party. He was willing
to have taken the place of Lieutenant General:
for that would have stocked no military feeling,
and displaced no military man, and would have
been approved by the President to have been
completely carried out. He could say no more
at this time, upon that point, but when the plan
which he submitted to the President comes to
be made known, it would be seen that the mili
tary men would have had nothing to complain
of that General Taylor, instead of struggling
at Buena Vista with 5,000 against 20,000,
would have been advancing on Santa Anna with
20,000; that General Scott, instead of an en
trenched army at Cerro Gordo, would probably
have found the road open to Mexico, that the
two Generals would have probably met sooner
at the city of Mexico, and found themselves at
tended by a diplomatic mission, nationally con
stituted, both in a geographical and in apoliti
cal sense, and prepared to take advantage of all
events to smooth the way to a solid and lasting
Mr. Benton passed to a new subject: one
which had not yet excited the public attention,
but which, in his opinion, was pregnant with
much danger: and required early attention It
was not a question of foreign war, to be settled
by arms or diplomacy, but of domestic legisla
tion, to be settled by public opinion and by
votes. He alluded to the slavery propagandist
resolutions, introduced into the Senate towards
the close of the late session, and which he had
stigmatized as a firebrand on the day of their
intTcrduction Ori their face these resolution
contemplate a subversion of the Union, throw
ing the guilt of the subversion upon those who
oppose their enactment into law. At the same
time they propose what no citizen of a non
slaveholding State can ever stand, and what
many from the s?avehoiding States, himself in
the number, would stand if they could. They
propose the abolition of all compromises, past
and future, on the slavery question, and treat
violators of the rights of the States, and tfthe
constitution, and as subverlers of the Union, all
who w 11 not agree to extend slavery to all the
territories of the United States, even to tbe
most remote and hyperborean to Oregon it
self, in the lattitude of Wisconsin and the
Lake of the Woods. They go the precise
length of the Northern Abolitionists, and with
the same practical consequence, only in a re
versed form. The Abolition creed is, that the
admission of slavery in any part of the Union
is a violation of the constitution, and a disolu
tion of the Union; the new resolution declare
that the prohibition of slavery in any territory
of the Union is a violation of the constitution
d of tbe right? of the State, n i e .'ib version
Whole No. 17T.
of the Union So true it is that extremes meet,
and that all fanaticism, for or against irit dog
ma, terminates at the same point of intolerance
and defiance.
Tho first effect of this new slavery creod,
which the South was summoned to adopt mot
summarily, would be to establish a new politi
cal test for trying the orthodoxy of all candi
dates for the Presidency; and, as no Northern
man could stand such a test at home, the whole
of them would be knocked in the head, so far
as the South was concerned, at a single lick.
The next effect of these resolutions, if adopt
ed, in the non-slaveholding States, would be to
put an end to the present political divisifin ftf
oarties, and to substitute a new party in the
South, ( with its antagonist in the North. )
bounded by geographical lines, and founded on
the sole principle of slavery propagandism.
The third effect of these resolutions would b
that which is stated, hypothetically, on their
face, namely, the subversion of the Union.
Seeing these resolutions in this dangerous
point of view, ho (Mr. B. had stigmatized
them as a firebrand on the day of their intro
duction, and had since deprecated their applica
tion to the Oregon bill, by which the Oregon
people were left without law or government
for a year longer. Many persons thought him
too prompt in his denunciation of these resolu
tions: perhaps the same persons thought him
too prompt in denouncing the Oregon joint oc
cupation treaty in 1818 the treaty which gave
away Texas in 1819 the treaty of annexation
in 1844 and all the measures of the Tyler ad
ministration which led to the Mexican war in
1846:but the truth mightbe that he was not too
fast, but themselves too slow. The resolutions
appeared dangerous to him, and he struck them
at their first apparition in the Senate chain ber.
He had done his duty; he had sounded the a
larm; it was for the peopie of the United States,
all the friends of the Union to do the rest.
There was no Jackson now to save the Union
by a voice, like the command of destinv, pro
claiming that "it shalL be preserved.''
(U5 The steamer Sam'l Waro arrived yes
terday from theSaut, bringing us the following
painful intelligence: Det Adv.
From the Lake Superior News.
Salt Ste. Marie, June 12, 1847.
Distressing Calamity
One of the most distressing accidents that
ever occurred at the Saut Ste. Marie, and whicc
it becomes our duty to record, took place Thurs
day afternoon, carrying gloom and dismay to
every heart. A party of citizens and persons
from abroas had agreed to descend the Fa I is of
the Ste. Marie River, situated immediately
above this village, and with that view pro
ceeded to the head of the Portage, where thy
procured a yawl boat with which to make the
decent a feat at any time considered haradous
and yet, strange to sa), in its frequent per
formance hitherto no accident ever occurred'
ending in the loss of life. The party en this
occasion were nine in number, consisting of
Capt. Johd Stannard, Capt. Robhrt Brown, and
Messrsr E. G. Seymour, Thomas Riches' John
Paikcr, add Wm. Flvnn, of this place; Dr
Hough T. ITOUty, Of BTOnroeviTIe. Ohio; A.
Spatibrd, of Perrysburg, Ohio, and Mr. Walcsr
Clerk of the stamboat St. Calir. With this
company, the boat started on its perilous voy
age. When about half-way down the rapi la
it shipped a breaker, that filled her nearly hr.if
full of water at this, bailing was commenced,
but, a moment more, and the boat having rea
ched wh it is called the "big leap," (being somo
eight or ten feet in descent was by a re-action
thrown on end, after desending and all piecip
itated into the foaming rapids. This catastro
phe was witnessed by many of our citizens, who
were watching the voyage from tha shore
boats were immediatelyy rocured; and put out
te render assistance to thoae who sheuld sun
vive the struggle of the dashing water.-, and
reach the foot of the rapids Messrs Stanard,
Brown, Waled, Spafford, and Parker sustained
themselves until picked up bv the boats which
went out, or by the Indians whe were fishing
from their canoes. By the chief of the latter,
Mr Seymour was discovered floating at the hot
torn of the river, and rescued only by means of
a spear, wyb which the Chief succeeded in en
tangling his coat, and thus raising him to the
surface. So completely was Mr. S. exhausted
when taken, that for some time resuscitation
was considered doubtful : but by proper appli
cations and incessant rubbing for hours, anima
tion was finally restored, although at the time
of writing this, ( Saturday morning) he is still
considered in a critical sttuation.
The O'.her three, I)r. Prouty, and Messrs
Riche6 Flyn, we are pained to sao, were drown
ed, and their bodies have not yet been discover
ed; Dr: P. was one of a pleasure party, who,
with his wife, were on an excursion to this
place. In Huron Co., Ohio, of which he was
a resident, he had been a practising physician
for twenty years, possessing, we are told by
those who knew him best, allthe traits of char
acter that adorn a noble heait : and that for pnb-
lie usefulness, private worth, and warm etem
no man stojd higher in that sectiov of the State.
Besides his amiable bereaved wife, he has left
four children to mourn his unfortunate death.
Mr. Riches was formerly of Detroit, and for
the last two seasons had been engaged as the
Engineer of the Propeller Independence, where
he had won the warm regard of his brother offi
cers, and by his urbauity, and kindness, the eon'
fidence and respect of the entire community.-
Wm. Flynn was an exemplary young mar, of
about nineteen years of age, residing in this
village, an ! in the employment of Messrs. Ste
vens and Cornwall.
A note from Morgan Bates Esq. has the fol
lowing :
" Capt. Moore of the schooner Merchant, to
whom the boat belonged, had his leg broken in
the attempt to get her back over the rapids.
Princely Gift. Abbott Lawrence, of Bost.orf
has presented the sum of $50,000 to HarvarJ
College, for the purpose of establishing a de
partment for teaching tho practical scirncr.,
engineering, mining, k the invention and man
ufacture of machinery. Of this sum, 30,000
is to be applied to the erection of suitable buil
dings -the residue, 20,000, is to form the basis
of a fund, which, together with one half of tho
tution fees, till the amount shall yield the sum
of three thousand dollars annualy, shall be e
qually divided between the Professor of Enpt
neering and the Professor of Geology, and be
made a permannent foundation for these profea
orship.' This noble gift is only the continua
tion of a series of noble chvitiy which have long
distinguished the donor as the great philanthro
pist of the country.
tCTTrou Wes are like hornets tbe less sdo yon
make about them the better for yoor ontrr. HM
wftybrfag ent tlr isfccJa iwarir upon you
of sstf"5 ,

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