The advocate. [volume], December 16, 1891, Page 11, Image 11

About The advocate. [volume] (Meriden, Kan.) 1889-1892

Image provided by: Kansas State Historical Society; Topeka, KS

                
r LINCOLN'S PROPHECY. ;
From the New Nation.
The following letter from ex-Senator
Ingalls of Kansas was recently eent to
the Washington (D. C.) Star:
To tbi Stab: In a recent issue of the
New Nation I find this alleged quotation
from President Lincoln: "I see in the near
future," said Abraham Lincoln in 1865, "a
crisis approaching that unnems me and
causes me to tremble for the saf eto of my
country. As a result of the war corpora
tions hare been enthroned and an era of
corruption in high places will follow and
the money power of .the country will en?
deavor to prolong its reign by working upon
the prejudices of the people until all wealth
is aggregated in a few hands and the repub
lic is destroyed. I feel at this moment more
anxiety for the safety of my country than
ever before, even during the midst of the
war."
The, same extraqt "ias been floating
through the journals of anarchy and social
ism for several years, and has been a favor
ite paragraph with pessimistio orators in
their appeals to the passions of the poor,
It does not appear in any of the pub
lished mef sages, speeches or letters of Lin
coln. The internal evidence is against its
authenticity. The words, the style, the
construction are like nothing in his compo
sition. Mr. Nicolay, his former secretary,
has never seen nor heard such expressions
in the writings or utterances of President
Lincoln.
Evidently it is a malignant, clumsy for
. gery. Tours, John J. Ingalls.
Atchison, Kan., November 17.
We would remind the honorable gen
tleman from Kansas that upon the third
of December, 1871, President Lincoln
sent to Congress one of his historic mes
sages. Its closing paragraph, even read
at this day, carry the impress of a great
concern for the rights of man. ' He de
clared that"monarchy itself is sometimes
hinted at as a possible refuge from the
power of the people. In my present po
sition I would scarcely be justified were
I to omit raising a warning vaice against
this approach of returning despotism."
Mr. Lincoln's thought was evidently
running on the relation of political pow
er to property, a question raised by the
Issue of slavery and the capital which
labor produces.
"There is one point together with
its connections," continued Mr. Lin
coln, "to which I ask a brief 'attention.
It is the effort to place capital on an
equal footing with, if not above, labor in
the structure of government.
Labor is prior to and independent of
capital. Capital is only the fruit of la
bor and could never have existed If labor
had not first existed. Labor is the supe
rior of capital and deserves much the
higher consideration.
No men living are more worthy to be
trusted than those who toil up from pov
ertynone less Inclined to take or touch
aught which they have not honestly
earned. Let them beware of surrender
ing a political power which they already
possess, and which, if surrendered, will
surely be used to close the door of ad
vancement against such as they, and to
fix new disabilities and burdens upon
them, till all of liberty shall be lost."
So far as the immediate issues were
concerned, it was not necessary to go
Into the philosophy to go into the phi
losophy of capital at that time, but the
great statesman was looking at the fun
damentals, and he pointed to a danger
beside which negro slavery was an Inci
dent, the despotism of capital overlabor,
and then he warned the laborer to hold
fast to his political privileges lest "all of
liberty shall be lost."
Abraham Lincoln was a prophet, and
in a few years.even before the war closed,
the door of advancement was closed to
the average laborer. A friend , of Mr.
Lincoln, 'a resident of Illinois, wrote to
the. president In 1865 for a fuller state
ment qf his views end an explanation f
the closing passages of his message of
December, 1861, which we have quoted
above. It was in answer to this' appeal
that he wrote the letter quoted in The
New Nation, which Mr. Ingalls declares
a "malignant, clumsy forgery." We are
not an expert on letter writing, but cer
tainly the prophecy of 71 and the anxiety
of '65 have a marked family likeness.
The prophecy he made; It was fast prov
ing true in 1865, and it was natural that
he should say so.
The p roc ess of cornering the business
of the country, well under way in 1865,
has since reached a point where even a
counting house clerk can calculate the
period of the culmination of this con
spiracy against labor and the liberties of
a great people, If in 1860 30 per cent, of
the people of the United States owned 50
per cent of the property, how long will
it take for one man to own one-half and
the rest of the people one-half? Or how
long will it take for 5,000 people to own
99 per cent, of the country's wealth?
mo
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