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Hot Griddle Cakes.
Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder possesses a peculiar merit not approached by that of any other baking powder. It produces the hot buckwheat, Indian or wheat cakes, hot biscuit, doughnuts, waffles or muffins. Any of these tasteful things may be eaten when hot with impunity by persons of the most delicate digestive organs. Dr. Price's Cream Bak ing Powder leavens without fomentation or decomposition. In its preparation none but the purest of cream of tartar, so da, etc. is used, and in such exact equivalents as to always guarantee a perfectly neutral result, thereby giving the natu ral and sweet flavor peculiar to buckwheat and other flour that may be used, the natural flavor so much desired and ap preciated by all. The oldest patrons of Dr. Prices powder tell the story, that they can never get the same results from any other leavening agent, that their griddle cakes, biscuits, etc. are never so light and never taste so sweet or so good as when raised with Dr. Prices Cream Baking Powder. Y7ASIUXGT0N editorial coksespond- KXCE. The canditates for speaker of the House of Representatives In thla Fifty-Second Congress were all from the Atlantic states; Messrs. Crisp and Wataon, hail ing from Georgia, and Ex-Speaker Thomas Brackett Reed from Maine. Aside from Mr. Reed, Maine furnished the speaker from March 4, 1869, to March 3, 1875, Inclusive, In the person of James O. Blaine. Before the election of Charles F. Crisp, as speaker of the House, Geor gia had Howell Cobb for speaker from December 23, 1819, to March 3, 185L Mr. Cobb defeated Hon. Robert C. Wlnthrop of Massachusetts, who had been speaker of the previous Congress, end Mr. Cobb was the first one of the two speakers of the House, who was elected by a plurality vote, the other one having been Nathaniel P. Banks, jr., of Massa chusetts, who was elected on February 2,1858. Messrs. Winthrop and Banks are still living and Mr. Banks was in the House In the last the Fify-First Con gress. TUB POLITICAL RELATIONS OK GEORGIA AND MAINE. Georgia was one of "the old thirteen" and it has given its electorial votes for president to George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Mon roe, William II. Crawford, Andrew Jack son, Hugh L. White, William Henry Harrison, James K. Polk, Zackary Tay lor, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan and John C. Breckenridge. The foregoing is a record of its vote for president in the ante-bellam days. In 1801 the Btate was in rebellion against the general government In 1872, Horace Greeley having died beforejthe meeting of the presidential electors, its presiden tial vote was divided between Benjamin Gratz Brown, of Missouri, and Charles J. Jenkins of Georgia. Since then, it has voted for Tilden, Hancock and Cleve land. Maine, having been detached from Massachusetts, Its first electoral vote was cast for James Monroe In 1820, and since that time it has been given to John Quiscy Adams, Andrew Jack ion, Martin Van Buren, William Henry Harrison, James K. Polk, Lewis Cass, Franklin Pierce, John C. Fremont, Abraham Lin coln, Ulysses S. Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes, James A. Garfield, James G. Blaine and Benjamin Harrison. Georgia and Maine each voted for Monroe In 1820; in 1821, Georgia voted for Crawford, Maine for Adams; in 1828, Georgia voted for Jackson, Maine for Adams; in 1832, both voted for Jackson; in 180C, Georgia gave 2,80-1 majority for White, Maine, 7,001 for Van Buren; in 1810, Georgia gave Harrison 8,328 ma jority, Maine gave him 217; In 1841, Georgia gave Polk 2,071 majority, while Maine gave him 6,505 majority; in 1848, Georgia gave Taylor 2,742 majority, while Maine gave Cass 4,755 plurality, and Taylor was In a minority of 10,851. These two states gave their vote to Pierce iu 185G. While the Whig party was in existence, Georgia was much less a Democratlo state than was Maine, the extreme northeastern one of the Ameri can onion. " Hon. Thomas BrackettReed, of Maine, hi the last of the line of Republican speakers in the American House of Rep resentatives. A year ago, he appeared to think that he stood against the world, but to day there Is scarcely one "poor enough to do him reverence," except a little idolatrous band of feeble folk, who never seem to blush when estimated as base political slaves. This great public functionary ol the doubtful mod and of the past tense, thus developed hla ruling passion etrong In death In an elaborate interview which he furnished a week ago: The situation which confronts the speaker Is briefly this : As things stand now more than tea thousand bills are presented to the House In two years. Of that work laid before It, the House Is able to handle about 6 or 8 per cent The speaker Is a director of a legislative machine which can not possibly consider an that Is submitted to It. Somebody must decide what work can be done and give that to the House to do It. This government, like every other, Is a matter of growth. No one could have forseen how abso lutely the affairs of the country must ultimately center in the speaker's hands. Circumstances have made It necessary that they should. While the speaker and the committee on rules decide what bills shall be put before the Ilouse, they must also pronounce the fate of the thousands of bills which are drowned, never heard of. The speaker's position as chairman of the committee on rules and the power of recognition, enables him to have much Influence in this selec tion, which Is to determine prlmai Uy for the Ilouse what work It shall do. . At the same time ther is no power enabling the speaker to advance those bills in which he may feel an especial Interest. The committee on rules must select and give to the Ilouse that work which is most Important for the country's good. They must choose for consideration those bills which the Ilouse actually wants to pass and will pass. The man Is a fool wtw supposes tl at the 'speaker or his associates on rules will court defeat at the hands of the House by trying to force upon them bills which the members do not want, which are untimely and which they would kill. The duty of the speaker, as I Interpret It, Is to see to it, as the servant of the House, that the House has the nation's business In hand and dees a good session's work. The speaker and the committee know what is to be done and about how much can be done, and they map out a programme. They cannot afford, even taking such a low view of the matter as that of per sonal pride, to risk having their programme a failure. They cannot contemplate such a thing as giving preference to bills for which they might have had a personal preference. The committee which should adopt such a course would court humiliation. In fact, during the last Congress, so far from trying to force bills down the throats of the Ilouse, we carefully considered each bill in com mittee, canvassed the question in advance, made up our minds whether It would suit the Ilouse, and If we decided that the House would not like to consider lt,!the bill was not presented, no matter how desirable It might seem to us In dividually. The duty of the committee on rules Is not only to present good bills but to avoid presenting bills at a time when they risk being beaten. They may do useful work for the country by holding off presentation of a good bill which risks defeat until the proper time of presenting It has arrived. ' Some committee as any one can see, must run the business and decide what the members shall go at. They elect the speaker to aid In that very work. He does not drop down from the sky into the speakr's chair or crawl In by di vine right. The Constitution says the majority shall do the law-making. The majority elects the speaker as a foreman to point out the work to be taken In hand. He must do that and must do It so at to meet the approval of the House. If you want to make the situation plain to your readers that do not follow politics, say that Congreislsa saw mill working at the business of the country. The bills are the limber, and the speaker Is the lumberman who must pick out the sticks of Umber and shove them under the buzz-saw. ne must avoid the knotty ones and those that are rotten and have nails In them, to keep the mill from working nselessly. Yes, he must also look out for the buzz-saw. That Is part of the business. As a matter of fact, when I became speaker and made up my mind what my duty was, I did not realize myself how absolutely in the rtght I was, and bow entirely loalo and authority were on my side. No lawyer of any sense has ever been found to take opposite views. A REPUBLICAN CONFESSION OF THE NE CESSITY OK "THE ONE, MAN RULE." This late great rising man from Maine, whose political career may wind up with the termination of this Fifty-second Con gress, has in the foregoing matter de liberately stated that he has no faith In popular government, which emanates from the people, which is directed by the people, and which exists for the people. He makes an open and above board admission of his adherance to the Hamil tonlan theory of Government that would fain have provided that the people should most fully delegate their power to masters in public life, who should have no functions to make them really the obedient and willing servants of the people who exalted them to high and re sponsible positions. To show how effectually the people turned this patriot down, let it be remem bered that this national administration had 176 supporters, after Czar Reed had completed the election contested cases, by reason of his arbitrary rulings as speaker; and yet on December 8, 1891, as a candidate for re-election he had eighty-three votes. The potency of his latter day Maine politics reached over but a small portion of these United States of America and the rebuke to him Sfldto the national administration for justifying his autocratic, unprecedented methods, that a view of it is appalling to the g. o. p. As Republicans insist that figures never count, while their choice partisans are in office; inasmuch as they had 53 per cent, of the House in the Fifty-first Congress, and now have 20 per cent in the Fifty-second Congress, a lit tle sensible humility might properly cause them to condescend to notice the fact that the twenty states that gave Har rison and Morton 233 electoral votes in the Reed House had 139 administration supporters and fifty-four opposition Representatives, an administration ma jority of eighty-five; while in this nouse there are from those states seventy-five administration men and 118 opposition, the administration being in a minority of forty-three and in a membership of 183, making a loss of 228. Where Is the parallel to this political Waterloo in the history of the United State of America? Nevertheless the superintendent of the eleventh census Hon. Robert P. Porter, a born Briton has this In his New Tork Pre$s: Democrats are talking of a fusion with the Alliance in Kansas to carry that state In the presidential election. But there will not be enough of the Alliance left next year to make even a spark for a fuse. Ah, yea! Where ignorance is bliss, 'twere ever folly to be wise! With an administration loss of twelve from Kan sas in the national House of Representa tives in two years, the fossilized bourbon press of the country Is claiming that Kansas and Nebraska will again give their electoral vote to Benjamin Har rison; and not even one administration supporter in the House from Nebraska in this Fifty-second Congress. The Georgia influence in politics at this hour is vastly nearer the heart of this great American people than la the far northeast one of Maine, now domi nated by the Reed school of politics. Hon. Jerry Simpson, the Representative from the Seventh district of Kansas, has recently received a letter addressed to him, reading as follows: St. Albans, Maine, December 9, 1891. Hon. Jeremiah Simpson. Dear Sir: -I am an old soldier and living on a farm, and am a constant reader of the New York Tribune, but I want some other paper to j , read. Will you, or can you send me a fewl coples of some Farmers' Alliance papers to read . .; and to pass around among my friends? En closed find clipping from the Tribune. Within one mile of where I live there are six abandoned farms. Money must be loaned to farmers at a lower rate of Interest. Yours truly, Francis M. Wilkins. The Tribune clipping reads as follows: A Maine correspondent declares that the pro cess of abandoning farms there has but just be gun; that unless some favorable change prevent, the man Is now living who will see half the present farms growing up to native forest. But perhaps this honest yeoman may have noticed the following from Presi dent Harrison's late message to Congress: Upon this subject of silver, as upon the tariff, my recommendation is that the existing laws be given a full trial and that our business Interests be spared tbe distressing Influence which threats of radical changes always impart. Under exist ing legislation It Is In the power of th treasury department to maintain that essential condition of national finance, as well as of commercial prosperity the parity In use of the coin dollars and their paper representatives. The assurance that these powers would be freely and unhesitat ingly ued has done much to produce and sus tain the present favorable business conditions. OEOROIA UNDERGOING A POLITICAL RE JUVENATION. In the Republican national adminis tration of President Grant, in the early summer of 1870, he commissioned Amos T. Akerman to be the attorney general -In his cablnet,a "reconstructed" Georgian. In 1891, Georgia furnishes, the Demo crats and People's party, also with candi dates for speaker of the national House and Mr. Watson, the People's candidate obtains about one-tenth as many votes as the late Speaker Reed, who was but recently politically omnipotent: The PtopWs Party Paper at Atlanta, referring to Mr. Watson's race, said: Threats, cajoling, the hope of chairmanships of committed, the party lash, abuse, villi fi ca tion -nothing could swerve the gallant Georgian. His only reply to all was that he proposed to stand by the people in their demands for relief and reform, no matter what the consequences might be. And the people of the" Tenth district will