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7 FXOM ONE 0? THE DISFRANCHISED. To the Editor of The Advocate: I have been greatly Interested in read lug the communications published In The Advocate from different writers, giving advice In reference to the pros pective platform of the People's party, to be adopted by the convention at St Louis In February. I belong to the dis franchised sex, but am watching with deep Interest the workings of the Peo ple's party. We working women of the land are looking for the People's party to give us the rights the old parties have bo constantly Ignored. The Republican party has tried to lay the sin of their de linquency at our door by charging us with disinterestedness that if women wanted more rights they would ask for them. Mr. In galls said that "if women wanted to vote, the right would be granted to them in twenty four hours by the watch." To prevent the People's party from hav ing similar conscientious scruples, it will be well to hear from we women. I am personally acquainted with several hun dred women, and know several hundred others by correspondence, all of whom are anxiously awaiting to be liberated, and it only the asking ends our duty, I comply at once, relieving myself of the great responsibility of keeping silent on this Important subject. If it is the object of the People's party to bring about a re form that will give prosperity to all the people, the rich and poor, the working classes and the people of leisure, or in other words, "Equal rights for all and special privileges to none," we must make a clean sweep of the difficulties in the way, and take all the corrupting In fluences before the broom. The Repub lican party has continually set aside our petitions and asked us to wait until they had the power entirely in their hands, and then they would consider our claim to political rights. But we are growing old in the waiting, and if nothing is to be done for this class of unrepresented citi zens until this party gets all the power It aks for we will go to our graves dis franchised. We women are looking to the delegates of the People's party con vention, on whom rests the great respons ibility of preparing a a platform upon which all people of intelligence, senti ment and principle can stand. A plat form of purity of principles that will de clare what shall and what shall not be done in this fair land of ours. We women, are looking to this conven tion, hoping, wishing and praying, that as financial reformers they may not be so bent on securing majorities as to sacri fice principle to prejudices and affilia tions which must be outgrown in order for true reform, and dare to demand po litical and property rights for women. There Is no class of our people resting more completely under the depotism of a combination whose magnitude over shadows all others, than the woman citi zen. This gigantic combine is composed of men, the law makers who hold the powers and privileges of the women In their mighty grasp. The almost utter disregard the men exhibit in reference to the laws effecting women is almost un pardonable. Or to use the words of Julia B. Nelson, at a Minnesota conven tion, "The patience with which men bear the disfranchisement of women is mar velous, and only equalled by the patriot ism of Artemus Ward, who was willing to shed the last drop of the blood . of his wife's relations to carry on the war." To add a woman's suffrage plank to the platform will be practically settling the fate of the saloon, for when as man's acknowledged equal, woman hall have a voice In the affairs of the nation, when, as chief sufferer fromjthe curse of the dram shops, she will wield effective weapons for the overthrow of this foe to the nation's prosperity and happiness. Imagination can scarcely weigh the great pressure that 12,000,000 of enfranchised women now of eligible age and citizenship would bring to bear upon the saloon element No wonder that it is useless to ask the old parties for political rights for women; their eyes are open; they see the power of the women's vote would crush them, and beside their ears are so stopped with rum soaked po litical cotton they cannot hear our ap peals. Then to leave out this plank in our platform will necessitate the changing of the mottoes of many reform organiza tions. The Farmers' Alliance and In dustrial Union's equal rights to all and special privileges to none will not look very consistent over a platform destitute of a woman's suffrage plank. The fact is established that the majority of the People's party are In favor of political rights for women; then why be afraid of a division of sentiment and a diminished support The men of our party have not been afraid to allow the representative women to canvass the states, making speeches and singing songs, and to allow those who could not enter into campaign speeches to provide tons of victuals to feed the hungry multitudes at picnics and conventions; and who can say that women have not been a great moving power In the education of public feeling in the cause of the oppressed. Certainly, brothers, there is some reward In the feeling that we have been one of the strongest factors In bringing about a great revolution of sentiment Every word our women speakers have uttered, every line they have written, have car ried conviction to the corrupt politician, as well as to the honest searcher after truth and right. Our bread and pie makers have never failed to come to the people's gatherings with their share of the work done to perfection. To all these hard worked sister is due the honor of breaking down the last barriers of woman's right to political privileges. Eternity alone will reveal the good ef fects of this practical illustration these sisters gave during the campaign of 1890-91 of what woman can do. No longer can it be said woman is not a po litical economist. Not a counselor. Not an independent actor, after such an exhibition of her ability and loyalty. Can woman not feel justified In asking only the rights and privileges she wishes for her brother, since these rights take nothing away from those already priv ileged? And now that the golden rule and decalogue may have a place in poli tics, we women whose thoughts and de sires for liberty under the old party rule were beginning to be feeble have become strong again, and we begiu to realize that the onward march of truth and free dom will never be stayed. If the People's party gives to woman the ballot,its record will be the brightest spot In American history, excepting the emancipation of the black slaves of the south. The wo men of this land are beginning to hope that the time is near at hand when, as our Senator Peffer said, "the women will vote and the men cease drinking." We hope the day Is not far . off when our country shall hold its women on an equality with its men, and thus fulfill the motto of the United States: "Under God the people rule. Mas. J. C. Base. Baldwin, Kansas. A Tear' Subscription Fr. Any one sending us ten names and $5 for The Advocate until November 10, 1892, will receive a copy free until that date. INTBTNSIC VALUE. (By the word "property," as It occurs In our question referred to In the following communi cation, we mean giwltfj. Upon what property or quality Inherent in gold and silver does its in trinsic value depend? Has It any intrinsic value? If so, what Is lt?-KDrroR. To the Editor of The Advocate. "Upon what property does the Intrin sic value of gold and silver depend?" I do not know whether or not I correctly understand the question, or the meaning the interrogator intends to convey by the use of the word "property" in the foregoing question, but If he intends to ask what the intrinsic value of gold and silver consists of, then I will try to sug gest an answer. Now the word "property" has a techni cal meaning. Blackstone defines "proper ty" to be "the sole and despotio domin ion over external things, to the utter ex clusion of any other person in the uni verse." The intrinsic value of gold and silver Is just the same as the Intrinsic value in anything else, to wit: the real value; the use you put the article to in order to utilize the value. Intrin sic value is a value that never changes; we may discover new uses and thereby create a further demand, and to that extent enhance the commercial value, but never increase or diminish the intrinsic value. Now let us Investigate and see how much intrinsic value, or real value there is in gold or silver. In the first plac, It must be conceded that the money value, or fiat value that is placed on gold and silver coin by the different nations that use silver and gold as money or the basis therefor is what largely enhances the commercial value of those metals. Then, if I am correct in this, suppose all na tions that use gold and silver as money were to demonetize it, or cease to use it as a material out of which to make money, then and In that event would not the commercial value be reduced In pro portion to the extent of dispensing with the use of those articles for that purpose? Then let us further dispense with the use of gold and silver as jewelry and other adorning purposes, and see if we would not further reduce their commer cial value; but In dispensing with the use of those two metals for the afore named purposes, would their Intrinsic value be effected In any way ? Certainly not We therefore must conclude that Intrinsic value is real value; that Inher ent value that abides in the article; a value that never changes all other values are artificial values. To Illustrate, take a bushel of potatoes, and we find that they possess the same intrinsic, In herent value that they possessed time out of mind. We therefore conclude that were all nations of the civilized world to demonetize gold and silver, and thereby destroy the fiat value, and further remove all other fictitious values, then we have those metals reduced to an intrinsic value. I might elaborate on this question to some length, but for the purpose deem it unnecessary. I am aware of the fact that my defini tion of "intrinsic value" does not exactly coincide with Webster, probably In a strict sense, but we must remember that Webster was of the old school, and pos sessed of old school ideas something after the style of our old school politi cians. "Is It necessary or desirable that the material of which money Is made shall possess some value? If so, why?" No; yet all the different kinds of money that we now have, the material thereof pos Besses some value. As I have endeavored to show In answer to the first question, there Is less "intrinsic" value In gold than In paper, yet paper, commercially speaking, has far less value than gold.; 3 In order to answer the second question, it la necessary first to ascertain what money is, and what are its proper func tions. Money has two offices to perform, and two only, the exchanging of com modities and the measuring of values. Then it appears to me that a dollar stamped on paper or any other material, value or no value, if it be an absolute dollar that carries with it that sovereign power that makes it a legal tender in the payment of debts such a dollar is money In the highest sense of the term. A dol lar, whether stamped on gold, silver, paper or any other substance or material, cannot perform the functions of money and barter at one and the same time; that is to say when it becomes the sub ject of barter it renounces its money functions, and when it resumes Its money functions it ceases to be a sub ject of barter. Yours till the war Is over. S.J.Ramsey. FROM MITCHELL COUNTY. To the Editor of Thb advocate. On January 15, 1892, the County Alli ance of Mitchell county met In quarterly meeting In Citizens' Alliance Hall, at Be- loit, Kansas. Enthusiastic and earnest delegates were present from every sub- Alliance in the county. It was more than an ordinary quarterly meeting In point of Interest, largely due to the fact that State Lecturer Scott was present, giving counsel and encouragement when the occasion required It The Alliance in Mitchell county Is solid, and la growing dally in knowledge, influence and number. In the evening an open meeting was held in the same hall. A largo audience greeted the speaker, S. M. Scott, who spoke over two hours on the financial question from the sub-treasury stand point. The fact that the county Alliance on this same day, In his presence, unani mously approved and endorsed the sub treasury plan, likely gave the speaker a special unction for the delivery of his lecture. He spoke forcibly and convinc ingly, removing many of the objections urged against this plan, and fully dem onstrated that if the plan was in practical operation the large majority of the peo ple would become partakers of its ben fits. Mr. Soott will always be a welcome vis itor to Beloit A FEW QUESTIONS. Rather than answer these questions as sug gested, we publish them and ask some of our hard money friends to answer them. Editor. To the Edlinr of Tax Advocate. As none of the g. o. p's seem to answer your question, what gold is baaed on, will you please answer the following for them? 1. What is that part of the silver certificate based on that overlaps its coined dollar in a commercial view, not what the government makes It; they have no we lot that? 2. What kind of money would you name, having no base and no ttamp In their view of hard, good money? 3. If they call it good money because of the stamp, why not knock the base clause out from under it and save the ex- pense of building a house on purpose to hold it? 4. Have they not set an example to do it? 5. How many cents would a silver dol lar be worth if molded back into a bar? II it would be worth 100 cents in that condition, the questions would be void. Let us have the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so far as pos sible. One Op Tub Pieces. Valencia, Kan., January 19, 1802. Three dollars will pay for five copies of this paper until November 10, 1893. Thb is nearly a year for 60 cents.