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TJ32D -AJDVOGUVTEfc The Kansas City Journal asks if this is to be a campaign of abase. Judging from the contents of that paper from day to day we should say such is the prospect. In the very number in which this question is asked is more abuse and misrepre sentation than in any other paper re ceived at this office on that date (Ju ly 11.) There is a half column re lating to a trade of Mr. Lewelling with Kansas Democrats which is a pure invention, having not a single fact upon which to base it, and of such rot is Republican campaign lit erature composed. THE TWINS, The American peo ple, from tradition and interest, favor bimetal lam, and the Kepubll can party demand the use of both gold and sil ver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such provis ions, to be determined by legislation, as will se cure the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, ball be at all times equal The Interests of the producers of the country ,lts farmers and Its worklngm. de mand that every dollar, paper or coin, Issued by the government shall be as good as any other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps al ready taken by our gov ernment to secure an International confer ence to adopt such measures as will Insure a parity of value be tween gold and silver for use as money throughout the country. Sec. 7. We denounce the Republican legisla tion known as the Sher man act of 1890, as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibili ties of danger In the future which should make all of Its support ers,as well as Its author, anxious for Its speedy repeal ; we hold to the use of both gold and sliver as the standard money of the country, and to the coinage of both gold and silver without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage, but the dollar unit of the coinage of both metals must be of equal intrin sic and exchangeable value, or be adjusted through International agreement or by such safeguards of legisla tion as shall Insure the malntalnance of the parity of the two met als, and the equal power of every dollar at all times In the mar kets and In payments of debts; and we de mand that all paper currency shall be kept at par wun ana re deemable lu such coin; we Insist upon this policy as especially nec essary for the protec tion of farmers and la boring classes, as the first and most defense less victims of unstable money and fluctuating currency. " THE SAME OLD WEAVER." This is what our Republican friends say of the nominee of the Omaha con vention. They consider the fact that Gen. Weaver has been in the reform field for many years has rendered him unpopular among the newer re cruits. This is where they will find themselves greatly mistaken. Every body knows precisely where Gen. Weaver stands. His work in the house of representatives has immor talized him. lie won victories for reform against tremendous odds dur ing his service as a legislator; and his speeches in the house show him to have had a clear conception of the great conspiracy against the people while the masses who now support him were blindly voting for the con spirators. We give a part of one of those speeches this week that our readers may see that Gen. Weaver in 1879.was fully up the most advanced sentiment of the People's party in 1802. The remainder of the speech ,will appear next week Those who think the Omaha convention nomi nated a weak candidate will have oc casion to revise their opinion. A SPECIOUS ARGUMENT. Those who see the origin of the Homestead troubles In our protective policy, will please ex plain the causes of the riots In the Cucur d'Alene mining districts. That particular Industry can scarcely be said to be effected by the tariff. Hutchiiwon News. It is by suoh specious pleading that Republicans endeavor to evade the real issue in this case. We do not know of any one who pretends that "our protective policy" is the cause of the Homestead trouble. That is not the question. Republicans sustain this protective policy under the pre tense that it secures better wages to American labor. In the face of this claim it is a well known fact that all protected industries are gradually but constantly reducing wages. The reduction is made a little at a time, affecting only a few of the employes in each instance, in order to create no general revolt, but by such methods they gradually reach the employes of all grades. Whenever a revolt occurs a lockout takes place and Finkerton thugs, and, if necessary, the militia and the army of the United States are called upon to aid in the substi tution of non-union for union labor. This non-union labor is not infre quently imported from foreign coun tries to effect the displacement, so that while the American manufac turer is protected against competition of foreign goods manufactured by the "pauper labor of Europe," the Ameri can laborer is not protected against displacement by the importation of this same pauper labor. Take the case as it now stands at Homestead. Mr. Carnegie and his fellow patriots are not at all uneasy about their affairs. Under the laws of Pennsylvania, enacted by repre sentatives chosen by the Shylocks to look after their interests, the county in which the works are located is liable to Mr. Carnegie's company for all damages to his works or his busi ness. . It matters not to him whether his works are in operation or not so long as he is prevented from opera ting them by the resistance of the strikers. After the difficulty is past he will proceed cooly to calculate his damages, and'the people the tax pay ers must foot the bill It matters not to him if the works are destroyed. Mr. Carnegie in his castle in Scot land will simply make an inventory of his loss, and the tax payers of Pennsylvania will foot the bill The situation then is simply this. Mr. Carnegie is taking no chances in the transaction. He is engaged in a business in which the government discriminates in his favor by a high protective tariff under the pretense that it will enable him to pay better wages to labor. Instead of doing so he reduces the wages of labor, and when his men decline to submit to the reduction he locks them out and calls upon Pinkerton thugs and finally upon the state militia to sup port him in displacing those men by others who, for the time being, will agree to work cheaper. This is the issue, gentlemen, which you are called upon to meet We do not claim that the protective system is the cause of this trouble, but that the pretense made in defense of that system, that it is a protection to labor, is a fraud. Please meet this question rather than one that you set up .for the occasion and which no one is fool enough to advance. It is easy enough to set up a man of straw and kick it over, but not so easy to dispose of the real question involved This is a cam paign of argument, you know. , Cabxegie wires from his castle in Scotland that grass shall grow over his works in Pennsylvania before he will employ union labor. Great is protection! How American labor is protected against the competition of European paupers. Our Republican friends are asking the question if the people of Kansas, and especially old soldiers, are going to vote for ex-Confederates at the coming election? That is just about what they are going to do. They propose to bury the bloody shirt this year so that Republican papers and stump speakers will have to find something else to talk about in the next campaign. A BRIEF OPEN LETTER TO THE REPUB LICAN NOMINEES FOR CONGRESS. Gentlemen: The press of the Re publican party has announced that this is to be a campaign of argument. We shall accept this declaration in good faith until a contrary policy be comes manifest The Advocate will deal in no personalities. It desires a full and fair discussion of publio is sues. To facilitate a fair understand ing of your attitude toward the ques tions of publio policy that constitute the issues now before the people, The Advocate earnestly solicits from each of you a plain, unequivocal statement of your position, upon the following questions: First Are you in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the present legal ratio? If not, what is your position upon this subject Second Are you in favor of a con tinuation of the national banking sys tem? Third Are you in favor of any in crease of the currency of the country? If so, to what extent, in what manner and what kind of currency? Fourth What, in your judgment, should be the policy of the govern ment upon the question of transpor tation and the transmission of news? In other words, what should the gov ernment do with the railroads, the telegraph and telephone systems? Fifth What should be done in re gard to alien ownership of American lands and lands owned by corpora tions in excess of their actual needs? The Advocate offers you a reason able amount of space in which to de fine your position upon these ques tions in order that you may not be misunderstood and in order that we may have a basis for that fair discus sion which we are assured is to char acterize this campaign. Will you kindly favor ua with your views, ex pressed as briefly as possible, at an early date? THE SCHOOL BOOK QUESTION. About this time last year we had occasion to express our views on the subject of county uniformity of text books in the columns of The Advo cate. We have watched with much interest the workings in the few counties in Kansas which made coun ty adoptions in 1801, and this obser vation confirms us in the opinion ex pressed a year ago. In one county the adoption of text books resulted in a litigation between the county super intendent, as chairman of the county text book board, and one of the pub lishing houses, which necessarily mil itated against the school interests, and must have had a detrimental ef fect upon the educational welfare of the pupils. In other counties, where adoptions were made, the pupils were compelled to discard good books, which could have been used two or three terms longer, and forced to the expense of purchasing entirely new onea This litigation and these unnecessary ex penses would have been avoided in these counties if they had not made the adoptions. One reason proposed by a county superintendent in one of the counties in this state in a circular advising districts to vote in favor of county uniformity was the following: Should county uniformity carry, we could con tract for five years, providing our legislature did not give us relief In that time. But If so, the con tract would become null and void. It occurs to us, and we think it will occur to anyone who will give it a moment's thought, that the reason above given is the very best reason in the world why nothing should be done at this time. If there is any prospect that the legislature will act upon this subject at its session next winter, the people certainly should not subject themselves to the expense of making a change now, with the prospect before them of having to make another change next year. Then, again, to hold out an induce ment to make a five year contract, and then to take the advantage of legislation to break it, is bad business policy, to say nothing of the uncon stitutionality of any legislation abro gating existing contracta This is no time for unnecessary or ill-advised expenditures, and as the schools are now provided with books, and as dis trict uniformity prevails, it would seem to be bad policy to make changes, except so far as to secure district uniformity wherever it does not now exist so long as the'policy remains unsettled. Irresponsible school book agents, animated by the sole desire of creating a market for their books, frequently try, by direct or indirect methods, to work up changes, and the larger the territory embraced and controlled by the adopting power, the larger will be the demand for their books, and the greater will be their zeal to agitate the question in the hope that the books in use will be discarded, and an entirely new supply ordered intro duced. We feel confident that the good judgment of the school officers of Kansas will not allow them to be bamboozled by such dap-trap, and that they will hesitate a long time be fore going into any scheme which may result in confiscating thousands of dollars spent by our people in the purchase of books to educate their children, and which would become so much dead property if a different series were adopted. Our advice this year, as it was last year, is to leave this matter entirely alone at the ap proaching annual meetings, at least until it is determined what action, if aily, will be taken by the next legislature.