Meade County news. [volume], September 27, 1900, SUPPLEMENT, Image 5

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SUPPLEMENT TO MEADE COUNTY NEWS Meade, Kansas, Thursday, Sept. 27, 1900.
I LL AM
J. BRYAN'S LETTER OF fl66EFTflN6E
Gentlemen: In accepting the nomi
- nation tendered by you on behalf of
the' Democratic party. I beg to assure
"you of my appreciation of the great
honor conferred upon me by the dele
gates in convention assembled, and by
the Voters who gave instruction to the
delegates.
. I am sensible of the responsibilities
which, rest upon the chief magistrate
of so' great a nation, and realize the
Jar-reaching effect ot the questions In--volved
in the present contest.
" Tn my letter of acceptance of 1896,
.- "SodeeDlv am I Irrmressed with the
magnitude of the power vested by the
.Constitution in the chief executive of
the, nation and with the enormous in
fluence which he can yield for the ben-
ent or injury or the people, that l
.wish to, enter the office, if elected, free
-from any personal desire, except the
desire to prove worthy of the confi
dence of mv oonnfrvmpn. Human
judgment is fallible enough when un
biased by selfish considerations, and,
In order that I may not be tempted to
use the patronage of the office to ad
Vance any Dersonal ambition. I hereby
announce, with all the emphasis which
words can express, my fixed determi
nation not, under any circumstances,
to be a candidate for re-election, in
fcase this campaign results in my elec
tion." Further reflection and observation
constrain me to renew this pledge.
rrx. l i. m . i i i ir- n t l
iue piciLiuria auupieu at nansas
commands my cordial and unqualified
approval. It courageously meets the
Issues now before the country, and
states clearly and without ambiguity
the party's position on every question
considered. Adopted by a, convention
which assembled on the anniversary of
the signing of the Declaration o In
dependence, it breathes the snirit of
candor, independence and patriotism
which characterizes those who, at Phil-
aceipnia in K 7t, promulgated the creed
of the Republic:
Having in my notification speech,
discussed somewhat at length the par
amount issue, imperialism, and added
. some observations on militarism and
the Boer war, it is sufficient at this
time to review the remaining planks of
the platform.
Trusts.
The platform very properly gives
' prominence to the trust question. The
annallina growth of combinations in
restraint of trade during the present
administration, proves conclusively
that the Republican party lacks either
the desire or the ability to deal with
the -question effectively. If as may be
fairly assumed from the speeches and
conduct of the Republican leaders, that
party does not intend to take the peo
ple's side against these organizations,
then the weak and qualified condem
nation or trusts to De iouna in tfie Ke-
: publican platform is designed to dis
tract attention while industrial despot
Ism is completing its work. A private
monopoly has always been an outlaw.
trial system in which one, or a few
Tnpn ran control for their own nrnfit
; the output or price of any article of
'ronsiimer suffers extortion, the nrndn-
. cer:;of raw material has but one pur-
- - j
price fixed; the 'laborer has but one
employer, and is powerless to protest
ap-nfriKt inlustice. either in wsfps nr
CT O -
4n.AAn.2UlAne rt ltihfir' t Vio email r.inn1
holder Is at the mercy of the specula
tor while the traveling salesman con-
tributes his salary to the overgrown
profits of the trust. Since but a small
proportion of the people can share in
the advantages secured by private
monopoly, it follows that the remain-
, der of the people are not only ex
cluded from the benefits, but are the
helpless victims of every monopoly or
ganized. It is difficult to overestimate
the immediate injustice that may be
done, or to calculate the ultimate ef
fect of this injustice upon the social
and political welfare or the neonle.
. Our platform, after suggesting certain
specific remedies; pledges the party to
An unceasing warfare against private
monopoly in nation, state and city. I
- heartily approve of this promise; if
elected; it shall be my earnest and con
stant endeavor to fulfill the promise in
. letter ana spirit, i snaii select an attorney-general
who will, without fear
reebmmend such additional legislation
. as may be necessary to dissolve every
private monopoly which does business
'.outside of the state of its origin; and,
If contrary to my belief and hope, a
constitutional amendment is found to
be necessary, I shall recommend such
an amendment as will, without impair-
m - ; 4 1 ..1.... i-
states, empower Congress to protect
th peoole of all the states from injury
; tions engaged in Interstate commerce.
"'' The platform accurately describes
the DIngley tariff law, when it can-
skillfully devised to give to the few
favors which they do not deserve, and
.to place upon the many burdens which
they should not bear." Under its op-
V! T 1
of the United States, while they suc
cessfully compete in foreign markets
"with manufacturers of other countries.
. Even . those who justify the general
- policy of protection will find it diffi-
cuit to uerena a tarm wnicn enamel
a trust to exact an exorbitant toll
from the citizen.
Corporations In Politics.
The Democratic party makes no war
noon honestly acauired wealth: neither
does it seek to embarrass corporations
engaged in legitimate business, but it
does protest against corporations en
tering politics, and attempting to as
sume control of the instrumentalities
of government. A corporation is not
organized for political purposes, and
should be compelled, to confine itself
to the business described in its char
ter. Honest corporations, engaged in
an honest business, will find It to
their advantage to aid in the enact
ment of such legislation as will pro
tect them from the undeserved odium
which will be brought upon them by
those corporations which enter the po
litical arena.
Interstate Commerce-
The Republican party has persist
ently refused to comply with the ur
gent request of the Interstate Com
merce commission, for such an en
largement of the scope of the inter
state commerce law as will enable the
commission to realize the hopes
aroused by its creation. The Demo
cratic party is pledged to legislation
which will empower the commission
to protect individuals and communi
ties from discrimination, and the pub
lic at large from unjust and unfair
transportation rates.
Tbe Financial Flank.
The platform reiterates the demand
contained in the Chicago platform for
an American financial system made
by the American people for them
selves. The purpose of such a system
is to restore and maintain a bimetallic
level of prices, and in order that there
may be no uncertainty as to the meth
od of restoring bimetallism, the specif
ic declaration in favor of free and un
limited coinage at the existing ratio
of 16 to 1, independent of the action
of other nations, is repeated. In 1896
the Republican party recognized the
necessity for bimetallism by pledging
the party to an earnest effort to se
cure an international agreement for
the free coinage of silver, and the
president, immediately after his in
auguration, by authority of congress,
appointed a commission composed of
distinguished citizens to visit Europe
and solicit foreign aid. Secretary Hay,
in a letter written to Lord Aldenham
in November, 1898, and afterwards pub
lished in England, declared that at
that time the president and a majority
of his cabinet still believed in the great
desirability of an international agree
ment for the restoration of the double
standard, but that it did not seem
opportune to re-open the negotiations
just then. The financial law enacated
less than a year ago contains a con
cluding section declaring that the
measure was not intended to stand in
the way of the restoration of bimetal
lism, whenever it could be done by
co-operation with other nations. The
platform submitted to the last Repub
lican convention with the indorsement
of the administration again suggested
the possibility of securing foreign aid
in restoring silver.
Now the Republican party, for the
first time, openly abandons its ad
vocacy of the double standard, and In
dorses the monetary system which it
has so often and so emphatically .con
demned. The Democratic party, on the
contrary, remains the steadfast advo
cate of the gold and silver coinage ot
the constitution, and is not willing
that other nations shall determine for
us the time and manner of restoring
silver to its ancient place as a stand
ard money. The ratio of 16 to 1 is
not only the ratio now existing be
tween all the gold and sliver dollars in
circulation in this country, a ratio
which even the Republican adminis
tration has not attempted to change,
but it is the only ratio advocated by
those who are seeking to re-open the
mints. Whether the senate, now hos
tile to bimetallism, can be . changed
during this campaign. or the campaign
of 1902 can only be determined after
the votes are counted, but neither the
present nor the future political com
plexion of congress has prevented or
should - prevent an announcement of
the party's position upon this subject
in unequivocal terms.
The currency bill, which received the
sanction of the Executive and the Re
publican members of the House and
Senate, justifies the warning given by
the Democratic party in 1896. It was
then predicted that the Republican
party would attempt to retire the
greenbacks although the party and its
leaders studiously concealed their in
tentions. That purpose is now plain
and the people must choose between
the retention of the greenbacks, issued
and controlled in volume by the gov
ernment, and a national bank note cur
rency issued by banks and controlled
in ' their own interests. If the na
tional bank notes are to be secured by
bonds, the currency system now sup
ported by the Republican party in
volves a permanent and increasing
debt, and, so long as this system
stands, the financial classes will be
tempted to throw their powerful influ
ence upon the side of any measure
which will contribute to the size and
permanency of a national debt. It is
hardly conceivable that the American
people will deliberately turn from the
debt-paying policy of the past, to the
dangerous doctrine of perpetual bonds.
Election of Senators by tbe People.
The demand for a constitutional
amendment providing for the election
of Senators by direct vote of the peo
ple, appears for the first time in a
Democratic National platform, but a
resolution proposing such an amend
ment, has three times passed the
House of Representatives, and that,
too, practically without opposition.
Whatever may have been the reasons
which secured the adoption of the pres
ent plan, a century ago, new conditions
have made it imperative that the peo
ple be permitted to speak directly in
the selection of their representatives In
the Senate. A Senator is no less the
representative of the State because he
receives his commission from the peo
ple themselves, rather than from the
members of the State legislature. If
a voter is competent to vote for a mem
ber of Congress, for State officers and
for President, he is competent to
choose his representative in the Sen
ate. A system which makes the Sen
ator responsible for his election to the
people, as a whole, and amenable to
them if he misrepresents them, must
commend itself to those who have con
fidence in the intelligence, and patriot
ism of the masses.
Direct legislation.
The platform indorses the princi
ple of direct legislation. This is al
ready applied to the more important
questions in nation, rtate and city. It
rests upon the sound theory that the
people can be trusted, and that the
more responsive the government is to
the will of the people, the more free
it will be from misuse and abuse.
' .Labor Question.
Several planks of the labor plat
form are devoted to questions in which
the laboring classes have an immediate
interest, but which more remotely ef
fect our entire population. While what
is generally known as government by
injunction 5s at present directed chief
ly - against the employes of corpora
tions, when there is a disagreement be
tween them and their employer, it in
volves a principle which concerns
every one. The purpose of the in
junction in such cases is to substitute
trial by judge for trial by jury, and is
a covert blow at the jury system. The
abolition of government by injunction
is as necessary for the protection of
the reputation of the court, as it is for
the security of the citizen. Blackstone
in defending trial by jury, says:
"The impartial administration of
justice, which secures both our persons,
and our properties is the great end of
civil society, but if that be entrusted
entirely to the magistracy, a select
body of men. and those selected by
the prince such as enjoy the highest
offices of the state their decisions in
spite of their natural integrity, will
have frequently an involuntary bias
toward those of their own rank, and
dignity. It is not to be expected from
human nature that the few should, be
always attentive to the interests and
good of the many."
If the criminal laws are not sufficient
for the protection of property, they
can be made more severe, but a citi
zen charged with crime must have his
case tried before a jury of his peers.
Tbe Blacklist.
The blacklist as now employed in
some places enables the employer to
place the employe under practical
duress, for the skilled laborer loses his
independence when the employers 'can
not only discharge him, but prevent his
securing any similar employment.
The blacklist enables employers to se
cure, by mutual agreement, that con
trol over the wage earners which a
private monopoly exercises without
contract.
Arbitration.
The platform renews the demand
for arbitration between corporations
and their employes. No one who has
observed the friction which arises be
tween great corporations and their
numerous employes can doubt the
wisdom of establishing an impartial
court for the just and equitable set
tlement of disputes. The demand for
arbitration ought to be supported as
heartily by the public, which suffers
inconvenience because of strikes and
lockouts, and by the employers them
selves, as by the employes. The estab
lishment of arbitration will insure
friendly relations between labor and
capital, and render obsolete the grow
ing practice of calling in the army to
settle labor troubles.
Department of Labor.
I cannot too strongly emphasize the
importance of the platform recom
mendation of the establishment of a
department of labor, with a member
of the cabinet at its head. When we
remember how important a position
the laborer fills in. our economic, so
cial and political fabric, it is hard to
conceive of a valid objection being
made to this recognition of his serv
ices. Agriculture is already represent
ed in the president's official household;
the army and navy have their repre
sentatives there; the state department,
with its consular service, and the
treasury department, with its c!o3e
connection with Hscal affairs, keep the
executive in touch with the business
and commercial interests. A cabinet
officer truly representative of the wage
earning class would be of invaluable
aid, not only to the toilers, but to the
president.
Chinese Exclusion.
The Chinese exclusion act has proven
an advantage to the country, and its
continuance and strict enforcement, as
well as its extension to other similar
races, are imperatively necessary. The
Asiatic is so essentially different from
the American that he cannot be as
similated with our population, and is.
therefore, not desirable as a permanent
citizen. His presence as a temporary
laborer, preserving his national identi
ty, and maintaining a foreign Bcale of
wages and living, must ever prove an
injustice to American producers, as
well as a perpetual source of irrita
tion. Pensions.
The party expresses its pride in the
soldiers and sailors of all our wars,
and declares its purpose to deal gen
erously with them and their depend
ents. A liberal policy Is natural and
necessary in a government which de
pends upon a citizen soldiery, instead
of a large standing army. Self-interest,
as well as gratitude, compels the
government to make bountiful pro
vision for those who, in the hour of
danger, and at great sacrifice of busi
ness, health and life, tender their
services to their country.
The pension laws should be con
strued according to the generous spirit
which prompted their passage. The
platform very properly reiterates the
position taken in 1896, that the fact of
enlistment shall be deemed conclusive
evidence that the soldier was sound
when the government accepted him.
A certificate given now to the health of
a person 40 years ago, even if easily
obtainable, should not have as much
weight as the certificate of the medical
officer who examined the volunteer
with a view of ascertaining his fitness
for army service.
Nicaragua.
The Democratic party is in favor of
the immediate construction, ownership
and control of the Nicaragua canal by
the United States. The failure of the
Republican party to make any prog
ress in carrying out a pledge contained
in its platform four years ago, together
with the substitution in its latest plat
form of a plank favoring an isthmian
canal for a specific declaration in fa
vor of the Nicaraguan canal, would In
dicate that the Republican leaders
either do not appreciate the importance
of this great waterway to the mari
time strength and commercial inter
ests of the country, or that they give
too much consideration to the interest
ed opposition of transcontinental line3.
The Hays-Pauncefote treaty, now be
fore the senate, would, if ratified,
greatly lessen the value of the canal,
if it would not indeed convert it Into
a positive menace in time of war. The
paramount interests of the United
States in the western hemisphere, to
gether with the obligations to defend
the republics to the south of us, makes
it necessary that our government shall
be able to close the canal against any
hostile power.
Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma.
Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma
have long been ready to assume the
responsibilities and enjoy the privi
leges of statehood, and it will be a
pleasure, as well as a duty, to carry
cut the platform pledge concerning
them.
Alaska and Porto Rico. .
There will be a popular acquiescence
in the demand for home rule, and a
territorial form of government in
Alaska and Porto Rico. Both are en
titled to local self-government . and
representation in Congress.
Cuba.
The recognition contained in both
the Democratic and Republican plat
forms of the right of the Cubans to in
dependence, removes the general prin
ciple involved from the domain of par
tisan politics. It is proper, however,
to consider whether the accomplish
ment of this purpose can be safely en
trusted to the Republican party after
it has yielded to the allurements of the
Colonial idea, and abandoned its ear
lier faith in the natural, and inalien
able rights of man.
Reclamation of Arid Lands.
The time is ripe for a systematic and
extended effort to reclaim the arid
lands and fit them for actual settlers.
The last agricultural report estimates
that homes can thus be provided for
many millions of people. The im
pounding and use of the waters which
are wasted in the spring would people
the western states with thrifty, intelli
gent, and industrious eitizens, and
these would furnish a valuable market
for all the products of the factories. A
small percentage of the money spent
in a war of conquest would provide oc
cupation and habitation for more peo
ple than would ever seek a residence
in colonies within the tropics.
Foreign Alliances.
The reasons given by Washington,
Jefferson, and the other statesmen of
the early days in support of the doc
trine that we should maintain friendly
relations with all nations, but enter
into entangling alliances with none,
are even stronger to-day than they
were a hundred years ago. Our com
merce is rapidly increasing, and we are
brought into constant- communication
with all parts of the world. Even if we
desired to do so, we could not afford to
alienate many nations by cultivating
unnecessary intimacy with a few. Our
strength and standing are such that it
is less necessary than ever before to
lean for aid upon the friendliness of a
foreign power.
We cannot connect ourselves with
European nations, and share in their
jealousies and ambitions without los
ing the peculiar advantage, which our
location, our character and our insti
tutions give us in the world's affairs.
Monroe Doctrine.
The doctrine enunciated by Monroe,
and approved by succeeding presidents,
is essential to the welfare of. the
United States. The continents .of
North and South America are dedica
ted to the development of free govern
ment. One republic after another has
been established, until to-day mon
archal idea has barely a foothold in
the new world.
While it is not the policy of this
country to interfere where amicable
relations exist between European
countries and their dependencies i
America, our people would look with
disfavor upon any attempt on the part
of European governments to maintain
an unwilling or forcible sovereignty
over the people living on this side of
the Atlantic.
The position taken by the Republi
can leaders, and more recently set
forth by the Republican candidate for
the Presidency, viz: That we cannot
protect a nation from outside inter
ference without exercising sovereignty
over its people, is an assault upon the
Monroe doctrine, for while this argu
ment is at this time directed against
the proposition to give to the Filipinos
both Independence and protection, it
is equally applicable to the Republics
of Central and South America. If this
government cannot lend its strength to
another Republic without making sub
jects of its people, then we must
either withdraw our protection from
the Republics to the south of us or ab
sorb them. Under the same plea, that
the guardian nation must exert an au
thority equal to its responsibility, Eu
ropean nations have for centuries ex
ploited their wards, and it is a sig
nificant fact that the Republican party
should accept the European idea of a
protectorate, at the same time that it
adopts a European colonial policy.
There is no excuse for this abandon
ment of the American idea. We have
maintained the Monroe doctrine for
three-quarters of a century. The ex
pense to us has been practically noth
ing, but the protection has been beyond
value to our sister Republics. If a
Filipino Republic is erected upon the
ruins of Spanish tyranny, its protec
tion by us will be neither difficult nor
expensive. No European nation would
be willing for any other European na
tion to have the islands, neither would
any European nation be willing to pro
voke a war with us in order to obtain
possession of the islands. If we assert
sovereignty over the Filipinos we will
have to defend that sovereignty by
force, and the Filipinos will be our
enemies; if we protect them from out
side interference, they will defend
themselves and will be our friends. If
they show as much determination in
opposing the sovereignty of other na
tions as they have shown in opposing
our sovereignty, they will not require
much assistance from us. .
Extravagance.
The Republican party, drawing as it
does enormous campaign funds from
those who enjoy special privileges at
the hands of the government, is power
less to proleet the tax payers from the
attack of those who profit by large ap
propriations. A surplus In the treas
ury offers constant temptation to ex
travagance, and extravagance, in turn,
compels a resort to new means of taxa
tion, which, is being kept in the back
ground until the campaign is over, is
a fair illustration of the imposition
which will be attempted when there is
a considerable amount of money idle
in the treasury. The rehabilitation of
the merchant marine, laudable in it
self, is made the pretext for expen
diture of public money for the benefit
of large ship owners, and in the in
terests of a transportation monopoly.
The government being only, the agent
of the 'people, has no right to collect
from the people taxes beyond the le
gitimate needs of a government hon
estly and effectively administered, and
public servants should exercise the
same degree of care in the use of the
people's money that private individ
uals do. in the use of their own money.
With a restoration of a foreign policy
consistent with American ideas there
can be an immediate and large reduc
tion in the burdens now borne by the
people.
Income Tax.
By inadvertence the Income Tax
plank- agreed upon by the -Resolutions
committee, was omitted from the plat
form as read and adopted. The sub
ject, however. Is covered by the re
affirmation of the Chicago platform.
and I take this occasion to reassert
my belief in the principle which under
lies the income tax. Congress should
have authority to levy and collect an
income tax whenever necessary, and
an amendment to the federal consti
tution specifically conferring such au
thority ought to be supported by even
those who may think the tax unneces
sary at this time. -In the hour of
danger the government can draft the
citizen; it ought to be able to draft
the pocketbook as well. Unless money
is more precious than blood, we can
not afford to give greater protection to
the incomes of tbe rich than to the
lives of the poor.
i
Imperialism.
The subjects, however, treated in
this letter, important - as each may
seem in Itself, do not press so impera
tively for solution as the question
which the platform daclares to be the
paramount issue in this campaign.
Whether we shall adhere to, or aban
don those ideas of government which
have distinguished this nation from
other nations and given to its history
its peculiar charm and valoe. is a ques
tion the, settlement of which, cannot
be delayed. No other question can ap
proach it in importance; ' no other
question demands such immediate con
sideration. It is easier to lose a repu
tation than to establish one, and this
nation would find it a long and labori
ous task to regain its proud position
among the nations, if, under the stress
of temptation, it should repudiate the
self-evident truths proclaimed by our
heroic ancestors and sacredly treasured
during a career unparalleled in the
annals of time. When the doctrine
that the people are the only source of
power is made secure from further at
tack we can safely proceed to the set
tlement of the numerous questions
which involve the domestic and eco
nomic welfare of our citizens.
Very truly yours,
W. J. BRYAN.
laying of Lin coin
Following are taken from a recently
published work, edited by Dr. H. S.
Taylor and D. M. Fulwiler. entitled
"Lincoln's Words on Living Issues."
Trusty Publishing Co., 41S Roanoke
building, Chicago.
Letter to H. L. Pierce, April 6, 1859,
Irelan 16263. All honor to Jeffer
son to the man who, in the concrete
pressure of a struggle for national in
dependence by a single people, had
the coolness, forecast and capacity to
introduce into a merely revolutionary
document an abstract truth, applicable
to all men and all. times, and so to em
balm it there that today, and in all
coming days, it shall be a rebuke and
a stumbling block to the very harbin
gers of reappearing tyranny and op
pression. (March 4, 1865, Second Inaugural
Hapgood, p. 403.) It may seem strange
that any men should dare to ask a just
God's assistance in wringing bread
from the sweat of other men's faces.
(August 26, 1863, Letter to James C.
Conkling Herndon, p. 555.) For the
great republic for the principle it
lives by and keeps alive for man's
vast future thanks to all.
(September 30, 1859, Speech at Mil
waukee, Wis. Complete Works, Vol.
I, p. 577.) Farmers being the most
numerous class, it follows that their
interest is the largest interest. It
also follows that that interest is most
worthy of all to be cherished and cul
tivated that if there be inevitable
conflict between that interest and any
other, that other should yield.
(July 5, 1861, Annual Message Ray
mond, p. 186.) This relaive matter of
National power and state rights, as a
principle, is no other than the princi
ple of generality and locality. What
ever concerns the whole should be
confided to the whole to the general
government; while whatever concerns
only the state should be left exclu
sively to the state.
July 16, 1852, Speech at Springfield.
111. Complete Works, I. p. 171.) A
free people in times of peace and quiet
when pressed by no common danger
naturally divide into parties. At
such times the man who Is of neither
party is not, cannot be of any conse
quence. (September 17, 1859, Speech at Cin
cinnati, O. Debates, p. 268.) The peo
ple of the United States are the right
ful masters of both congresses and
courts, not to overthrow the Constitu
tion, but to overthrow the men who
pervert the Constitution.
(October 16, 1854, Speech at Peoria,
ni. Howells, p. 279.) Well I doubt
not that the people of Nebraska are
and will continue to be as good as the
average of people elsewhere.' I do not
say the contrary. What I do say is
that no man is good enough to govern
another man without that other's con
sent. I say this is the leading princi
ple. (March 4, 1861, First Inaugural
Raymond, p. 167.) I do not forget the
position assumed by some, that consti
tutional questions are to be decided by
the superior court. At the
same time the candid citizen must
confess that if the policy of the gov
ernment, upon vital questions affect
ing the whole people, is to be irrevoc
ably fixed by decisions of the supreme
court, the Instant they are made in
ordinary litigation, between parties in
personal actions, the people will have
ceased to be their own rulers, having
to that extent practically ' resigned
their government into the hands of
that eminent tribunal.
(May 17, 1859, Letter to Dr. Theo
dore Canisius concerning law of natur
alization, etc. Howells. p. 85.) As 1
understand the spirit of our institu
tions, it is designed to promote the ele
vation of men. I am therefore hos
tile to anything that tenda to their
debasement.
(February 12, 1861. Speech at Cin
cinnati, O. Complete Works, Vol. I, p.
676.) The workingmen are the basis
of all governments for the plain rea-
I 8 that they are the more numerous.
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