The advocate and Topeka tribune. [volume], July 27, 1892, Page 6, Image 6

About The advocate and Topeka tribune. [volume] (Topeka, Kan.) 1892-1894

Image provided by: Kansas State Historical Society; Topeka, KS

                
6
TI-H2 AIDVOO-A.T123,
It Is to be a content between the friends and
the defameri of Kansas. There are lots of
straight Democrats who will be found in the
ranks of the friends. Ilutchiiwm News.
True, the Democratic convention
decided by a large majority to stand
by the friends of Kansas and against
her defamers.
Wk cannot understand how a self respecting
man with any regard for appearances can wear
a Harrison hat. The hideous thing ought to be
aboUshed.-Dav World.
Nor can we understand how a self
respecting man with any regard for
his interests as an American citizen,
can vote the Harrison ticket. The
one is as hideous as the other.
Of course the Alliance people In the south will
not Tote for an old Union soldier, and It was not
Intended that they should. General Weaver was
nominated to catch old soldier votes In the north
and west. Kama City Journal.
Of coarse the Journal knows the
above is false from start to finish and
intended to be so. It is a contribu
tion to the campaign of prejudice
which is designed to take the place
of a discussion of issue, which the
Journal does not dare to undertake, j
Ths Alliance party wants laws that will make
the poor rich. Kama CUy Journal
Show us the demand for such a law
in either state or national platform.
What our party wants, and what it
proposes to have, is a law that will
prevent the fruits of toil from being
stolen by the idle vagabonds who
dictate the policy of the Republican
party. If the Journal would under
take to discuss with some degree of
fairness the demands that we have
made instead of continually perpe-
1 trating such absolute falsehoods as J
the above, it would add materially to
ita respectability.
The sudden increase of southern
outrages chronicled in Republican
newspapers cannot fail to be observed
by every intelligent reader. The sig
nal for the bloody shirt campaign has
been given and the servile tools of
monopoly obey like docile children.
Jay Gould's associated press service
is at their disposal, and no one doubts
that it will be used for all there is in
it. "The great communities, that
were only separated by a system of
slavery, have, since its destruction,
been alienated by factions that have
estranged them only to prey upon
them, and to maintain political su
premacy by their alienation."
The fuslonlsts made a serious mistake In the
nomination of a capitalist f qr governor. Farm
ers are at the front this year and will win.
Lawrence Record.
This "capitalist" and "farmer"
racket is being worked for all there is
in it, but when the ides of Novem
ber roll around it will be found there
is nothing in it No one knows
better than the Record that "Farmer
Smith" is a demagogue of the first
water, and that he does more farming
with his mouth than any other way.
No .one knows better than the i?ec
ord that Mr. Lewelling is not a capi
talist, but a mere commission mer
chant Instead of giving attention to
the issues Involved between the par
ties, the Republican press devotes its
entire energies to the effort to create
class prejudice against men, and yet
we are told that this is to be a cam
paign of argument Rats!
WASHINGTON.
An Analysis of the Tote on the Sliver Hill
FastBecordof MesMn. Perkins and Fun
8 ton on the Silver Qawtlon Editorial
Uttering of the M an Whom Kansaa Re
publican are Expected to Support for
Vice President.
(Editorial corrtswndence.)
On Friday, July 1, 1892, the United
States senate passed a silver bill, which
provided for a free coinage of It, as of
gold, and its language was as follows :
That the owner of silver bullion may de
posit the' same at any mint of the United
States, to be coined for his benefit, and it
shall be the duty of the proper officers, upon
the terms and conditions which are provided
by law for the deposit and coinage of gold,
to coin suoh silver bullion into the standard
dollars authorized by the act of February
28, 1878, entitled "An aot to authorize the
coinage of the standard silver dollar and to
restore its legal-tender character," and suoh
coins shall be a legal-tender for all debts and
dues, publio and private. The aot of July
14, 1890, entitled "An aot directing the pur
chase of silver bullion and the issue of
treasury notes thereon, and for other pur
poses," is hereby repealed: provided, that
the secretary of the treasury shall proceed
to have ooined all the silver bullion in the
treasury purchased with silrer or coin cer
tificates. The Congressional Record gives the
following on the passage of the bill:
The result was announced yeas 29, nays
25; as follows:
Yeas, 29 Allen, Bate, Berry, Blackburn,
Blodgett, Butler, Cameron, Cockrell, Du
bois, Faulkner, George, Harris, Hill, Jones
of Nevada, Eenna, Kyle, Mills, Mitchell,
Morgan, Peffer, Ransom, Sanders, Shoup,
Squire, Stewart, Teller, Turpie, Vest, Wol
oott. Nays, 25 Allison, Brioe, Carey, Carlisle,
Cullom, Davis, Dawes, Dixon, Dolph, Fel
ton, Gallinger, Gorman, Gray, Hale, Haw
ley, MoPherson, Manderson, Palmer,
Perkins, Proctor, Sawyer, Stookbridge,
Warren, Washburn, White.
Not voting, 34 Aldrioh, Call, Casey,
Chandler, Coke, Colquitt, Daniel, Frye, Gib
son of Louisiana, GibBon of Maryland, Gor
don, Hansbrough, Higgins, Hisoock, Hoar,
Hunton, Irby, Jones of Arkansas, McMil
lan, Morrill, Paddock, Pasco, Pettigrew,
Flatt, Power, Pugh, Quay, Sherman, Stan
ford, Vanoe, Vilas, Voorhees, Walthall, Wil
son. So the bill was passed. '
Of the eighty-eight senators, forty-
seven are Republicans, thirty-eight are
Democrats, and three are counted as Pop
ulists. Hon. John Laurens Manning
Irby, of South Carolina, Is counted aa
among the three "People's" senators.
These three are for the tree coinage of
silver.
Of the Democratic senators twenty
eight are for free coinage; ten are
against it Of the Republicans, fifteen
are for free coinage; thirty-two are op
posed to It
The ten Democrats opposed to free
coinage, are Senators Brice of Ohio, Car
lisle of Kentucky, Gibson and White of
Louisiana, Gibson and Gorman of Mary
land, Gray of Delaware, MoPherson of
of New Jersey, Palmer of Illinois, and
Vllaa of Wisconsin.
The fifteen Republicans who are favor
able to free coinage, are Senators Allen
and Squire of Washington, Cameron of
Pennsylvania, Dubois and Shoup of
Idaho, Jones and Stewart of Nevada,
Mitchell of Oregon, Paddock of Ne
braska, Pettigrew of South Dakota, Pow
era and Sanders of Montana, Stanford of
California, and Teller and Wolcott of
Colorado.
The Republicans, In the United States
senate, show 33 per cent, of their mem
bership aa favorable to free coinage, and
should Irby, of South Carolina, be classi
fied as a Democrat, the Democrats make
an exhibit of 74 per cent, of their mem
bership for free coinage.
J ohn J. Ingalls was succeded by an ad
vocate of free coinage William Alfred
Peffer. By reason of the appointing
power conferred upon Governor Lyman
U. Humphrey, Kansas Is misrepresented
in the United States senate by Bishop W.
Perkins the successor of the late ener
getic and patriotic Preston B. Plumb.
While this matter was pending In the
senate, this financial marvel of a Perkins
worked out for himself the following his
tory, as found In the Record;
Mr. Perkins I move a substitute to the
pending amendment. I move to strike out
all after the enacting olause and insert:
That it shall be lawful for any owner of
silver bullion to deposit the same at any
mint to be formed into dollars of the weight
of 600 grains troy, for his benefit: provided,
however, that it shall be lawful to refuse
any deposit of less value than $100, or any
bullion so base as to be unsuitable for the
operations of the mint.
Seo. 2. The silver dollars authorized by
this aot shall oonsiat of nine-tenths of pure
silver and one-tenth of copper.
Sea 3, The silver dollars ooined under
this act shall be a legal tender at their nom
inal value for all debts and dues, publio and
private.
Seo. 4. The aot of July 14, 1890, directing
the purchase of silver bullion and the issue
of treasury notes thereon is hereby repealed,
and all laws and parts of laws in oonfliot
with this aot are hereby repealed.
The President pro tempore The question
is on agreeing to the amendment of the
Senator from Kansas to the amendment
of the Senator from Nevada.
Mr. Perkins I ask unanimous consent to
simply say that that provides for the free
coinage of silver upon the basis of its pres
ent value.
Mr. Blackburn I move to lay the amend
ment to the amendment on the table.
Mr. Perkins On that I ask for the yeas
and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered, and the
secretary proceeded to call the roll.
The vote to lay on the table Senator
Perkins's proposition of a silver dollar of
600 grains troy weight, was yeas, 32;
nays, 20.
This lot of twenty was made up of Sena
tors Carey and Warren of Wyoming, Car
lisle oi nentucEy,uuuom of lilinola,Uavls
of Minnesota, Dawes of Massachusetts,
Dixon of Rhode Island, Dolph of Oregon,
Felton of California, Gallinger of New
Hampshire, Gray of Delaware, Hale of
Maine, Hawley of Connecticut, MoPher
son of New Jersey, Manderson of Ne
braska, Perkins of Kansas, Proctor of
Vermont Sawyer of Wisconsin, Stock
bridge of Michigan, and White of Louisi
ana, sixteen Republicans and four Dem
ocrats. THE MOUTHINGS OF THE PRECIOUS PAT
RIOT ON JUNE 7, 1890.
As a most forceful illustration of the
adage, 44 Politics make strange bed-fellows,"
notice the following utterance from
this statesman, when a representative In
the Fifty-first congress:
But we are told, Mr. Speaker, that we
should use and recognize 41 the world's
money;" that the great governments of
Germany and Great Britain have demone
tized silver and established the gold stand
ard, and that we are powerless and cannot
restore silver to its honored place as a money
metal without the co-operation of. these
governments. I admit, Mr. Speaker, the
commercial importance of these great gov
ernments, but why should our legislation
conform to theirs? Why should this giant
republic of the western hemisphere accept
the financial legislation of Germany and
Gieat Britain? Our interests are different,
our theory of government is different, and
the wants and necessities of our people are
different. We believe in the greatest good
for the greatest number, and not in the
blessings of a privileged few. With Eng
land we have but few interests in common.
She is our great commercial and manufact
uring rival. She believes in free trade; we, in
protection. The world owes her $5,000,000,
000, while the bonds of our government are in
every money market of the world. Her in
terests lead her to demand payment in the
dearest money of the world; ours should
prompt us to make payment in an honest,
stable, and sound currency, but not in a dear
one. She buys but little from our farmers,
and almost nothing from our manufacturers.
Our interests are with the bimetallic coun
tries of Mexico, Central America, and South
America. In this great undeveloped empire
south of us is our hope for commercial
thrift and prosperity. The Pan-American
oor.gr ess, recently adjourned, was an impor
tant step in the right direction. The trade
and commerce of this empire will be worth
millions and millions to us when developed,
and it should be captured and controlled by
us, and their medium of exchange, the sil
ver dollar, should aid us in this glad con
summation. But, Mr. Speaker, why should we specu
late or experiment in this important legis
lation? Why not return to the plain and
simple provisions of the law of 1873? For
almost a hundred years that law served our
people patriotically and well. It was en
veloped in no doubt. It called for no com
promise. It rested on no conjecture like
the new and experimental plan. It was a
plain and unequivocal measure for free
coinage. A return to that legislation would,
in my judgment, be wise legislation for
many reasons. It has been said that:
It would immediately add an immense
value to all silver bullion.
It would tend to stop the general down
ward trend of prices.
It would restore part of the loss that the
prices of commodities have sustained and
which they now suffer.
It would provide a currency more stable
in value than any that at present exists.
It might, perhaps, send some of our gold
to Europe, but if so, it would tend to raise
the price of all our products Bold in that
market.
It might bring down the price of our 4 per
cent, bonds so that they could be bought by
the government at less than 26 per oent.
premium.
If gold should be held at a premium over
silver that premium would add a new and
further form of 44 protection" in our trade
of purchasing manufactured goods from
gold-using nations.
It would reduce the strain of the India
competition and reduce the incomputable
losses that competition every year costs our
farmers and planters. .
It would raise the prices of wheat and cot
ton and prevent the enemies of our tariff
Bystem from persuading the people that our
losses by silver legislation result from our
tariff legislation, and thus, by misrepresen
tation and false reasoning, weaken the pa
triotic doctrine of American protection.
It would be safe in finance; it would
be wise in politics; it would be juBt
to all; it would be the first firm step in
securing our manufacturing and commer
cial leadership among all the American
silver-using nations, our' chief customers
abroad in our selling trade of manufactured
goods; it would be the quickest road to the
adoption by England of silver as full legal
tender money as a means of retaining hr
foreign trade, and of preventing that trade
slipping from her hands into'ours through
the silver rift.
It would lead by the shortest route to bi
metallism by treaty among all commercial
nations, and so end this disastrous money
conflict in a union whose benefits would be
shared by all, and whose burdens would be
felt by none.
It would lead to the establishment of a
higher justice in international, oommeroial
and financial affairs on a basis as solid as
the mutual interests of all mankind.
Let us in a spirit of patriotism, for these
and other reasons, be done with experi
ments, and return to the legislation of our
fathers. Applause.
Free coinage of silver received its qui
etus in the house of representatives on
the 13th of July, 1892, but it may come
upjwith a partially revivified force in
November next. Hon. Thomas C. Catch
ings, of Mississippi, of the committee on
rules, presented the following resolution
from the committee:
Resolved, That immediately upon the
adoption of this resolution the house pro
oed to consider senate bill No. 51, 44a bill