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HOBTABY COHHIS3I02f. contrary, the eicesj ei exports to very large, and must be so as long 03 the Report of the United States Monetary United States has a large annual inter. Commission, Appointed by Act of Con- est account to pay in Europe. Com. gresa August 15, 1876 HO. XXV. Indebtedness of the United States f Europe and trade relations mm Europe. We are largely the debtors of Europe, a relation we do not occupy toward any other quarter of the globe. The aggre gate of our indebtedness, public and corporate, held there, is estimated to ex ceed $2,000,000,000, and is, on any com putation, an immenae sum. If it be taken at $2,000,000,000, the annual inter est must be fully $100,000,000. This is the minimum of the current estimates. It is not a tribute, in the odious sense of a contribution exacted by a sovereign or imposed by a conqueror, but in its financial effects does not differ from either, and there has never been any par allel to it in history, ancient or modern. In the recent ana continuing discussions in Great Britain it is treated as a capital and dominating fact relative to British India, that India is obliged to pay an nually in London 15,000,000, or $75, 000,000, partly as interest upon loans and partly for expenditures of the Indian administration in England. But India has a population five times greater than that of the United States, and its Lon don payments are in larger proportion for interest on money expended in pro ductive works than is the foreign inter est account of this country. No part of our national debt, which is so largely held abroad, arose from investments in productive works. We occupy still another relation to Europe. It is the principal purchaser of our agricultural staples, of our petro leum, and of the raw products of our forests. So long as we export those ar ticles Europe will be our chief customer. It has the manufacturers to buy our cotton, and a dense population whose demand for food and raw producta of various kinds cannot be supplied at home. For a long future we shall find there the principal foreign market for our timber, petroleum, cotton, cereals, tobacco, rice, beef, pork and dairy products, and it is from the proceeds of these commodities that the interest on our debts held in Europe must be and is really paid. And it is with those countries which now have the sold standard, or have taken steps in that direction, and pre-emi nently with Great Britain, that we have these relations of trade. Two modes of resuming coin payments in this country are proposed. One is under the single standard of gold; the other is under the optional stand ard of gold and silver. If we resume specie payments in gold alone, the quantity needed will be very great, and we must either withdraw it from Europe or intercept gold that would otherwise reach Europe, which would amount practically to the same thing, To whatever extent coin payments in gold require more gold than coin pay ments in gold and silver would require, to that extent the competition for gold between th United States ard Europe will be made more severe, and the drain of gold from Europe will be greater, with the unavoidable consequence of a fall in Europe of the gold prices of all com modities. This would be disastrous to the masses of the people of this country, even if the merchandise imports and ex ports in the European trade were equal The producers of the staples sent to Europe include the entire agricultural interest, and far exceed in numbers the consumers of European goods. But merchandise imports and exports in the European trade art not equal; on the paring for the two last fiscal years, end ing June 30, 1875 and 1876, the merchandise imports and exports with all European countries, the following re sults are shown: imports from Exports to 1875 t1.23t 787 $452 432 255 1876 233 133,8X2 4y8,U3,JW The trade with Great Britain, which is a gold standard country, shows the fol lowing even greater proportion of ex ports, exclusive of gold and silver: Imporw frxm Export to Yenrs. Oreat Britain. Urent liruain. 1875 $155,237,944 $371 745 63 1878 123,373,281 368,900.324 Falling prices in Europe, and espe cially in Great Britain, imply diminished returns for the same quantities of our exports to that continent, and a corre sponding increase of the real burden of paying the principal and interest of our debts held there. If the United States should resume specie payments under the optional or double standard, silver would alv constitute a part of our currency. The channels of circulation would doubtless for a short time, and until the new de mand here for silver caused the legal and market relations of the metals to coincide, be monopolized by silver and by such paper as might be convertible into the metals. It would, therefore, not be necessary to resumption to draw gold from Europe or to intercept it on its way there. Even if the gold now in this country, or some portion of it, should be sent to Europe, it would be sent where it would be of the greatest possible service to us. and where it would have a direct influence in rais ing the prices of our exported products. These prices are not regulated or con trolled by the volume or kind of money in use in this country, but by the vol ume and kind of money used in the countries to which our producta are ex ported. A gold standard here will force a fierce scramble with Europe for gold. This would straiten our largest custom era, diminish their means and disposition to make purchases, and lower the prices of our producta in European markets. Last year our merchandise exports to Europe (principally agricultural staples) were $198,558,300, of which Great Britain received $368,900,324. By retaining, in stead of sending to Europe, any given sum of gold, the United States would be obliged to export that additional amount of products, and to suffer also whatever percentage of diminution in the prices of $498,553,300 of producta suoha with drawalofthe gold supplier of Europe wuld occasion. On the other hand, to whatever extent we emplojed silver as money under the double standard, we could add to the gold supplies of Europe, and proportionally raise the prices of $498,558,300 of our pr .ducts sold them It is indeed hardly possible to conceive of a financial policv mure clearly and largely ruinous for the United States than one which would raise the value of the money in which our foreign debts must be paid, aod dcreae the prices in such money of our exported producta. Before the British Royal commission of 1868 on international coinage, Jacob Behren, Esq, an eminent British mer chant and member of the Associated Chambers of Commerce, after answer ing special and technical questions, was asked, in conclusion, uif there mas any thing else he wished to state." His reply was: I would only state that, in my opinion, the general introduction of geld all over the world has been one of the greatest possible blessings to England. I believe that England would be now tha fery1 poorest country in the world if tha silver standard abroad had been kept up, and , gold had not been generally introduced. Gold would otherwise have been very muoh reduced in value, and we should have had all the gold poured into Eng land. All the debts owing to us would have been paid in the depreciated cur rency; and, therefore. T believe that Eng land ought to have taken the lead in the introduction of a gold currency abroad. We ought to be very thankful that it has been introduced, and we ought to give every facility to its circulation. The activity of the advocates in this country of the gold standard has relieved England from the necessity of openly taking uthe lead in the introduction of a gold currency" into the United States. The resumption of coin payments. A transition in this country from pa per to coin involves a struggle for the needed coin with other countries, no one of which has any that is not all urgently needed for its own payments, prices and necessities. The United States will be at the disadvantage of struggling for the coin of which other countries are in pos session. It can be successful only by a reduction of prices in .this country, not merely to the present level of coin prices throughout the world, but to that lower level to which they must descend under such a new and great demand for coin as the resumption of specie payment in this country would occasion. This crash in prices cannot be avoided by confining our demand for the metals to the pro duct of our own mines. That product is a part of the current supply of the world, and to subtract from that supply is the same thing in its practical effect as subtracting from the stocks of the world, because the entire current supply is not more than sufficient to keep the existing stocks unimpaired. It cannot be avoided by borrowing coin abroad upon our bonds. No such borrowing will be permitted to reach the gold of the great European banks, and must be confined to the small quantities floating in commercial hands. But the decisive consideration is, that even if gold should be obtained in that way, it could be kept here upon no other condition than a re duction of our prices to or below the coin prices of the world. The difficulty of obtaining gold in that way was pointed out in the senate of the United States, January 22, 1874, by Gov ernor Boutwell, who had been recently at the head of the treasury department He scouted the proposition that it was possible to obtain even $100,000,000 in gold bv the sale of bonds for resumption or for any other purposes. Referring to a proposition to transfer to this country from London only $21,000,000 in gold, he said: I'he Bank of England, foreseeing that there would be an accumulation of coin to the credit of the United States which might be taken away bodily in SDecie. Grave notice ro the officers of the treasury department of the United States that the power of that institution would be arrayed against the whole proceeding unlees we ave a pledge that th coin should not be removed, ard that we would reinvest it in the bonds of the United Stated as they were offered in the markets of London. We were com pel led to comply. It ws in the interest of the government that we should do bo, be cause we did not want the coin, and we did want the bonds. But it shows the feeling that animate that central finan cial power of Great Britain, and it shows a policv on the part u that institution and of every kindred institution on the continent of Europe, sustained by all the banking and commercial classes, by which, if it were necessary, and this DroDoeition should become a law, the bonds of the United States would be ex eluded from the stock markets of every financial city. There are in the nine great banks of Europe only $600,000,000 in snecie. That specie ia held aa a re serve with reference to their local busi neea and with reference to the great transactions that take placs betwaan the countnea of the continent of Europe and Great Britain. I may say, without dis paraging the authors or theRe propo sitions, that it is useless for congress to waste time upon legislation looking In that direction. Ther ia another fact known to all. We recovered at Geneva an award against Great Britain of $15, 500,000. When this claim was maturing the banking and commercial classes of Great Britain induced the government to interpose, and by diplomatic arrange ments through the state department here, operating upon the treasury de partment, secured the transfer of securi ties, and thus avoided the transfer of coin. In the presence of these facts- is it to be assumed for a moment that we can go into the markets of the world and purchase coin with which we can redeem four, three, two, or one hundred millions outstanding legal tender notes? When a drain of gold sets in, the Bank of England raises its rate of discount un til it makes money scarce enough; and reduces the prices of commodities low enough to arrest the drain. This is a necessity for its own preservation, to which it must sacrifice everything else, not excepting its own customers. It is unfortunately too plain how the United States, depending upon the European prices of its commodities for the means to pay its debta, must fare in a contest for gold with the banka of London and Berlin. And so far as it ia true, aa it doubtless is to some extent, that our indebtedness to Europe ia paid from the sale of com modities elsewhere, the United States, aa a debtor country, is interested against such a diminuation of the world's meas ure of values aa would result from de monetizing silver, and ought to throw the weight of its example and influence against it Every additional employment for gold increases its value, and it must be an un wise policy for the United States, owing large debts held in gold standard coun tries, and many of them specifically pay able in gold, to make a new demand for that metal, of from $300,000,000 to $500,000,000, by adopting an exclu sive gold standard. The interests to be subserved by such a policy are not American interests, but those of the gold standard countries of western Eu rope, and especially of England, which are to an enormous extent the creditors of the United States and of other parta of the world. Upon thia general statement it ia ap parent that a struggle for a given quan tity of both the metals must be lees severe than a struggle for the same quantity of a single metal. The needed quantity is a less percentage of the stock of both metals than it is of the stock of either. The whole world can be drawn upon for both, while only a part of the world can be drawn upon for one; and if the single metal sougut for is gold, it ia only the smallest part of the world which can be drawn upon. Tne actual and legal money of the United States ia now. and haa been since 1862, paper issued by the government. It owed its origin to exigencies growing out of the civil war, and to the belief that it was necessary for the preserva tion of the government. The la au thorizing its issue haa been & cidtd by the highest judioial tribunal to be war ranted by the constitution. It owes its value to the demand of the population of the country for money, and not to the indefinite promise to redeem it in coin. The value of each unit or dollar, popu lation and productive forces remaining the same, depends upon the number ot such dollars issued and occupying the channels of circulation. It ia not dis guised that it will be an extreme hard ahip to compel those who have borrowed (fontfnued on pr 7.)