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A PLUTOOBATIO SCHEME DEFEATED.
Congressman Watson Defeats the Attempt to Increase the United States Army. The militia bill was taken up, Mr Watson having the floor. Mr. Watson: Mr. Chairman, I call the attention of the committee to this fur ther clause of the report of the adjutant general, showing what is the real pur pose aimed at in this bill: "The army, which needs and must have the assistance of the national guard in any sudden emergency, begs congress to hasten to assist state legislatures to disembarrass the state volunteers of this condition of affairs by legalizing this force as a national force and by ap propriating for its maintenance in the aggregate 61,500,000 a year, to be in creased should this sum be found too small, in order to properly equip and dis cipline a United States national guard of 150,000 men." Under the constitution and under the old law the United States had nothing to do with the government of the militia. The United States could prescribe its organization, its equipment, etc., but the general government had nothing to do with the control of the militia, except when it was called out by the president of the United States in terms of law. Until that was done the militia was a state body, commanded and controlled by state officers, and governed by state laws. Under this bill it becomes a na tional body, governed by national laws, and the control of it is substantially taken out of the hands of the states. How? Under the old law, section 10G7 of the revised statutes, the arms and equipments were distributed to the states pro rata according to their con gressional delegations in the house and in the senate; that is, each state had its share of the arms and equipments allot ted to it in proportion to the number of its senators and representatives. Under this bill you propose to divide the arms and equipments allotted to the states, not according to any state rule, not ao cording to the mandate or requirement of the governors of the states, but in ac cordance with the recommendation of United States officers detailed for that purpose. In other words, no state draws its share of this appropriation for arms and equipments, except upon the warrant of United States army officers. .1 cannot conceive of any provision which more clearly violates the constitution than this does, by taking the control away from the state and giving it to the United States army, because the supplies gov ern the troops. Cut off the supplies and you cripple the troops. Cut off from the state authority to call for the supplies, and you take from the state authority to govern its own troops. . Mr. Hoar: Will the gentleman per mit a question? Mr. Watson: Certainly. Mr. Hoar: Before the passage o&Ahis act, under the old law, by whose author ity was the distribution of arms made to the states? Mr. Watson: Section 1CG7 prescribes how it shall be done. There is no dis cretion about it at all. Mr. Hoar: . Is not that a United States act? Mr. Watson: It is a United States act; but the apportionment is required to be made to each state as a state, ao cording to its standing as a state. Mr. Hoar: According to the number of its representatives and senators. Mr. Watson : Precisely. Mr. Hoar: And it is done by United States authority entirely? Mr. Watson: That is not the point at all The point is, that under the old law these arms and equipments went to tha etate. and the state controlled them while under this change which you pro noee the state gets nothing except upon the voucher, the warrant, the order of a United States army officer. Another thing. Mr. Chairman, under the old law it was left discretionary with the state to say how often the militia Hhould meet and where they should meet for drill, but under this proposed law it is made mandatory that the voulunteer corns called the national guard shall meet at least once every month, at least twelve times ayear, and that for five con secutive days, and that they shall be stationed at an army fort or some other established ' camp, to be drilled in heavy artillery practice. Mr. Lane: The gentleman is mistaken about that. Mr. Watson: No, the bill, section 19, provides that they shall "Go into camp of instruction or be quartered at a United States fort for inot.nir-t.inn in heaw artillery at least five consecutive days in each year in their re spective states ana territories, ana wj assemble for drill and instruction not less than twelve times in each year. A Member: Unless specially excused by the governor. Mr. Watson: That is true; you do give to the governor a certain veto power in this matter; but at the same time you take away from him the initiative whioh he now has; you simply give him a check rein where heretofore he has had control of the reins entirely. Mr. Watson: Well, for the purposed testing the sense of the committee of the whole on this bill, I move to strike out the section. I desire to state again to the house as briefly as I can the objec tions to this bill. In a covert, stealthy way it undermines our militia system as it now stands and adopts another system altogether. If this bill is passed, we would in less than five years wake up some fine morning and find that our mi litia system was as completely changed as our financial system was found to be changed five years after the passage of the act of 1873 demonetizing silver. Mr. Oates: Will the gentleman tell us wherein this bill undermines the pres ent system, and what it substitutes? Mr. Watson: I am going to make a strenuous effort to do that very thing. In the first place, it substitutes for the mi litia in each state, which is now a state organization, a national body, composed, it is true, of certain citizens of the states but in its composite form a national body. Then again, it controls that body di rectlyfrom a national standpoint. It controls the militia of the states in time of peace and not merely when they are called into active service, as provided by the constitution. They are governed here from the national capital, from a national standpoint, when they are not in active service. This violates the con atitution. They are governed as a na tional body, where heretofore they have been governed toy the states themselves, except when called into active service as provided by the constitution. If that, Mr. Chairman, does not clearly and spe cifically make this a national body- Mr. McKinney: Will the gentleman allow me to interrupt him for a ques tion? Mr. Watson: I would rather not be interrupted just now. Mr. McKinney: I merely wanted to ask the gentleman if it is not true that thestate militia now, in nearly every state in the union, is recognized and called the national guard. Mr. Watson: 1 do not know what you might call them in the different states. That is not the question at all You can call them the O ate City Guards, or the Savannah Volunteers, or the New York Cadets, or any other name that local preferences may suggest. That is a mere matter of fancy with the fellow ho is doing the christening. Mr. McKinney: It does not make any difference what may be the local names, but as to the mass of this force, is it not known as the national guard? Mr. Watson : You can call it by what ever name you please. That is only a question of taste. But when we seek to take certain citizens or the great body of the people of the states composing the union and call them a national guard, we give to such a military organization a legal existence as a national body. It is no longer a mere state affair. It is quite a different thing from what you might choose to call a national guard by way of convenience amongst the states thern selves. Again, we govern these people from a national standpoint. In the first place, we prescribe how they must drill and how often they must drill in time of peace, and also where they shall drill. We do not leave it to the states to say how each state shall drill its own militia or how often the state may require them to be called into camp for the purpose of drill or training. Again, Mr. Chairman, heretofore we have supplied the militia of the states as state bodies, giving to each state its pro rata of arms, whether it had the troops or not, on requisition of the proper officer of the state, but from now on, if this bill becomes law, these troops are to have only what a United states army officer says they ought to have. Now. T snbmit that vou rive them a national name; that you give them a national organization; that you consti tute them a national body; that you sup ply them nationally; that you govern them nationally; and if that does not make in all respects a national body I would like to know how you would set about accomplishing that purpose. Mr. Snodgrass: Let me ask the gen tleman from Georgia if the old law is not changed in this, that this bill re quires them to report to the president of the United States while the former law required them to report ohly to the gov ernors of the states? Mr. Hoar: That is not correct. Mr. Watson: I do not know as to that rorlhave not investigated the matter. But as to furnishing them supplies and governing them in time of peace, as to organizing them and prescribing their make-up, there are three radical changes in the bill from the old law. Mr. Cutting: Will the gentleman per mit me to ask him this question: Whether he will point out a single sec tion of the bill that nationalizes the mi litia acy more than the existing law? Mr. Watson: I am going to ask you first why you change the phraseology if you do not mean to absolutely change in fact the relation they have heretofore borne to the states. Mr. Cutting: Will the gentleman point out the section to which he refers? Mr. Watson: I am going to try to do n. hut T cannot if vou keeD on askinsr mo nnAflt.innfl. Now. let anv lawver in this nouse examine this proposed change in the phraseology and see if it does not mean a change in tne government itseu. I read from the old law: "Everv able bodied male citizen of the raanAotiva flt.At.Aa resident therein, who is of the agt of 18 years and under the age of 45 years, snail De enroneu mine militia. And then section 1C30 "The militia of each state shall be ar rnncrAri intn divisions, brigades, regi ments, battalions and companies, as the legislature of said state may direct," Now, this bill says that the militia shall consist of the "able bodied male citizens," etc., which shall be "divided into two classes," and I call special at tention to this: "The organized to be known as the National Guard." Is that not exactly the phraseology you would use? I ask my friend from Alabama (Judge Oates) if you meant an organization, a national body with a national name, to be governed from a national standpoint, rather than this separate organization in each of the states to be governed by the states themselves? Mr. Cutting: Does not the gentleman from Georgia know that thirty-three of the states have adopted the name and use the term "National Guard" in refer ence to their militia? Mr. Watson: They have a perfect tight to do so. But we have no right to make them take soup whether they want to or not. Each state has the right to name its militia to suit itself, but the na tional government has no right to con solidate the militia of the states in time of peace and make it a national body. After a further discussion a vote was taken, but disclosed no quorum. Mr. V atson took advantage of this and the morning session expired before one could be secured, and the bill is doubtless killed. Pine Horses at Low Prices. Emporia, Kas., January 28, 1893. On account of my fast' failing health, which almost totally prevents me from attending to business, and will cause me to seek some other clime more conducive to my health for an indefinite time. have decided to close out my exten sive importing business. And in order to do so, I will be obliged to make a great sacrifice; but I regard my health as more important to me than money, and in this case I am going to offer you an opportunity which only occurs once in a lifetime to get as fine an imported stallion as there is in America for nearly one-half price. In order to illustrate more fully: I will sell you the same horse that I offered for $1,600, for $1,000; and the same horse that I offered for $1,200, 1 will now sell for $800. Now I am doing this at a fearful sacri fice, and one which I can ill afford, and must necessarily lose thousands of dol lars by so doing but as I said before, the condition of my health simply forces me to make the sacrifice, and according to the old proverb, what is my loss will be your gain, provided you will embrace the golden opportunity, which I have not the least doubt you will certainly do. So please come at once and see my stock, and get the first choice before others have had time to make selections. This offer I will hold good for the next thirty days, so please let me hear from you by return mail, stating just when you can come. For this is an opportunity you cannot afford to neglect, and one which may never present itself to you again. Come and see me and get my lowest prices. I am yours most truly, William Austin. Arrangements have been made to have E. Z. Ernst, of Olathe, Kas., write a number of short articles on genuine co operation and also to post the readers of the Advocate as to the progress being made by the "Labor Exchange," which has within the last few months made rapid headway in eastern Kansas. Ue will respond to calls to lecture on the subject at the least expense. The ob ject is not to make money, but to do as much good as possible and as rapidly as circumstances will permit. A branch can be effected in any locality and by any labor organization with mutual ben efit to all.