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T23HS ADVOCATE. might we enjoy with the same amount of labor. 01 what avail in trade, for Instance, would it he to reduce our Import duea and permit an increase of transport dues. Transportation is just as much a part of our exchange system as ia money; hence it would be the height of folly for us to abandon that vital demand. I think we have made a mistake in the past ad vocating that the government should secure ownership of all our lines of transportation at once. Many would be willing to try the ex periment of one or more trunk lines who would not be willing to risk taking control of all. I would therefore recommend that we concentrate our efforts to the securing of one great trunk lino as an experiment. In making the selection we should be careful to select a route that would : First, be cheap of construc tion; Becond, that would run through a fertile country where local trafllc would be abund ant ; third, that would not parallel any great line of road. In all these respects I know of no line that would so completely fill the bill as that recommended at our last annual ses sion known as the Gulf and Interstate rail road. In my Judgment any efforts on the line sug gested should be directed towards securing the construction of such a road by the na tional government only. In advocating it we should incorporate our financial views, viz.: that no more bonds be issued for any purpose ; we should ask congress to appropriate say $25, Q0C,OOOin full legul tender paper money (not redeemable in gold or silver but receivable for taxes and dues to the government) to build and equip a road running from the Gulf of Mexico to our northern boundary in North Dakota. Such a lino of action could be made to demonstrate, first, that public Improve ments can be made without taxation; second, that the government can creato money that its citizens will take in exchange for material furnished or labor performed; third, that a great trunk line of railroad can be built and equipped without issuing an interest boaring bond or incurring $1 of debt; fourth, that the government can operate a railroad. As the government is now operating nearly one-fourth of all the railroads in the country, that should not be hard to prove. It is differ ent though when thoy operate for the benefit of private corporations (by receivers) from what it would be to operate for the benefit of the whole people. Why cannot the govern ment operate a railroad as well as a navy? The purpose of each is transportation. Strange, is it not, that we can trust "Uncle Sam" with the moans of transportation on the sea, but are afraid to trust him on dry land? We vote millions annually to build and equip a navy and no one hints at the danger of paternalism, but ask for a similar amount for a government railroad, and it is paternal ism, socialism, communism, anarchy and many other dreadful things too numerous to men tion. Again I ask why Is It that we can trust "Uncle Sam" with unlimited money and power on the high seas, and away from home, and cannot trust him with limited power on dry land and at home? I have always seen him pictured as a tall, active, angular, energetic, self-reliant Yankee, but if this partiality in legislation in favor of the sea is to be perpetu ated I would suggest that in the future the picturo should be that of a mermaid. THE UNION -PACIFIC. A suspicious movement seems to be on foot of late, viz.: that the government should fore close its mortgage on the Union Pacific rail road and operate it as a government road. The advice emanates from the vicinity of Wall street where general ownership is bitterly op posed. Why this special concession? There must be a reason for it and it is not far to seek. Those who own the bonds and stock would like a guarantee of returns. It has been loaded so heavily with fraud and water that the prospects are very gloomy lndeod. The government claim Is a second lien on the property, hence to foreclose would simply mean that the government would forgive the debt and operate it for the benefit of the bond and stockholders. It would have to assume the debt which in 1800 was: Central Pacific, 1,849 miles, bonds, $,s,715,&80; stock, 1,000,000. Union Pacific 1,826 miles, bonds, $13J,187,132; stock, JCOSOO. Total, $:5I9.771,S12. Asone.ourthof that amount would dupli cate the road. It would be far better ror the government to lose the present debt than to take the road and pay the balance of the debt. We should enter our earnest protest against the government beginning the ownership of railroads under such unfavorable conditions, even if it were wise for the experiment of gov ernment ownership of railroads to be tried by a political party opposed to the policy. BONDS. The spectacle of this great nation, after a period of almost thirty years' peace within and without; after an epoch of unparalleled production of wealth. Issuing Interest-bearing fconda to defray current expenses of govern-, riant, U something that should arouse the (: tj ft realWu j aoaaj of ow 4nj?r, To J replenish the treasury reserve la not the real reason for the Ibbuo of bonds, for the alleged danger point was passed when the reserve fell below $100,000,000. It is not to obtain money to defray current expenses, because in the treasury vaults la a large amount of silver bullion on which the seigniorage alone, If coined, would amount to more than the $.30, 000,000. It is simply a case of more bonds more Interest-bearing debt Any new issue of bonds will be gold bonds. This will pave the way for a declaration that all bonds now out standing will be paid in gold, and then the chain of conspiracies will be almost complete. The next in order will be to gather In the wealth of the people, as It will be Impossible to pay Interest and principle in gold. A per petual bonded gold debt is the object sought. Industrial bondage, Infinitely worse than chat tel slavery, must be the inevitable result. I thought it my duty to encourage Grand Master Workman Sovereign, of the Knights of Labor, in his efforts to prevent p.ny further is sue, and hope the supreme council will Indorse that action. I have no hope that any protest of ours will avail to avert the issue of more bonds, for there never was a more determined, obstinate, merciless autocrat on a despot's throne than he who now rules with an iron hand at Washington; and there never was a more pliant, servile body of alleged represent atives of the people than those now assembled to do his will. We can and should enter our solemn protest against the crime to he com mitted. We should emblazon on our banners '7o more bonds forever" and wage an unceasing warfare on every man who will record his vote for more bonds, and bury under an avalanche of votes any political party favoring such a proposition. THAT ONE PLANK IDEA. We have had much advice of late looking to wards reducing the number of our demands to one. I am utterly opposed to the elimination of a single demand. To make a contest on the one plank of "free coinage of silver" would be entirely too narrow for a progressive organ ization. Our bimetallic friends are very per sistent in their claim that free coinage of sil ver is the paramount issue. They think our other demands are impracticable or of very lit tle consequence. If that be true, then the im practicable ones will fall of their own weight, and those of llttl j consequence can do but lit tle harm. I venture the assertion that few of them ever voted for a political party whose platform did not contain one or more planks which they thought "Impracticable or of little consequence." If they are not willing to be as considerate with us who are earnestly fighting for what they deem the paramount issue as they have been with those who have been fighting against it, then we have come to "the parting of the ways," that ls.we will keep right on ; they must do the parting. We can accomplish our objects In other ways. We look upon free coinage as but one step In advance. The first fort to capture, as It were. They think it is strongly intrenched. In front it is, but we believe that in our sub treasury plan we cleared the way for a flank movement that will enable us to capture the citadel without that outpost. We cannot afford to risk all on silver. To stop there, so far as we are concerned, would result in a continuing contraction of currency. At present the secretary of the treasury claims a per capita circulation of about $35. Of course we know this showing is badly padded, but let that pass. Limit our money to gold and silver and it Is only a question of time when the world's competition for it will compel a world's division of it. The population of the nations using fold and silver now being about 1,250,000,000, and the world's gold and silver being about $7,C00,uO0, 000, the per capita volume would be less than $0, or less than one-fourth of our present per capita. We favor free coinage of silver for three rea sons : First, for the purpose of Increasing the volume of money in circulation; this can be accomplished with legal tender money quite as well Second, to increase the price of silver bullion for coinage purposes In those silver standard countries which compete with us in the markets of the world; the same purpose can be accomplished by increasing the volume of money here (based on land and the non perishable products of labor) enabling the idle to resume work, creating a demand for more labor and such a demand for the products of labor as will avoid the necessity of competing In the markets of the world. In other words it will give us that "home market" promised for the last thirty years but receding in real ization annually as the promises piled mount aln high. Third, to encourage American in dustry, aa shown previously the demand for labor in other industries will be so great and so much more attractive that the impoverished nations of the world who must have our gold and silver will have to import their own "pauper labor" to mine it XONIT Or THE WORLD. The, more I cooler tto tfaiia of raouey power, as voiced by their representative, Sec retary Carlisle, at their banquet in New York, that we must have a money "good enough for use in every market where our people trade," the more dangerous to free Institutions and the progress of humanity do I consider it. Is it necessary that we should have such a money to effect our exchanges? I think no ft, and for the very good reason that we do not; use money for that purpose. The payments are made chiefly by bills of exchange, and when our gold and silver do go abroad they go as commodities, the same as our wheat, cotton, etc. But I find that of products other than gold and silver we are exporting an excess of over $200,000,000 a year. Why do we need a monoy to use abroad? Under a just financial system we should be receiving annually over $200,000,000 of that which other nations use as money. If we received their gold for our surplus pro ducts, in fifteen years we would have the world's gold In our possession ; aye, if we re ceived their gold and silver In exchange for our surplus products we would drain the world in thirty years. What would they do then? On the other hand, what are we to do, hav ing put ourselves practically on a gold basis to accommodate what Mr. Carlisle calls "the gen eral judgment of commercial nations," or, as he claims, that "gold is the only international money, and all trade balances are settled in gold, or which Is the same thing, on a gold basis?" In the report of the director of the mint for 1893, page 37, I find that our net excess of ex ports of gold for the last fiscal year was $86, 897,275. Our estimated stock of gold being $001,000,000, (page 49) It would require a little over seven years for them to drain us, and leave us entirely without money, compelling us to go back to the old barter system. It is safe to say that the foreigners will not permit us to take all their money ; nor will we permit them to take all of ours. But just as certain as there Is established a money of the world, and that limit to one commodity (gold), just so certain must the great sea-level of prices the world over conform to and be regulated by the volume of money (gold) In circulation. The same will be true of each nation in the circuit' When any one nation finds that it has less than Its share (this will be clearly desig nated by the range of prices) it will begin a scramble to regain it, such as we witnessed in our own case last year; by bidding more of the products of labor for the dollar than any other nation. It was our 50-cent wheat that brought the return tide of gold to this country last year. When the necessities of some other nation compel them to have the gold, they will underbid us, and away will go the gold, leaving business here paralyzed, with misery and ruin in its wake; and this perpetual see saw will ever continue and Intensify until the most highly civilized, prosperous and intelli gent peoplo sink to the level of the most be nighted, ignorant and poverty-stricken people using the same kind of money. There is not, there cannot be, any escape from this proposition. The pauper labor of Europe and the Ryot labor of India will meet us in the market of the world in the wild scramble for gold, and those who will sell the product of their labor the cheapest will get It. With "a money of the world" we should at least have the world's markets to trade In. Had we a national currency of our own, as we had In the 'CO's. there would be some object to labor in having a high protective tariff ; but with a world s money not even a Chinese wall would avail. To advocate a protective tariff in the Interest of labor and demand "a money of the world" is very much worse than "strain ing at a gnat and swallowing a camel." SURRENDER TO FOREIGN DOMINATION. Whenever our government surrenders the sovereign right of legislation to foreign domi nation it ceases to be a free and independent government On small and comparatively un important matters we are great sticklers for American Independence and superiority. The Monroe doctrine has been more sacred than the constitution. The Maximllllans of Europe will not be tolerated even in Old Mexico. If a mob in a little republic in South America at tacks an humble sailor in the street, right or wrong, on the double quick an apology and re paration is demanded and enforced. So jealous are we of "America for Americans" that we take under. our eagle's protective wing "the islands of the sea," even unto the far off Kanakas.' Surely we have witnessed a strange freak In politics during the past year. We find the re publican party, the liberator of the negro in America, his undying friend (in the south), the stalwart advocate of federal bayonets, even to secure him a voice in affairs of state (in &e south), for whom "a free ballot and a fair count" has been a ringing battle cry for many years, and which Is Indeed a necessity if free institutions are to be maintained. In 1233 we find thii tame party going to UawU to overawe, md, dethrone, I negro dynasty, denying to the negro natives the right of voice or vote in the affairs of state in their own land. Stranger still we find the democratic party, whose reputation as a champion of "a free bal lot and a fair connt" for the negro, In certain parts of these United States, is somewhat dimmed, risking even a secretary of state that a negro woman thousands of miles away may have her vote counted as cast. On minor matters of trade, such as the taiiff.we have Insisted on an American policy; but on the weightier question, that which con trols all Industry and commerce, we have made an abject surrender to foreign domina tion. A few years ago one of the most effect ive political rallying cries was, "Let me know what England wans and I am prepared tc shut my eyes, go the other way and know that I am right in the interest of America." A few short months ago and these same states men (?), with voice, pen and eyes wide open, are ready, willing and anxious to follow where England points the way. Why this change? Ex-President Garfield said truly, "Whoever controls the -volume of currency is absolute master of all industry and commerce." Thomas H. Benton said, "All property is at their mercy." When we permit any foreign power or influ ence to dictate our legislation on this most important subject we are no longer a free peo ple. At the special session of congress, called for that purpose in August, 1893, we made that Ignoble surrender to the money power of Europe. Think for a moment of the humilia tion of this great nation sending representa tives to beg of the nations of Europe their permission to us to legislative for ourselves as we thought best; to use the products of our own labor as would best serve our own in terests! INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLIC CONFERENCE. The result of the conference was that the representatives of "the pauper labor of Europe" refused to grant our humble petition. Metaphorically speaking, they slapped us in the face; our government thanked them for the privilege, and are preparing to turn the other cheek also. The verdict of all patriotic American citizens must be, "served us right." Suppose, once more, we repeat the farce and send our representatives over to Europe to beg their permission to make our own medium of exchange, what are the prospects of their granting our request? On page 10. of the report of the conference, we find the following from Germany's repre sentative: "The Imperial government has pre scribed the most strict reserve for its dele gates, who, in consequence, cannot take part either In the discussion or in the vote upon the resolution p esented by the delegates of the United States." Not much encouragement from Germany. Austria-Hungary would take no part "Holland would not enter into a bi metallic union without the full and complete participation of England." Then what is the prospect for England's consent? Their representatives said, "Our faith is that of the school of monometallsm pure and simple. We do not admit that any other than the single gold standard would be applicable to our country." It might be worth while to consider why it would not be applicable to Great Britain. In reply to an inquiry as to what the government was doing towards se curing another conference, that grand old man, William E. Gladstone, premier of Great Britain, said: "What is the use? What do we want with a bimetallic convention? I am afraid to undertake to state what the amount is, but a very large amount of money is due to the people who live within the United King dom from people who live without the United Kingdom. It should estimate it at 2,000,000,000 10,000,000,000 of American dollars. I admire the philanthropy of gentlemen who would make a gift to our debtors of that amount, but I do not see what cause we would have to congratulate ourselves, though I may see some reason why the rest of the world should con gratulate itself." I admire a man who will stand up for his country first Great Britain is a creditor country. They are Interested in getting as much of the products of labor as possible for the dollars due them, and the grand old man "stands up" for his constituents and his coun try. We are a debtor nation. The daty of our statesmen should be to "stand up" for the in terests of Americans, that our debts might be paid with as little of the products of labor as possible. How was it in the United States when Gladstone was standing up for Great Britain? We find that at the dictation of a foreign power, at the command of a demo cratic president, Daniel Voorhees and there publican party, John Sherman and the demo cratic party, standing up for America? Nol' but lor Great Britain, also. GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE IN PERIL. When we protest that our republican form of government is in peril we are laughed to acorn, but the student of the times must be blind Indeed who does not aee the danger, especially la 0x9 greit money center. At lb?