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The advocate. (Topeka, Kan.) 1894-1897, April 04, 1894, Image 8

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his pay in money of that color and kind
for his service during that other fright
ful war. If democracy and republican
ism wish to perpetuate themselves, they
would do well to press congress to the
point of passage of the Coxey bills, for
then men would not struggle to build
up a new party after they had learned
that they might promote the general
welfare and secure justice through the
"direct legislation" method.
Populists will withhold their sanction
of Mr. Coxey's march to Washington be
cause they deem it hopeless to attempt
to irfluence congress, for the further
and graver reason that they fear that
unscrupulous capitalism will create a
pretext to assault the Coxey troops and
they kaow that the condition of the
millions of unemployed is such that but
a spark is needed to kindle a great fi -e.
It was for this latter reason that I strove
to disuade Mr. Coxey. I dread with all
the physical cowardice of a woman, who
is na moral coward, but who hates a gun;
1 dread to have this war which is now
waging against tb? natural enemies, re
solveinto a war with guns and awful
weapons of slaughter. Oh, why will not
you great strong men, wielders of that
mighty weapon, the ballot, why will you
not eave us from that Why have you not
protected us by establishing such condi
tions as encourage industry and virtue,
and noble manhood? At least be just
enough, in view of the failure you have
made, to unite our hands; give us the
ballot and let us have a chance "to pro
tect home industries."
What in the woild happened to Brother
Kies, of the Commoner! He bo discreet,
o oautioui. and bo fltronc to 'so far for
get himslf as to utter a threat of "Win
chesters?" I could hardly believe my
senses when I saw the rash utterance
credited to him. Why, why, Brother
Kies, child alive, don't you know you
ought not to whisper suoh a threat as
that, even at midnight, alone in a dark
cellar, let alone speaking it out in broad
daylight in hard type? Do get a little
womanly caution about you, or I may
4 think that men are too hasty and inju
dicious to be entrusted with the ballot
The Washington Post had an editorial
about you, Brother Kies, calling you all
sorts of a dangerous crank. If I had
never seen your classio countenance I
would have though you a second edition
of Herr Most But don't say so any
more, please, because we must keep the
pw;wemust let the other fellows do
the ugly talk; we must bide our time,
use the ballot, and send the right kind
of men to cocgrees; then we can hope to
get some good-roads bills and other nec
essaries. . Of course, IF enough people
would speak out within the next month,
the needy and perishing ones might be
rescued now, but the if is in the way. .
Besides, Brother Kies, don't you know
that wheu it comes to a talk about guns,
the folks down here own the whole out
fit? They shot off one over at Indian
Head the other day that could mow down
a thousand of you hayseeds atone sweep,
and we have a whole navy yard full of
great big maa-killers, and we have a
"district guard" that have been practic
ing the "riot drill" for ever so long. Oh,
hush, don't talk about fighting; you peo
ple are out of it Wh just listen to
what Major Moore, chief of the district
police, said the other day to a Post re
porter. Speaking of Coxey's peace army,
which will come unarmed and marchirg
under a banner bearing the motto,
"Peace on earth, good will to men," he
said: "Coxey can't make any oration,
nor bring any procession, nor display
es banner on the capitol grounds,
Wnen Citizen Cxey, mounted on his
white palfrey and bearing the olive
branch of peace in his hand, rides into
Washington on May 1 at the bead of the
army of the commonweal, provided, of
course, that all this will happen, he will
discover some peculiar things about the
District of Columbia. Citizen Coxey is
reputed to be a wealthy man, but he will
fibd that his wealth will be no excuse
when charged with vagrancy under the
district laws. Until quite recently a va
grant in this city was considered to be a
pauper who would not work, and if that
law had not been construed broadly,
Citizen Coxey would be in danger of
being obliged to sell some of his blooded
horses and distribute the proceeds
among his followers. If the army num
bers as many persons as Citizen Coxey
claims it will, he would be compelled to
distribute many thousand dollars among
its members to prevent them from being
arrested as vagrants."
The possession of $1 by a supposed
pauper was formerly considered in this
district to be sufficient evidence that he
was not a person without visible means
of support. That is changed now un
der the construction of the vagrancy
law by Judge Kimball, one of the
police jadges of the district, and a va
grant is "an idle and disorderly person;
a person of evil life and fame; without
visible means of support; likely to be
come chargeable to the District of
Columbia as a pauper; found drunk and
begging in ard about the streets; found
loitering in and about tippling houses;
a suspicious person, having no fixed
place of residence, and unable to give a
good account of himself ; guilty of open
profanity and grossly indecent language
and behavior publicly in the streets."
Mr. James L. Pugh, jr., the special as
sistant attorney for the District of
Columbia, who prosecutes vagrancy
cases in the police court, said yesterday
tnat if Coxey and his army came the
police would undoubtedly make a gen
eral raid on the commonweal forces.
"They could be arrested under the va
grancy laws," said Mr. Pugh, "and cer
tainly convicted under them."
But you couldn't arrest Coxey as a va
grant," was suggested. "He's a rich
'Yes, we could and would arrest Coxey,
too," said Mr. Pugh. 4 Under the broad
construction of the vagranoy law by
J udge Kimball, Coxy would be 'an idle
and disorderly person, and a suspicious
person unable to give a good aocount of
himself.' No suoh gathering as Cony
proposes will be permitted here, for the
police will not allow crowds of suspicious
characters to loiter on the streets."
Last night the militia of the district
had an emergency drill, the second this
week, and the report is that they are
preparing for Coxey. Mtj. Moore, the
chief of police, is a prominent officer of
the district militia.
There is scant sympathy with the dis
turbers in the national capital; there is
an exceedingly well-equipped district
militia; there are strong forces of regu
lar United States troops, artillery, cav
alry, and marines within telephone call;
the laws of the district, as above shown,
are very stringent upon vagrants; the
police justices are men of proved cour
age and integrity, who hold their offices
by appointment of the president. "Citi
zen" Coxey's warriors, if they ever ar
rive within the District of Columbia,
will be welcomed with "hospitable
hands" to unremunerated employment
on the district workhouse farm.
There, cow, brother Kies, don't you
see where you would land if you were
to coma to the capital of your country
and make your little speech about" Win
chesters?" The "hospitable hands" of
Gen. Ordway and of Chief of Police
Moore would conduct you to a dungeon
cell, you would not evea be permitted to
stand beside brother Coxey in the work
house chain gang.
Keep your temper everybody and vote
right Annie L. Diggs.
P S Some responses which I have
received to my appeal for the reading of
"The New Redemption," show a miscon
ception of my statement concerning its
authorship. It was not written by Ed
ward Bellamy, but by George D. Herron.
Its special mission is to arouse Chris
tians to a sense of danger, and to point
the way to save the nation through a
practical application of Christ's teach
ings. I consider it the most valuable
book for this special work which has
ever been written. I hail it with de
vout thankfulness. I should despair of
the salvation of our republic did I cot
believe that the churches will awaken
and come to the rescue. Put "The New
Redemption" in the hands of every
minister in Kansas. A. L. D.
As Grover Suggests a Way May Present
Washington, April 2. "To the house
uf representatives: I return without
my approval housa bill No. 4,596, en
titled 'an act directing the coinage of
the silver bullion held in the treasury,
and for other purposes."
That was the beginning of the presi
dent's massage on Mroh 39 vetoing the
Bland bill. Ha ooatiuuaa it at great
length to give hia reasons for the con-
approval, chief of which wa s that it
would "weaken faith and confidence in
our sound financial tendencies." The
message is not of the usual political
buncombe, but it is regarded as a weak
and sickly defense of a position the
writer is under contract to maintain.
He says:
"The financial disturbance which
swept over the country during the last
year was unparalleled in its severity and
disastrous consequences. There seems
to be almost an entire displacement of
faith in our financial ability and a loss
of confidence in our fiscal policy. Among
those who attempted to assign
causae for our distress it was very gen
erally conceded that the operation of a
provision of law then in force which re
quired the government to purchase
monthly a large, amount of silver bul
lion and issue its notes in payment
therefor wa9 either entirely, or to a large
extent responsible for our condition.
Tnis led to the repeal on November 1,
1893, of this statutory provision.
"We had, however, fallen so low in the
depths of depression, and timidity and
apprehension had so completely gained
control in financial oiroles, that our
rapid recuperation could not be reason
ably expected. Oar recovery has, never
theless, steadily progressed, and, though
less than five months have elapsed since
the repeal of the mischievous Bilvar
purchase requirement, a wholesale im
provement is unmistakably apparent.
Confidence in our absolute solvauoy is
to such an extent reinstated, and faith
in our disposition to adhere to sound
financial methods is so far restored as
to produce the most encouraging re
sults both at home and abroad.
"The wheels of domestio industry
have ben slowly sat in motion and the
tide of foreign iavea'meat haa agiin
started in our direction. Our recovery
being eo well under way. nothinst should
be done to check our convalesce noe, cor
thould wt forget that a relapsi et thii
time would almost surely reduce us to a
lower stage of financial distress than
that from which we are just emerging."
Raiterating the rot usually employed
by the champion of the gold standard,
the president calls attention to the de
fective phraseology of the bill, which he
fears will invite controversy as to its
meaning and intent, and concludes with
a plea for the further issue of bonds,
"This leads me to earnestly present
the desirability of granting to the secre
tary of the treasury a better power than
cow exists to issue bonds to proteot our
gold reserve when for any reason it
should be necessary. Our currency is
in such a confused condition, and our
financial affairs are apt to assume at
auy time eo critical a position, that it
seems to me such a course is dictated by
ordinary prudence.
"I am not insensible to the argu
ments in favor of coining the bullion
seigniorage cow in the treasury, and I
believe it could be done safely and with
advantage if the secretary of the treas
ury had the power to iesue bonds at a
low rate of interest under authority in
substitution of that now existing and
better suited to the protection of the
"I hope a way will present itself in the
near future for the adjustment of our
monetary affairs m such a comprehen
sive and conservative manner as will
afford to silver its proper place in our
currency, but in the meantime I am ex
tremely solicitous that whatever action
we take on this subj cfc may be such as
to prevent loss and discouragement to
our people at home, and the destruction
of confidence in our financial manage
ment abroad."
Washington, Mroh 31. President
Cleveland's veto of the Bland bill has re
sulted in a proposition for a national
convention jof the West and South, to
form a cew political party based on the
demand for the free coinage of silver.
The proposition comes from certain radi
cal democratic congressmen who believe
the time has arrived when the party's
salvation in the West and South de
mands it should repudiate, once and
forever, eastern domination on finan
cial policies. Western and southern
democrats, who are at the head of this
movement, declare the veto of the Bland
bill shows that the administration has
set its face toward the single gold
Rapresentative McLaurin, (dem. S. C.)
has taken the bold initiative in this step.
He has prepared the proposition and it
will be followed, he says, by a call signed
by democratic silver congressmen.
Mr. McLaurin says he has talked with
many of the southern and western
members of congress and ce has yet to
find a single demociat who has cot
agreed with him that the time has come
when eastern financial ideas must be re
pudiated. First, be says, it was thought
this movement would take the form of a
convention of the governors of the states
interested, but they were so widely sepa
rated, geographically, it was feared
united action could not be obtained. It
was, therefore, decided to call a national
convention. He said in the fight that
he believed was to follow, the dividing
line would be the Allegheny mountains
and the Potomao river the South and
West against the Eist
Of course many leading 'democrats are
bitterly opposed to the movement, while
others are doubtful as to the effect of it
Mr. Bland was inclined to regard it as
chimerical but said the democrats of the
West and South would never again ba
focUdjLa they had baa.

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