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Image provided by: Kansas State Historical Society; Topeka, KS
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4 TIKES ADVOCATE. AIID TOPEKA TEIBTJ17E. OFFICIAL STATE PAPER. 27. IZn 2?. iV. PCBLUHXD BVKBT WM2HSAY BY THE ADVOCATE PUBLISH1SGS COMPANY, Booms 43 and 45 Knox Building, TOPEXA, KAHSAS. 01.00 PER YEAR. ADVERTISING BATES. For stogie Insertion: Display matter, 20 cents per line, 14 lines to the Inch. Beading notices, 40 cents per line. Discount for long-time ooo-raets. Ind. Rural Press Assco'c, P.O.VAHyLBlT.MaT. Boyoe Buildir. Entered at the postofflce at Topeka, Kansas, ai second class matter. WEDNESDAY, MAY 9, 1894. BNION? . !riLABO NINETY-FOUB. Bealde the glacier's Imperceptible advance. From the dim heights of legendary time, Stands the tall eplrlt mailed in spangled rime, Who marks the mlllloned motes of mortals dance A moment e'er they sink In dreamless trance Moving, not In the steps of man's brief mime, But ever with the stately sweep sublime. Which brings a hundred years ago in France For the to-morrow of our annals. Here ' Glutted lords of gold to crush the poor careen, Hero senates at the starving yeomtn sneer, And here within some fosae of the moraine, Blood rusted, gaped, yet still In working gear, May peep the Veen edge of the guillotine 1 May 3, 1894. 11. M. ti HKENK. Tux democrats have been laying all the trouble to McKinleyism, the republicans have recently charged it to Clevelandism, and it is now time for them to act together and charge it to Coxeyism. The stereotyped cry of alarm with which republican editors seek to frighten fools in these troublous times is "anarchy" and "socialism;" and they haven't the remotest idea of what either socialism or anarchy is, or of the difference which distin guish the one from the other. These fellows are great educators. The Washington thugs finally got their oharges against Coxey and "Browne simmered down to this "they got on the grass," At the trial it was shown that even this was not true of Coxey and that Brown was driven into the shrubbery to escape the clubs of the blue-coated brutes who pose as the guardians of the peace, Tee only railroad legislation pro posed by the republicans in the last legislature was by Representative Greenlee of Reno county, and he is the first man to be turned down in a republican convention this'year. His defeat is intentionally made more than usually humiliating from the character of the man who i& nomi nated to succeed him, who is a forger, a perjurer and an acknowledged all around rascal. He is one of the pro posed "redeemers" of Kansas. EXISTING CONDITIONS. Acting upon the suggestion of the Advocate, the Atchison Champion of May 2 presents in part the views of its editor respecting the causes that have brought the country into its present condition. We find many things in this article with which we can heartily agree. On the whole, it is written in a spirit of fairness, and on perusing it we have been led to the inquiry why honest men engaged in newspaper work cannot always dismiss their partisanship and discuss dispassionately the social and eco nomic questions, the proper solution of which so nearly concerns us all. If this could be .done we would be much nearer the goal of which the Champion speaks "the Christian civilization of American citizenship" than we now are or are likely to be while partisan bias is permitted to color our every utterance upon these momentous questions. Speaking of the Coxey movement the Champion says: It is not the material of which the com monweal army ia composed that ia really so important as it ia to know the motives at the base of the movement, and the causes which save theoe motives birth. It will not do to dismiss the subject with the flippant assertion that it is merely an army of vag abonds and tramps or a conclave of raga muffins seeking to live upon the country without leave, labor or license. Nor will it answer the question to say that it is an army of armed ruffians determined upon pillage and plunder, for all aocounts thus far agree that in the conflicts with the offi cers of the law, and with railway officials, the commonwealers have mostly been found unarmed. Pick out, without notice, any five hundred of the oommonwealersand there are aa few oonoealed weapons among them as would be found among the five hundred men you might select, without no tice, from passengers any day in the year on the Pullman railway cars. That thou sands of idlers, adventurers and ohronio growlers and hair-brained dreamers are at tracted into the Coxey movement is nat ural, but, as a rule, the idlers, loafers and vioiously inclined would not submit to the rules and regulations imposed upon them by those I in command of the common wealers, nor would they endure the long and wearisome marches and the camping in the rainy and shelterless night without a revolt or even a murmur. The motive behind it all. if the acts and words of the leaders are to oount for any thing, is to secure work at living wages. There are more workmen than are needed by farmers, builders, contractors or manu facturers. In every town in the United States are men who never work when they can possi bly avoid it. They are constitutional idlers, natural shirks, who loaf upon the street corners, grunt and growl, but they toil not, neither do they spin. But that class, as a rule, still remains in the towns where they have been known for years as! the street corner loafers whose wives sew and wash to support the worthless "head of the family." It is certainly refreshing to find this acknowledgement respecting the character of the commonweal army in a republican paper; and it is but fair to say that the Champion is not the only one in whose columns such acknowledgement appears. Nothing like fairness, of course, is expected of the Topeka Capital and papers of its class, but many republican papers have been candid enough to concede this modicum of justice and truth. The only criticism we would wish to offer in this connection is respecting the judgment passed upon the opin ions of the commonwealers and the lack of conception of the causes tmt make men reckless and shiftless and transform them into vagabonds and tramps. There is still a spirit of in tolerance running through the Cham pion's article which forbids the thought that those who differ from the editor can by any possibility be right and he wrong, or that they can be classed in any other category than with visionaries and cranks. The editor also fails to recognize the fact that enforced idleness and want would be very likely to transform the best of men into vagabonds and tramps. Governor Felt can vastly improve the spirit of his writings upon this topic by simply reflecting upon what he might possibly become were he to be subjected to the hard conditions which have made vaga bonds and tramps of thousands of just as good men as himself. In the preliminary preparation of one's self for the "Christian civilization of American citizenship," there is noth ing like putting one's self in the place of his less-fortunate brother and imagining what the effect might possibly be. Speaking of the causes that have produced so much enforced idleness in this country, the Champion has discovered only a part of the truth, but that part is fatal to one of the fundamental doctrines of the republi can party; and while we do not desire to inject any partisanship into this discussion, we cannot refrain from reference to this fact as a counter balance to a vein of partisanship run ning through the - question. The Champion says: If a pond will hold only 12 million barrels of water and you pour in 3 million barrels more what becomes of the displacement? The American workman has been and is in competition with the 3 million foreign la borers who came to America for better wages, and secured them. The American mechanic has been crowded out of the race because he cannot live upon the European plan. Britain and Europe send us labor and Amerioa sends them capital to buy foreign merchandise. We have had too muoh free trade in pauper labor from the Old World. The above statements are a total ref utation of the claim that our tariff is a protection to American labor, but they embrace only a part of the truth as to the cause of idleness. The use of labor-saving machinery to the ad vantage alone of the capitalist rather than the laborer has been a far more important factor in the displacement of American workingmen than has immigration. Add to this the fur ther fact that every man deprived of the opportunity to work ceases to be a consumer of the products of other men's labor and you have the key to the solution of the causes of the pres ent enforced idleness. This is the way it works: The man who is com pelled to be idle cannot purchase either the products of the farm or of the manufacturer. The market for these failing, not from diminished demand, but from diminished ability to buy, there is a surplus remaining in the hands of farmers and of manu facturers. This failure of the mar ket necessitates diminished produc tion. This throws more men out of employment who are at once changed from producers and consumers to non-producers and non-consumers. This process goes on continually act ing and re-acting upon both pro ducer and consumer, and catching the laborer both coming and going. Add to this again the monopoly of the sources and means of production which has grown and prospered under the guardianship and care of a gov ernment which has never feared pa ternalism as applied to capital, but has been affected with cold chills whenever it has been proposed to apply it to labor, and we arrive at something of an understanding of the causes of "our present situation." The Champion says: When oongresa went into partnership with the "trusts" and "oombines," and the treasury department beoama merely the agent of the bankers and stook and bullion gamblers of Wall and Lombard streets, the commonweal army was inevitable. This is quite true but we would re mind the Champion that this part nership and this agency were estab lished at a much earlier date than that indicated in the article under consideration. Speaking of the ac tion of the people in the last election the Champion says: In the oontest between God and Mammon they voted for Cleveland. It was a struggle between Americanism and Clevelandism and with the political stupidity born of oenturiea of habitual hate of the party in power, the Huns stood in solid phalanx at the polls as stupid dolta, doing the bidding of those who would make them slaves. Are these facts? Was the contest between God and Mammon? What real difference was there or is there to-day between the policies of the two contending parties? Can the Champion tell? What has Cleveland done that Harrison would cot have done had he been re elected? What laws have been changed under this administration and who is responsi ble for the only change that has been made? In what manner have the laws that have been enacted under republican administrations been en forced differently from what they would have been had Mr. Harrison been re-elected? How can the cli max of evil which has happened to culminate under this administration be charged to Cleveland any more than to his predecessor? Let us be fair in this matter. Do not the causes of our present difficulties date far back of this administration? The Champion well observes: The country is pretty sick. Dr. Cleve land's British pills have nearly killed the patient. Careful nursing and radical change of treatment is all that is necessary now. This is all true, but will the Cham pion tell us how the composition of the Harrison British pill differs from that of the Cleveland British pill? What other or different ingredients does it contain? In what way would the treatment of the patient be radi cally changed under the Harrison British system of medication and nursing? The Champion proposes as the remedy for existing conditions "the Christian civilization of American citizenship." This is all very well, but before we can think of Christian izing American citizenship we must first Christianize our methods of reasoning, not according to the mod ern, but the ancient standard. This