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5 would necessitate the abandonment of partisanship and the adoption of honest inquiry after truth regardless of where the truth might lead. Let us see if we can begin the work of Christianizing here and observe what success will attend the effort. What says the Champion? PRESTO! Now You See It, and Now Ton Don't See It. The editor of the Topeka Capital has been giving a very tame magic lantern performance to a very nnap preciative audience for the past four years. The shifting of the scenes upon the canvass has been varied enough, but the performance has been managed by a very unskillful hand. The show has been very un satisfactory to the audience, and, whether it has been remunerative to the proprietor, we submit to Dan Anthony. In his issue of May 3, he scolds the Kansas City Journal and the Topeka State Journal for the expression of very unrepublican ssntiments relative to the causes that have given rise to the Coxey movement, which senti ments have been given wide circula tion by reproduction in the Advocate. The State Journal said something about "the congressional eagerness to bend the knee to "Wall street;" and the difficulty experienced by the wage-earners of the country in ob taining any legislation in their inter est. This is a horrible confession for a republican paper to make now, and the Capital must needs hasten to re buke it. It says: So far as the Journal's silly demagogical twaddle about bending the knee to Wall street in financial legislation is concerned, the republican policy on finance has been primarily to the great and lasting adran tage of the wage-earners of the oountry, whose wages hare constantly adranoed and been paid in the best money in the world. Here the crank of the machine takes a turn backward, and the Capi tal's editorial page of January 15, 1891, appears upon the canvass for a moment. Speaking of Senator Ingalls' great speech in the senate the day previous, it says: Senator Ingalls attacked the grasping gold-bugs for their continuous opposition to the demands for free coinage of silver which he has more than onoe eloquently adrooated in the senate. He reproaohes the senate for oonniTing with the money loaners against the vast msjority of the work-day people who are making this mighty nation. He describes the antagenists of silver as the representatives of a momed aristocracy whioh is without conscience and without humanity. His speech will stand among the great efforts of great oratory, and will do some thing to stem the ourrent of avarice and rapaoity which greatly retards the progress and threatens the very existence of there public It is a republican speech. The evils against whioh his voice is raised are universal. Tbey are most serious evils af flicting modern society, whioh has begotten such combinations of capital and such con spiracies of plutoorata that the hopes of $igner of the Declaration of Independence are in a fair way to be thwarted unless the party whioh saved the Union from destruc tion now does something to rescue the peo ple from Wall street. The Capital was writing then for a Populist legislature which was ex pected to re-elect Mr. Ingalls to the United States senate, but it didn't do it Here the crank turns forward again to October IS, 1893, and the criticism of the Wichita Eagle for presuming the financial plank of the Minneapolis platform to favor free silver appears: We believe we are on the Minneapolis platform and the Eagle off. Now, we propose to point out what that means, if it means anything. (That if is well put in. Ed.) In the first plaoe if it meant free silver coinage at 16 to 1 we be lieve it would have said so. It certainly in that oase would have been drawn up by free silver men. The fundamental, axiomatic starting point of free silver men is that a legal ratio, ipso facto, maintains itself. It requires no "restrictions" or "conditions" to make it good. In fact, the idea of "with such restrictions," as embodied in the Minneapolis plank, is utterly obnoxious to the free coinage idea. There can be n j "re strictions" if there is free and unlimited coinage. If the Minneapolis plank meant free coinage of silver, what did it mean by putting "restrictions" in? It means nothing of the sort; this ia pre cisely the position of the Capital. It is the position of the leaders of the republican party. The best men in the democratic party have come over to the same position and pretty nearly dragged the party over with them. The republican party does not believe in the free ooinage policy; the plat form does not mention free ooinage, and the Kansas republicans are in line. They indorsed the Minneapolis "restriction" plank and will be found on the next party platform declaring for sound money on the present 100 cent basis. Now the crank on the machine takes another twist backward to January 16, 1891, and behold the following: If the house at Washington to near the people it will speedily enaot the silver bill whioh has "iw paused the senate. Enough democrats t-. . jolnpelled to vote for it by their pretensions in the late campaign, when they thought the matter disposed of at the first session, to make it an easy matter to defeat the Eastern anti-silver men of both parties. Here the crank whirls forward again to October 1, 1893, and this appears: It would be folly for Kansas republicans to set themselves up in antagonism to the party in the nation whioh has always been the party of honest money, and, at the time when even the demooraoy is rapidly rally ing around sound principles, for Kansas republicans to indorse the free silver oraze would be to plaoe themselves out of sym pathy with the undoubted sentiment of the party. The policy of the United States is bi-metallism on a gold standard and the Capital congratulates the party in Kansas on its wisdom and integrity in this matter. Now comes another twist backward to January 4, 1891, and behold! SSOKT M1SSAQB TO COHQBISS. The Capital wishes to send a short mes sage to oongress. It will be brief but im portant to the West. It is this: Stop your windy speeches about election bills; pass the Plumb measure for the free coinage of silver, and give the oountry 100 or 200 millions more paper ourrenoy. It is not as long as the president's last message, but it will do the oountry more good, if it is acted upon, than a dozen mes sages like the last one. The West and South are growing very tired seeing the money influences of the East stop the prom ised financial legialation. Bozz z-z z z-z. "Whiz-z-z-z z. Here the crank on the machine got loose and the thing flew around with such velocity that the changes were un intelligible, the views became a con fused flicker, the lightning calculator couldn't keep track of them, the audi ence, already disgusted, got mixed up in the general muddle and the show broke up in a row. SACRED. CAPITOL GROUNDS' (Continued from page 1.) with the law and had the driver take me within the grounds. 1 wanted to see all the "wheels go 'round," that I might be able to tell just the straight of the story to the Advocatx readers. Carl Browne is not another Coxey; he was born bluff and hearty, impulsive, liberty-loving eo he walked too fast to suit the Washington police, besides he wore one of those four by six-inch peace badges, and its Magin the law" no matter if it did have Christian scripture on it. Oh, it was comical; look at big, rosy faced Carl sporting a little white rsg, then see a lot of mounted blue coats, and brass buttons flaming with patriotism and rage over the "outraged law" all of them galloping pell-mell after Carl and the white rag, and Carl, bent on reach ing the capitol steps, and also to keep from being run down by the patriot po Hoe, took to the grass and tried to make across lots. Ah, there was depravity and anarchy for you; that capitol grass is sacred; to trample upon it will draw down a policeman's bludgeon like light ning. It's a greater crime to tumble up that grass than for C. P. Huntington et al. to steal a railroad, or for Car oegie to palm off fraudulent armor plate on the government So Carl didn't get to the capitol steps, but he did try like a good fellow, and just as a mounted po liceman was about to climb over him Carl put out his hand and gave the horse's bridle a gentle little yank such as he learned out on the California plains and his city horse and his special police rider laid down quicker than wink. Then the row began, and the clubs rained down on Carl's bold head, or rather they were aimed toward that point of intelligence, and had not Carl warded the blows with his arms there wouldn't have been any Marshal Browne in a short time, but he surrendered as quickly ss he could when he found he was to be ridden down and clubbed for falling, and the police marched off with as good-natured, jolly a prisoner as it was ever their pleasure to arrest. As a matter of faot, there would have teen no trouble and Carl would have "kept off the grass," had not the special police, dressed in a little brief authority, become fxcited and lost their heads. This faot is attested by hundreds of witnesses. The time to arrest Carl Browne should have been when he at tempted to speak, and refused to obey the order to desist, if he had refuted. It is somewhat previous, even for Wash ington special police to arrest a man on the suspicion that he intends to violate an ordinance. I did not see Carl Browne after the crowd gathered around him so I did not know but that the report that he had been "brutally clubbed and frightfully hurt" was true. Suoh a re port reached the men in the ranks. They only looked sad and solemn and kept on their march to the camp. The procession of commonwealers did not attempt to enter the capitol grounds. Mrs. Emily Briggs, a wealthy, good woman of Washington, went bail for Carl Browne. The next day when Mr. Coxey appeared in court as a witness, to his great surprise he was arrested. He attended court as a witness for Carl Browne. The great offioials who guard the welfare had got too mad to contain their rage and spite during the night, all because Coxey had bsflled them by his coolness and tact, and because he had used them and the occasion to send oat a protest whioh will make countless thousands of votes for the People'sparty, and because he was re ceiving such ovations as no one but a president receives at Washington, AU this was intolerable and they scratched their wise heads aad bethought of a pretext for his arrest, and of all prepos terous things, what was it? Why, just for wearing a tiny badge liks the one I have on, which I will ehoV yon when I come home. This '-good-wilF badge he wore pinned to his coat, and it was wicked, so they arrested him and it as hard as possible for him to get bail. And just then I left Washington, so somebody else must finish this story for you. I left for Kansas. In fact, I am on board the train now, within a short distance of Kansas City. I am coming to Kansas to arouse and plead with you, my brothers, to give me the ballot that I may use it to help do away with the inequality, the injustice and the wrongs which you thus far have not been able to save us from, no matter how hard you tried to "represent" and "protect" us. You see, my brothers, this government of ours needs a little bit of mothering. It needs that the home side of affairs shall be legislated about. You know that is woman's part of the life work, to con sider the home, that is her "sphere." You would not have bad so much home lessneas, so nuany mortgages and several other upsetting arrangements in thia country if you had had th mother vote along with yours in national housekeep ing. Have I not earned my right to the ballot! I do not ask anything for my self whioh I do not also ask for my Kan sas sisters to share. Please vote for our amendment. Annie L. Dioos. P. S. I always think of a dozen things I want to say j ist after I close an Ad vocate letter. I want to tell you that besides my two months' campaign for suffrage, I am going to stir up Kansas to send on supplies of ibur, cornmeal and bacon to the commonwealers at Washington, for those men are going to stay there and tell their story.and preach their doctrine until congress either passes some large measure of relief or plays the coward and adjourns. I want these soldiers in camp to be helped by Kansans,and I want looal "common weals" to be organized and I want a ! woman's relief oorps to collect and sand on supplies and aid in this great crusade for the opportunity to work, and for home and native land. A. L. D. Onr Sewing Machine. It will pay anyone who needs a sew ing machine to read the advertisement of the "Advocate" machine on page 15. Notloe the following interesting facts: It is a high grade machine in every respect. It is warranted for ten years. It is ornamental as well aa useful. It is shipped prepaid subject to the buyer's approval. With it you get all the extra attach ments that usually go with a high-priced machine. Buy it, and save money and hard work. DBS. THORNTON & MINIS. Banker building, Kansas City, Mo., the well known specialists in ths treatment of all rectal troubles, have established a principle in connection with their erer-increasta eliental that is well calculated to inspire confidence in their integrity and ability to perform to the last degree that whioh they promise when assuming to cure their pa tients, and that is, they decline to accept a fee until they hare dearly demonstrated that a cure has been accomplished, Thou sands testify to the efficiency of their treat ment. Another specialty of theirs is dis eases of women, and of the skin. Beware of quacks. Ask for their oiroluars, gifiag testimonials of leading business men and high offioials they contain special informa tion for the afflicted. Address, Das. Thobxto fc Mrs ok. Bunker Building, Kansas City, Ho. A first-class newspaper plant for sale at a bargain, located in a town of 4,000 population. It sold before July 1 a grand bargain. Address I Concordia, Kas, Fjhd Pkctcs.