The advocate. [volume], May 09, 1894, Page 5, Image 5

About The advocate. [volume] (Topeka, Kan.) 1894-1897

Image provided by: Kansas State Historical Society; Topeka, KS

                
THE ADVOCATE.
5
would necessitate the abandonment
of partisanship and the adoption of
honest inquiry after truth regardless
of where the truth might lead. Let
us see if we can begin the work of
Christianizing here and observe what
success will attend the effort. What
says the Champion?
PRESTO!
Now You See It, and Now Ton Don't
See It.
The editor of the Topeka Capital
has been giving a very tame magic
lantern performance to a very nnap
preciative audience for the past four
years. The shifting of the scenes
upon the canvass has been varied
enough, but the performance has
been managed by a very unskillful
hand. The show has been very un
satisfactory to the audience, and,
whether it has been remunerative to
the proprietor, we submit to Dan
Anthony.
In his issue of May 3, he scolds the
Kansas City Journal and the Topeka
State Journal for the expression of
very unrepublican ssntiments relative
to the causes that have given rise to
the Coxey movement, which senti
ments have been given wide circula
tion by reproduction in the Advocate.
The State Journal said something
about "the congressional eagerness to
bend the knee to "Wall street;" and
the difficulty experienced by the
wage-earners of the country in ob
taining any legislation in their inter
est. This is a horrible confession for
a republican paper to make now, and
the Capital must needs hasten to re
buke it. It says:
So far as the Journal's silly demagogical
twaddle about bending the knee to Wall
street in financial legislation is concerned,
the republican policy on finance has been
primarily to the great and lasting adran
tage of the wage-earners of the oountry,
whose wages hare constantly adranoed and
been paid in the best money in the world.
Here the crank of the machine
takes a turn backward, and the Capi
tal's editorial page of January 15,
1891, appears upon the canvass for a
moment. Speaking of Senator
Ingalls' great speech in the senate
the day previous, it says:
Senator Ingalls attacked the grasping
gold-bugs for their continuous opposition
to the demands for free coinage of silver
which he has more than onoe eloquently
adrooated in the senate. He reproaohes
the senate for oonniTing with the money
loaners against the vast msjority of the
work-day people who are making this
mighty nation. He describes the
antagenists of silver as the representatives
of a momed aristocracy whioh is without
conscience and without humanity.
His speech will stand among the great
efforts of great oratory, and will do some
thing to stem the ourrent of avarice and
rapaoity which greatly retards the progress
and threatens the very existence of there
public It is a republican speech. The
evils against whioh his voice is raised are
universal. Tbey are most serious evils af
flicting modern society, whioh has begotten
such combinations of capital and such con
spiracies of plutoorata that the hopes of
$igner of the Declaration of Independence are
in a fair way to be thwarted unless the
party whioh saved the Union from destruc
tion now does something to rescue the peo
ple from Wall street.
The Capital was writing then for a
Populist legislature which was ex
pected to re-elect Mr. Ingalls to the
United States senate, but it didn't
do it
Here the crank turns forward
again to October IS, 1893, and the
criticism of the Wichita Eagle for
presuming the financial plank of the
Minneapolis platform to favor free
silver appears:
We believe we are on the Minneapolis
platform and the Eagle off.
Now, we propose to point out what that
means, if it means anything. (That if is
well put in. Ed.) In the first plaoe if it
meant free silver coinage at 16 to 1 we be
lieve it would have said so. It certainly in
that oase would have been drawn up by free
silver men. The fundamental, axiomatic
starting point of free silver men is that a
legal ratio, ipso facto, maintains itself. It
requires no "restrictions" or "conditions"
to make it good. In fact, the idea of "with
such restrictions," as embodied in the
Minneapolis plank, is utterly obnoxious to
the free coinage idea. There can be n j "re
strictions" if there is free and unlimited
coinage. If the Minneapolis plank meant
free coinage of silver, what did it mean by
putting "restrictions" in?
It means nothing of the sort; this ia pre
cisely the position of the Capital. It is the
position of the leaders of the republican
party. The best men in the democratic
party have come over to the same position
and pretty nearly dragged the party over
with them. The republican party does not
believe in the free ooinage policy; the plat
form does not mention free ooinage, and
the Kansas republicans are in line. They
indorsed the Minneapolis "restriction"
plank and will be found on the next party
platform declaring for sound money on the
present 100 cent basis.
Now the crank on the machine takes
another twist backward to January
16, 1891, and behold the following:
If the house at Washington to near the
people it will speedily enaot the silver bill
whioh has "iw paused the senate. Enough
democrats t-. . jolnpelled to vote for it
by their pretensions in the late campaign,
when they thought the matter disposed of
at the first session, to make it an easy
matter to defeat the Eastern anti-silver
men of both parties.
Here the crank whirls forward
again to October 1, 1893, and this
appears:
It would be folly for Kansas republicans
to set themselves up in antagonism to the
party in the nation whioh has always been
the party of honest money, and, at the time
when even the demooraoy is rapidly rally
ing around sound principles, for Kansas
republicans to indorse the free silver oraze
would be to plaoe themselves out of sym
pathy with the undoubted sentiment of the
party. The policy of the United States is
bi-metallism on a gold standard and the
Capital congratulates the party in Kansas
on its wisdom and integrity in this matter.
Now comes another twist backward
to January 4, 1891, and behold!
SSOKT M1SSAQB TO COHQBISS.
The Capital wishes to send a short mes
sage to oongress. It will be brief but im
portant to the West. It is this:
Stop your windy speeches about election
bills; pass the Plumb measure for the
free coinage of silver, and give the oountry 100
or 200 millions more paper ourrenoy.
It is not as long as the president's last
message, but it will do the oountry more
good, if it is acted upon, than a dozen mes
sages like the last one. The West and
South are growing very tired seeing the
money influences of the East stop the prom
ised financial legialation.
Bozz z-z z z-z. "Whiz-z-z-z z. Here
the crank on the machine got loose
and the thing flew around with such
velocity that the changes were un
intelligible, the views became a con
fused flicker, the lightning calculator
couldn't keep track of them, the audi
ence, already disgusted, got mixed up
in the general muddle and the show
broke up in a row.
SACRED. CAPITOL GROUNDS'
(Continued from page 1.)
with the law and had the driver take me
within the grounds. 1 wanted to see all
the "wheels go 'round," that I might be
able to tell just the straight of the story
to the Advocatx readers.
Carl Browne is not another Coxey; he
was born bluff and hearty, impulsive,
liberty-loving eo he walked too fast to
suit the Washington police, besides he
wore one of those four by six-inch peace
badges, and its Magin the law" no matter
if it did have Christian scripture on it.
Oh, it was comical; look at big, rosy
faced Carl sporting a little white rsg,
then see a lot of mounted blue coats, and
brass buttons flaming with patriotism
and rage over the "outraged law" all of
them galloping pell-mell after Carl and
the white rag, and Carl, bent on reach
ing the capitol steps, and also to keep
from being run down by the patriot po
Hoe, took to the grass and tried to make
across lots. Ah, there was depravity
and anarchy for you; that capitol grass
is sacred; to trample upon it will draw
down a policeman's bludgeon like light
ning. It's a greater crime to tumble up
that grass than for C. P. Huntington
et al. to steal a railroad, or for Car
oegie to palm off fraudulent armor plate
on the government So Carl didn't get to
the capitol steps, but he did try like a
good fellow, and just as a mounted po
liceman was about to climb over him
Carl put out his hand and gave the
horse's bridle a gentle little yank such as
he learned out on the California plains
and his city horse and his special police
rider laid down quicker than wink. Then
the row began, and the clubs rained
down on Carl's bold head, or rather
they were aimed toward that point of
intelligence, and had not Carl warded
the blows with his arms there wouldn't
have been any Marshal Browne in a
short time, but he surrendered as
quickly ss he could when he found he
was to be ridden down and clubbed for
falling, and the police marched off with
as good-natured, jolly a prisoner as it
was ever their pleasure to arrest.
As a matter of faot, there would have
teen no trouble and Carl would have
"kept off the grass," had not the special
police, dressed in a little brief authority,
become fxcited and lost their heads.
This faot is attested by hundreds of
witnesses. The time to arrest Carl
Browne should have been when he at
tempted to speak, and refused to obey
the order to desist, if he had refuted.
It is somewhat previous, even for Wash
ington special police to arrest a man on
the suspicion that he intends to violate
an ordinance. I did not see Carl Browne
after the crowd gathered around him
so I did not know but that the report
that he had been "brutally clubbed and
frightfully hurt" was true. Suoh a re
port reached the men in the ranks.
They only looked sad and solemn and
kept on their march to the camp. The
procession of commonwealers did not
attempt to enter the capitol grounds.
Mrs. Emily Briggs, a wealthy, good
woman of Washington, went bail for
Carl Browne. The next day when Mr.
Coxey appeared in court as a witness, to
his great surprise he was arrested.
He attended court as a witness for
Carl Browne. The great offioials
who guard the welfare had got
too mad to contain their rage and spite
during the night, all because Coxey had
bsflled them by his coolness and tact,
and because he had used them and the
occasion to send oat a protest whioh will
make countless thousands of votes for the
People'sparty, and because he was re
ceiving such ovations as no one but a
president receives at Washington, AU
this was intolerable and they scratched
their wise heads aad bethought of a
pretext for his arrest, and of all prepos
terous things, what was it? Why, just
for wearing a tiny badge liks the one I
have on, which I will ehoV yon when I
come home. This '-good-wilF badge he
wore pinned to his coat, and it was
wicked, so they arrested him and it as
hard as possible for him to get bail.
And just then I left Washington, so
somebody else must finish this story for
you. I left for Kansas. In fact, I am
on board the train now, within a short
distance of Kansas City. I am coming
to Kansas to arouse and plead with you,
my brothers, to give me the ballot that
I may use it to help do away with the
inequality, the injustice and the wrongs
which you thus far have not been able
to save us from, no matter how hard you
tried to "represent" and "protect" us.
You see, my brothers, this government
of ours needs a little bit of mothering.
It needs that the home side of affairs shall
be legislated about. You know that is
woman's part of the life work, to con
sider the home, that is her "sphere."
You would not have bad so much home
lessneas, so nuany mortgages and several
other upsetting arrangements in thia
country if you had had th mother vote
along with yours in national housekeep
ing. Have I not earned my right to the
ballot! I do not ask anything for my
self whioh I do not also ask for my Kan
sas sisters to share. Please vote for our
amendment. Annie L. Dioos.
P. S. I always think of a dozen things
I want to say j ist after I close an Ad
vocate letter. I want to tell you that
besides my two months' campaign for
suffrage, I am going to stir up Kansas
to send on supplies of ibur, cornmeal
and bacon to the commonwealers at
Washington, for those men are going to
stay there and tell their story.and preach
their doctrine until congress either
passes some large measure of relief or
plays the coward and adjourns. I want
these soldiers in camp to be helped by
Kansans,and I want looal "common
weals" to be organized and I want a
! woman's relief oorps to collect and sand
on supplies and aid in this great crusade
for the opportunity to work, and for
home and native land. A. L. D.
Onr Sewing Machine.
It will pay anyone who needs a sew
ing machine to read the advertisement
of the "Advocate" machine on page 15.
Notloe the following interesting facts:
It is a high grade machine in every
respect.
It is warranted for ten years.
It is ornamental as well aa useful.
It is shipped prepaid subject to the
buyer's approval.
With it you get all the extra attach
ments that usually go with a high-priced
machine.
Buy it, and save money and hard work.
DBS. THORNTON & MINIS.
Banker building, Kansas City, Mo., the well
known specialists in ths treatment of all
rectal troubles, have established a principle
in connection with their erer-increasta
eliental that is well calculated to inspire
confidence in their integrity and ability to
perform to the last degree that whioh they
promise when assuming to cure their pa
tients, and that is, they decline to accept a
fee until they hare dearly demonstrated
that a cure has been accomplished, Thou
sands testify to the efficiency of their treat
ment. Another specialty of theirs is dis
eases of women, and of the skin. Beware
of quacks. Ask for their oiroluars, gifiag
testimonials of leading business men and
high offioials they contain special informa
tion for the afflicted. Address,
Das. Thobxto fc Mrs ok.
Bunker Building, Kansas City, Ho.
A first-class newspaper plant for sale
at a bargain, located in a town of 4,000
population. It sold before July 1 a
grand bargain. Address
I Concordia, Kas, Fjhd Pkctcs.