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Image provided by: Kansas State Historical Society; Topeka, KS
Newspaper Page Text
I, THE ADVOOATS. 0 CAMPAIGN 07 1892. Financial Planks of the Democratic and Be publican National Platforms-Whlch Is Be-publican-Which Democratic 1 The American peo ple, from tradition and interest, favor bimetaliam, and the We hold to the oae of both gold and Ba rer as the standard money of the coun try, and to tne coin age of both gold and silver, without dia criminating against either metal or oharge for mintage, but the dollar mint of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsio and exohangable value, or be adjusted through interna tional agreement or by such safeguards of legislation as shall insure the mainte nance of the parity of the two metala and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the payment of debts; and we de mand that all paper ourrenoy shall be kept at par with and redeemable in coin. We insist upon this policy aa especially necessary for the pro tection of the farm ers and laboring olasses, the first and most defenseless vio tims of unstable money and fluctuat ing ourrenoy. party demands the use of both gold and silver as stand ard money, with such reetriotions ;and un der such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the mainte nance of the parity of values of the two metala so that the purchasing and debt- Saying power of the ollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers of the country, its farmers and its work- lngmen, demand that every dollar, paper or coin, issued by the government shall be as good as any other. We com mend the wise and patriotic steps al ready taken by the government to se cure an international conference to adopt suoh measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world. Cut this out and carry it with you in your vest pocket, and whenever you meet a republican or a democrat, ask him which is the republican and which the democratio plank, and see how many can tell. We will add a few more questions that it may be well to ask also. If it is really the desire of both parties to maintain the two metals on a parity with each other, as they pre tend it is, which would be most likely to accomplish that resultto treat them both alike in law and practice, or to always discriminate in favor of the one and against the other? To be more specific on this subject, ask the following questions: (1) Section 2 of the so-called Sher man law of 1800 declares: That upon demand of the holder of any of the treasury notes herein provided for, the seoretary of the treasury shall, under suoh regulations as be may prescribe, redeem suoh notes in gold or silver ooin at his dis cretion. If it is really the desire of the two parties, as their platforms declare, to maintain the parity of value of the two metals, why has the secretary discriminated in favor of one metal and against the other by exercising his discretion invariably and without exception for the redemption of the treasury notes issued for the pur chase of silver bullion in gold, rather than in silver? (2) Parity of value is nnderstood to mean equality of value upon some established ratio. It it is really the desire of the two parties, as their platforms deolare, to maintain the parity of value of the two metals, is it not rational to presume that they would encourage any approximation of the value of silver, upon the exist ing legal ratio, to that of gold? If such a presumption is fair and rea sonable, when the monthly offering of silver bullion was made to the treasury department prior to the re peal of the law, at the market price in America, if tnat marie, price ex ceeded by the smallest fraction, the quotations in England, why did the secretary invariably decline to buy, thereby discouraging the approxima tion of the price of silver to that of gold? (3) Both platforms declare that, in the interest of the farmers and work ingmen, every dollar issued by the government, whether of paper or coin, shall be equal to every other dollar in debt-paying power. Now, just ask your republican and demo cratic friends if they ever saw a dol lar that was issued by the govern ment that was not equal in debt-paying power to every other dollar? We will pay a liberal reward for such a dollar as a curiosity if it can be found. (4) Finally, after asking the above questions, just ask your old party friends what these financial planks of their national platforms of 1892 really mean anyhow. Are either of them anything more than bait to catch suckers? WHAT OF GOVERNMENT OWNEBSHIP OF BALBOADS? During the last week the oountry has been treated to a fine object lesson on the work ing the scheme of government ownership of railroads. If the railroads of the oountry were in po session of the government the Omaha nota last week would have had a very different settlement. Public traffic, if not actually suspended, would be seriously interrupted on all trunk lines by train loads of tramps and adventurers on a gala ride to Washington. As co-partners in the owner ship of the roads the moat indigent would demand a free excursion to Washington and would probably be successful In forcing their claim. Capital, April 29. Just what is the "object lesson" af forded by the situation at Omaha or elsewhere in this country that is any argument against the government ownership of railroads is beyond the comprehension of ordinary mortals. There are no railroads in this coun try owned or operated by the gov ernment, and nothing that has oc curred anywhere has any bearing whatever upon the subject except to show the necessity of government ownership and management. The Capital talks of trainloads of tramp3 and adventurers as co-partners in the ownership of the roads, and the most "worthless and indigent" demanding free excursions to Washington. Such nonsense is an insult to the most or dinary intelligence. The Capital overlooks the fact that the "tramp," the "adventurer" the "worthless and the indigent" of the present day are the product of republican rule, and that the "object lesson" which the people are now observing is afforded under corporation management of railroads. It overlooks the furthar fact that by' the time the govern ment is ready to assume the control of railroads it will have so far changed our social system as to afford to all American citizens such equal oppor tunities in life as to do away with such products of republican rule as the tramp and the adventurer. What though the roads are in the hands of receivers? The same man agement controls them that controlled them before the receivers were ap pointed. The object of the receiver ship is simply to evade payment of honest debts and afford opportuni nity to eell a few more bonds for the benefit of railroad wreckers. Gov ernment has nothing whatever to do with the operation of the roads any more than it had before the receivers were appointed, and the Capital knows it. One thing more. The editor of the Capital is in total ignorance of the whole subject of government owner ship of railroads, or else he designs deliberately to deceive his readers upon the subject. In either case he has no claim upon the confidence of the people. If he would read the late work of ex-Governor Larabee of Iowa, upon this subject he would learn from good republican authority that this is about the only govern ment on earth to-day that does not own the whole or a sufficient number of its railroads .to control the rates and establish the regulations by which all roads are governed, and he might learn further that government ownership is attended with many ad vantages to the people that Ameri can citizens do not enjoy, and none of the catastrophes predicted by the Capital. What the editor of the Capital most needs to qualify him for respectable newspaper work is a little information and.honesty enough to use it. 8TAND UP FOB KANSAS. We are under obligations to Hon. F. D. Coburn, state secretary of agri culture, for a copy of his quarterly report for the quarter endiug March 31, 1894, which contains much inform ation that will be of interest to Kan sas people. There is one item in par ticular to which we desire to call attention just at this time. We have heard a great deal about the ruin of Kansas credit as a result of Populist success in the state. The Topeka Capital and other disreput able and conscienceless papers never tire of ringing the changes on this subject. One page 33 of Mr. Coburn's report is some good, square republi can testimony to which we invite the attention of people in general and of good honest republicans in particu lar. The article to which we refer is entitled, "Our Standing in the East," and begins with the following letter: Stati ot Kansas, Dxpabtmimt ot Ao- 1 bicumubi, Capitol Boildinq, To- piKA, Kas., April 4, 1891. ) Charles S. Gleed, Topeka, Kat.: Mi Dzab Sib: Having observed the fre quency of your business trips to the eastern states, it has occurred to me that you can say something of interest and value to Kan sas readers on the subjeot of the present status of our state in the industrial, oom meroial and finanoial world. Anything that will encourage and give renewed faith to Kansas people they certainly deserve and want; anything that will instruct them they ought to want. If you will kindly answer the subjoined questions, I shall be greatly obliged. Tours truly, F. D. Cobubs. The first question of Mr. Coburn and Mr. Gleed's answer to it are aa follows: What will you say of the present general reputation of Kansas, and how it came to be aa it is? The general reputation of Kansas is very bad among superficial observers; fair among the middle class observers, and first-daw among those who observe criti cally. The superficial observers are those who know nothing of Kansas except what they find in the crime and freak departments of the big papers. The newspapers must sell if they desire to live; they must be interest ing if they desire to sell; to be interesting to the majority of buyers they must oon tain plenty of "hot stuff." The writers write what the newspapers want to print, and so it is entirely natural that the news from Kansas should nearly always be lim ited to sensations of the "red hot" kind. Every managing editor has his mind made up to aooept and print anything, no matter how extraordinary, if it only has a Kansas date line. These wooly stories from Kan sas are what the superficial observers judge by. The second class of observers are those who pay little attention to what the papers contain, but yet have only a hearsay, second-hand knowledge of Kansas matters. The third olass is made up of those who have actual, oloae business knowledge of the state. The man who merely has a bad Kansas mortgage, or several of them, can not necessarily assume to know Kansas. All he knows is that some reoklesa or knavish loan agent or agency has sold him bad securities. Kansas is not to blame for that. Those observers who study the sta tistics, and are able to intelligently com pare net results in Kansas with net results elsewhere, know that Kansas is all right, and deserves to ranked with the very first states, and seoond to none. The number of these careful observers is increasing rapidly, and when the papers cease from looking to Kansas for sensational newa solely, our general repuation will be of the highest everywhere. Now, the reader will bear in mind that Mr. Gleed is one of the leading republicans of the state. He is the man who was selected by the repub lican league last year to furnish brains to the republican editors of the state. His testimony certainly ought to be acceptable to republicans, whatever estimate other people may place upon it. Now, there are points in his testimony that we would es pecially impress upon the mind of the reader. (1) Mr. Gleed derives his knowl edge of Eastern sentiment from busi ness contact with Eastern people. (2) He testifies that the credit and reputation of Kansas are first-class among intelligent people who accept only statistics and reliable informa tion as the basis of judgment. (3) He says the bad opinion enter tained of the state is derived from the sensational "crime and freak de partments of the big papers." Now, here are the facts in a nut shell: "The big papers" (and none have been more active or unscrupu lous in this matter than the Topeka Capital) have gone to work system atically and deliberately to tear down the credit of the state and bring its people into disrepute in order that they might falsely say that our repu tation has suffered inconsequence of Populist success. A more diabolical seheme could not well be conceived ; and its want of success is owing solely to the fact, aa Mr. Gleed ob serves, that intelligent people placed no reliance upon the false statements contained in the papers. As a matter of fact no state in the Union suffered less from the late panio tli an did Kansas under the hated Populist administration; and no state in the Union has better credit to-day, notwithstanding the conspiracy of republican editors to ruin it. What says Mr. Gleed upon this subject? Speaking of the pres ent sentiment of Eastern people, he says: When the symptoms of our oollcpse from