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3 depot in one of the largest towns for about 100 miles on its route in Mon tana, but passed through and built depot upon lands of its own, about three miles beyond, in order to build up a new town on its land and thereby enhance its value. Upon appeal to the supreme court of the United States it was held that the railway could do this although some of the judges dissented and stated that such a power was des potic and destructive of public rights Still it is the law, made so by the court of last resort. It is well known that the interstate commerce law is systematically defied. This has been shown by a recent United States grand jury at Chicago. But the devices by which favoritism may be given to friends are so numerous and so subtle that no law can be passed which can not be evaded by those whose power in government is so great. Government ownership is the only remedy. The long struggle for rail road commissions served only to cause the companies to control a majority of the commissioners. They have been able to do this in nearly every state and where they cannot do so, they can resort to the courts to stay the acts of the commissioners, as has been shown in the first part of this article. California is a fair evidence of the supremacy of railway power over the constitution, which, in 1879, laid upon the railroad "commissioners the abso lute duty to fix railroad rates and fares in detail; but the commission has de (led the law, and smiles at theMer chants' Traffic association, which urges it to proceed to perform the duty enjoined by law. The legislature has power to remove them from office. But they look to the railroad to prevent the election of a legislature that would stand by the public. An editorial from the Examiner, San Francisco, Febru ary, 185)2, refers to this in language showing the subversion of the state by railroad power. The provision of the California state constitution is as fol lows: "Said commissioners shall have the power, and it shall be their duty, to es tablish rates of charges for the trans portation of passengers and freights by railroad or other transportation com panies." , The editorial quotes this and pro ceeds to. say: "Nothing could be clearer than this; but a small thing like the organic law of the state cannot, in the light of ex perience, be expected to stand as a bar against the Southern Pacific having its own way when it wants it. Had we a railroad commission composed of men invincible to every inlluence save their sense of duty, the railroad company would dely it in earnest, and who can doubt what the result of the contest in the courts would be, should the condi tions be the same as have hitherto pre vailed ? Our judges, state and federal, have already, in many a- California case, taught us that there exists a prin ciple higher than any law, organic or statutory, which will be applied by the bench when needed. That principle is that men who are influential enough to make and unmake judges can do as they please." The very best minds of the nation have favored government ownership. Among political economists, Professor Richard T. Ely, of Johns Hopkins university; among business men, Pierre Lorrillard; and among farmers,. Gen eral John Bidwell are types of those who have carefully considered the question and pronounced for national ownership. The president of the Chi cago & Alton railroad, in his report for 18(.1, recommends it; and I am in formed that Senator Leland Stanford has said in conversation that he was not prepared to oppose the claim that government management could give cheaper rates to the people. It is to be remembered that vast mil lions would also be saved to the people by the practical destruction of coal and other combinations, which are practi cally identical with certain great rail way syndicates, like the Heading, Lehigh Valley and Jersey Central com bine, by which production is limited and prices enormously enhanced. The ownership by government of transpor tation lines includes also the express business, which would in many cases not exceed one-fourth the present cost. The Pacific mail steamship lines would resume their proper functions, and subsidies to prevent competition would cease. Many other advantages might be enumerated, such as the more speedy utilization of patents and im provements in transportation. The roads in private, hancfc have been productive of enormous destruction to life and limb. Last year the killed and wounded in the United States numbered 35,359. The following gives a comparison be tween certain countries: Killed. Wounded. United States C;K4 29.025 Great Britian l,07t 4,721 France 37!) 709 Prussia 402 1.379 We have more railroads, but still the number killed in proportion to passen gers carried one mile is as follows: In France, one to every 24 million; Eng land, one to every 21 million; Germany, one to every 9 million; United States, one to every 2.800.000. This shows very reckless operation. Government ownership would abol ish an enormous and harassing litiga tion, now carried on to the death by the companies, regardless of right. National operation would be of great value in the detection of certain crimes and in preventing illicit transportation Some persons range their objection under the cheap phrase that "they are opposed to paternal government.' But all government is of necessity of that nature. These persons when their house is on fire are not opposed to pa ternal government, by a thorough fire department. If their property is liable to be assailed they do not oppose a pa ternal effcient police force, or to keep down insurrection a large army and navy under national control. Oh, no! In order that no man or thief shall lay hand on one dollar of their acquisi tions.or set foot on one acre of their land, they are desirous of paternal govern ment; but if it is good to so protect them, can it be wrong and bad to in stitute national ownership of transpor tation in order to prevent private cor porations from taking all the surplus of producers by the tribute levied to pay interest on stock watered many times ? Men who so use this phrase are ignorant of the words. The relation of strikes to the railway problem can not be omitted. The fric tion between enormous combinations of capital and its wage-workers be comes yearly greater; and of all strikes, those of railway employes are capable of becoming the most disastrous: and strikes of this nature, extending over vast regions, if not at some time over the entire nation at once, are liable to occur, when, as i3 certain to happen, the corporations pass to a certain few, not to a single syndicate. What can be the result of such a state of affairs? If the corporations attempt to supply this vast field with new men, and should succeed, very great demoraliza tion must ensue, and human life and limb be at very greatly increased dan ger. uut couia a universal or very extended strike on the railways be so handled by the companies as to prevent for a time the loss of tens or hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of perish able products and the prostration of much business? These are serious matters to contemplate, and very prop erly to be considered in any, discussion of government ownership, where such a thing will not occur. There is no in stance of a strike in public service, and very obvious reasons. Stock gambling is the cause of wide spread business disasters; produces a feverish state of fluctuations, and is appalling in its moral consequences. The land is filled with wrecks of hu man beings, victims to its idle delu sions. Male and female, rich and poor, all orders of people, are drunken at its intoxicating shrine. This harlot sits a queen in the Babylon of Wall street, holding up the golden cup full of abominations. Now, stock gambling rose to a great height just in propor tion as the railroad stocks increased in volume, and eight-tenths of all stock gambling is in railroad stocks. While mining stock would leave a limited field for this evil, it can safely be claimed that with government ownership of rail roads, by which all railroad stock would cease to exist, this evil would be so re duced as to effect a mighty reforma tion. But this discussion is already lengthy. The independent and non-partisan press is practically a unit for govern ment ownership. Upon the Pacific coast the Chronicle has repeatedly edi torially advocated it. The Examiner has expressed itself as willing to adopt this demand, and it may be safely as serted that a great preponderenco of the scientific and intellectual forces of the country, which have carefully ex amined the subject, are favorable to this solution. The Farmers' Alliance and all great bodies of industrial pro ducers show strong majorities for it The whole empire of experience and reason demand it. By this means we may save the nation from the blasting and withering railroad corruption, to which the gigantic interest of the pri vate companies has brought us. No device or method can ever control rail way rates or obtain justice while they are owned by corporations. National ownership is the only remedy. "Neither is there salvation m any other." Railways and circulating currency are implements of industry. The gov ernment must own the former and supply and regulate the latter. If this is not done, and done speedily, the masses of the people will be ground to industrial ruin between the upper and nether millstone of these twin en gines of modern civilization. A Slngle-Taier. Editor Advocate: l'9rmit me to thank you for taking up my letter to you referring to the single-tax. The comment you are pleased to make upon it and other similar letters is not with out grouncfor justification in a general sense. The points mat tne bingle Tax Couiier raises and discusses I would in the main indorse. The ag gressive attitude toward all reformers putting the single-tax in the fore ground I regret knowing and feeling that I can not do any (rood. I am painfully aware that there are too many single-taxers who are unwilling I I7as Very fJorvcoo' ZzZrj tts spring, lij ajysUl was jee C? la toad ah?, I fcad & itrcS ec31 &t ss s rrsa vica felt tacts CtjsI Cia a I tad vsTcsd t9 zILA L I WU orgsl t) t3 Head's fcirf2a tzA Ma 117 wal CstkcSj bars tfclJ CJtl D worked wontos tzt n3 c C tiger and snsrjy for work. I&slsmf ET is worta Urbsg. I am grat&ftl t Zicl't Carsaparula that I f sal It my duty t writs Ga TtSratarfly." Enwana O. Doaxsrr, Dow;' CII. Be surs t get HOOD'S, bercssa Hsdd'a PVA3 eura all Uw Eea K2aa Jwiudlo, IndJjestloa, Ktii EsedK&fc to enter into the spirit of any reform not laid down according to their spe cific plan. I am, you will find.not one of them. While I have, of course," studied the single-tax considerably and feel reasonably well acquainted with its various phases I have taken every possible pains to read and 6tudy every thing that I could find against it, have, in fact, learned more regarding the single tax by reading papers at tacking it than I have in any other way. I wish to say that I have come to the conclusion that while the land question is undoubtedly the main and fundamental question of the present time, the single tax is not by any means the only method by which the land question can be lastingly and justly settled. Aa long as the over whelming majority of people cling fondly and tenaciously to taxation, in terest, profit and competition (to a greater or less extent) however, the single; tax scheme seems to me to be the route that we can get the most co travelers over, and I feel confident that if it is ever inaugurated its effects will be such as to lead us all in the direc tion of just social conditions much more rapidly and surely than the single-taxers generally dream of. I am at present studying the great ques tion of interest, believing that the single-taxers as a class are not all clear and logical on that important point. I am also a believer in the co-operative commonwealth advocated by the Twentieth Century which single taxers discard as too socialistic and try to be open to any reasonable, peaceful solu tion of the social problem. If not ask ing too much of you I should like to get a copy of your paper and would like to know whether or not you will give the single-tax or other reforms regular space in your columns. Butte, Mont. ' J. F. Begem:. $100 Beward, $100. The readers of this paper will be pleased to learn that then is at least one dread diseasa that science has been able to ours in all its eta zee, and that is Catarrh. Hall's Catarrh Curs is the only poaitiTe cure cot? known to the medical f rat entity. Catarrh, being a constitutional disease, retires a constitutional treatment. Hall's Catarrh Cure is taken internally. - acting dire it: upon the blood and mucous surfaces of tha By stem, thereby destroying the foundation of the disea&t, and girinj- tha patient strength by building up the constitution and assisting nature In doinar its word. Tha proprietors hare so muoh faith in its cars tire powers, that they offer One Hundred Dollars for any ease that it fails to cure. Send for list of testimonials. 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