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ADVOOATH. PSSPIBINO FOU SUSTBAGE. Cicero Takes a Decided Stand On the Silver Question. NO. XII. BY CON IIEALY. "Why is it, Cicero, that you have taken a stand in opposition to4 your party on the silver question?" "You are mistaken, madam. I am in full accord with the leading republi cans of the state on that question." "Then you must have changed your views very much lately. Only a few weeks ago, when you were giving me my first lessons on money, you ad vanced every argument that you could think of against the coinage of silver, and now I learn through the papers that nearly every republican politician and candidate has declared in favor of free coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. Now, if you believe that silver is cheap, dishonest and dan gerous money, you can not certainly indorse what these men say about coin ing it." "Your feminine tendency to jump at concjusions without proper investiga tion' has led you into error again. If you had read a little more closely, you would have seen that most of those men that you refer to have not de clared in favor of coining silver at 16 to 1 with gold. Some of the most prominent among them say that the question of ratio is one to be settled by international agreement, and I agree with them perfectly in that." "Yes, I remember. That was your position when we talked about it be fore, and that was one of the points on which I disagreed with you. I think it is very humiliating to say that we have to get permission from England or any other country before we can coin the kind of money that our own people are demanding." "Now, don't get excited over the ratio. There is too much stress placed on that particular point. I like the stand that Dick Blue takes on that. He says that he would vote for 16 to 1, or 20 to 1, or any other ratio that he can get. What we want is to coin silver. We are not going to be cranky about !, the ratio like the Populists are. They say 16 to 1 or nothing." "I think they are right about that. The ratio is the most important thing in the whole subject. Besides, if the people vote direct on that point, it will be settled, and it will prevent a long wrangle over it in congress. I think there should be more important points settled at the general elections than there are. The people would have less chance and reason to complain of leg islation then and would be better satis' fied." 'Vnn nrfl tnlatakp.il about the ratio being so important. It would make no difference to anyone only the silver miner." i "How much silver is there now c oined and in circulation ?" U "About 500 millions." v "If the ratio was changed, that would all have to be recoined, would it not? It would keep the mints busy several years doing that, and there would be no chance to coin new silver while that was being done." 4 "Well, a year or two wouldn't make Ci much difference." "Yes, it would. It would make a very great difference to the man who I i is in debt and is about to lose his home 1ot his business. If we had free coin to morrow it would save thousands T people from becoming bankrupt and iv?:t3. If congress had devoted this it e:::Io:i to EOttlirj the money ques tion in the way people wanted it set tled instead of pretending to adjust the tariff, it would have prevented a great deal ot misery throughout the country, and we could at least feel some ripple of that great wave of prosperity which has been promised." "There is no use in trying to hurry up things of this kind. Great changes in the public policy must come slowly and after much de.iberation." "Must they? I understand that the demonetization of silver came so sud denly that scarcely any one knew of it for several months after it had hap pened. I am told that several of the most important bills that were ever passed through congress, that is, those in which the people were most inter ested, were never mentioned in a plat form or discussed in a campaign. I think if the people had been given a chance to vote directly on those things, the exception clause would never have been put in the greenbacks; national banks would never have been started; millions of acres of public lands would never have been given away to rail road companies; the credit-strengthening act would never have been passed, or even been proposed; and silver would never have been demonetized." "You must remember that the peo ple might make mistakes as well as congress has done." "I have no doubt of that, but if they did make some mistakes they would still retain the power to correct them. It is different with congress. When that body makes a mistake it seems to be utterly powerless to ever rectify it. Here it has been twenty years since congress made the mistake (?) of de monetizing silver, and after both old parties promising to rectify it all the time, they have only got so far along as to say they are ready to do so now if foreign nations will only grant them permission." "That is not the position of many of the leaders of the republican party, in Kansas, at least. They have declared in favor of coining the product of the American mines regardless of what other nations may think about it." "What do you mean by coining the product of the American mines?" "I mean that they are in favor of coining all the silver that can be pro duced In this country and putting such a tariff on foreign silver as to keep it out. That would help the American mine owners and prevent this country from being flooded with the silver of the world." "How inconsistent that is, one mo ment refusing to coin silver because it would benefit nobody but the mine owners, and the next moment advo cating a tariff on silver to protect the mine owners, especially when no owner of silver mines ever thought of asking for protection. All the protection they want is the privilege of having 371 grains of silver coined into a dollar. No amount of protection could make it worth any more than that. And, as to foreign nations flooding us with sil ver, I made you admit not long ago that there would be no danger of that under free and unlimited coinage." "Of course we would need no pro tection to keep out foreign silver if we would put the ratio high enough, say 20 to 1." "Why, Cicero, that would never do. We want 16 to 1 or nothing." "That's right. You are a genuine Populist crank on the ratio. Now, why wouldn't 20 to 1, or 32 to 1, do just as well as 16 to 1." "It wouldn't do for several reasons. The ka3t one is, it does not egrea with your doctrine of protecting the Ameri can mine owner. Then 16 to 1 is the old ratio and all our silver now in cir culation is coined on that basis. But the most important reason is that any ratio higher than the present one would put less money in circulation. The principal reason for demanding the coinage of silver is to increase the vol ume of money in circulation; 32 to I would increase it just one-half as much as 16 to 1." "Well, have it you own way. I have told you several times that I didn't want to discuss the silver question." "I know you have, but I shall bring it up every time that you change your views on the subject. But I will drop it now for good, if you will tell me exactly how you stand on the question of coin ing silver. You shouldn't have any secrets from your wife, you know." "I now, this is private, remember. I am opposed to coining silver. I am for the single gold standard." "Now, one more question, how does the republican party stand on that issue?" "It is my honest opinion that it stands the same as I do." "Then why does the party not come out openly and say so?" "That question shows very plainly that you know nothing about politics. But I will give you one pointer that may give you a little light on the sub ject: Remember, Kansas must be re deemed." "God save it from such redeemers!" Why Should the Elective Franchise Be Ex tended to Women ? BY GEORGE HAWKINS. In the first place it should be the aim of the government to carry out as near as possible, the principle that was made the foundation stone of our republic, namely, that it should be a government of the people, by the peo ple and for the people. Since the gov ernment is for the whole people, women as much as men are included in its protection, and women as much as men are included in the necessity of obedience to the exactions of law. If we look upon the right of suffrage as a privilege that every one gladly ac cepts, of helping to make the laws by which he is governed, the same course of reasoning would lead us to the con clusion that women, coming under the necessity of obedience to law, should have accorded to them the same pre cious privilege. And if we look upon the right of suffrage as a duty, that every one benefited by the law should render his aid in making the law what it should be, the obligation as well as the privilege rests upon all alike to help make the law, that we like to obey and that we must obey. We hear it sometimes said that women do not take any interest in na tional affairs. What was the part they took in the dark days of the rebellion? Were not their burdens made heavier by willingly sending those to the front who were their main support in the battles of life? The loved ones of their own fireside were dear to them, but a common interest in the nation's welfare impelled them to say: "Go, my beloved sons, my husband, father and brothers, although our homes will be bereft, and many of you will never return, yet our common country needs you. Go, and may He that ruleth the destinies of nations be with you. Go, and do your duty." Who was it but the women of our country that organized and carried forward the "Women's Sanitary com mission," an organization thai; l z iti representatives on every hard fought battlefield, cared for the wounded in binding up the bleeding limb, and cooling the fevered brow and doing a thousand things that added to the com fort of those who were suffering and dying, that the government might live? Do not try to tell the student of American history that the women of this nation are taking no interest in its welfare. Ours is a common interest, whether it be prosperity or adversity. Thatsystem of government which is favorable to one is not adverse to the other. The question with many is: "Are they capable of casting an intelligent ballot?" Go visit our colleges and universities and you will find women filling all departments as teachers, in all of our varied and higher institu tions of learning. Search the class records, and you will find them stand ing on an equality in intellectual at tainments with those of the sterner sex, oftentimes carrying off the honors in intellectual, literary and oratorical contests. After they leave school you will find them filling important positions in nearly all the avocations of life. Look at the record of advancing intelligence that has been made by our public schools in the last twenty-five years. Go to the county and state superintend ents of those schools and you will find that about three-fourths of them are taught by females. And being a teacher includes teaching the lessons of history and the principles which actuated the citizens of the Old World to come to the New. It also implies teaching the causes and influences which led them to break loose from the mother country and establish a republic of our own. It also includes teaching the causes which have led to the rise and fall of parties, and I. may justlv add the causes which have led to the rise and fall of nations. They have to deal with the policies adopted by political parties and social reformers of all ages. They have to teach the rising genera tion the requisites that go to make good and patriotic citizens. Now, after they have done all this, how can we say that they are not qualified and entitled by all the claims of justice, to an equal and undisputed franchise with men ? O, consistency thou art a jewel 1 How is it possible for us to lay claim to the truth of the statement that we are living in the land of the free when the right of suffrage, the greatest emblem of liberty of which an American citizen can proudly boast, is denied to one-half our population. Oketo, Kansas. Present This to Every Voter. In 1890 the voters of Kansas made the lower house of the legislature Pop ulist, and the record shows that the Populist members of that house were faithful to their trust, though they could not accomplish much. In 1892 the governorship and a majority of the seats in the senate were filled with Populists, but the supreme court stole the lower house, and some of the best legislation the Populists proposed was defeated by this republican house. Still, by reason of the small republican majority in this house, in spite of itself, therA were more good laws made last session than had been made in the ten years previous. Now, the thing to do is to make all four branches of the state government Populist and thereby throw the whole responsibility on that party. If it fails of its duty it will then die a natural death. Give the People's party a chanco. '