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F. B. SNYDER, Compounds Strictly Pure Drugs. Take Your Family Receipesand Prescriptions to him. Accuracy Guaranteed. F. B. SNYDER.
FARMERS' ALLIANCE. ALLIANCE NOTES. Eight thousand troops at Buffalo, N. Y., are protecting scab labor that has taken the place ol organized labor. Carnegie, Frick and others of the steel trust make 10,000 a day. It is a pity a good healthy income tax is not in rogue. We do not wish capital to be robbed 3f any of its just rights, but we object to labor being robbed of any of its just rights. In Lawrence county, Ark, there are only three democrats and one re publican, the rest being people's party men. Great West The miners of Tennessee and the switchmen of New York are harvesting the crop they planted by voting for the democratic and republican parties. Lamar (Mo.) Industrial Lmon. In free trade England the same complaint comes from labor that we are confronting in highly protected Amer ica, and when a man savs free trade or protection are at the bottom in either country he is either a stupid ass or a bar. New Forum. If miners and switchmen would ex ercise a' little common sense in voting they would serve their interests in a much better way than they can do by striking' and destroying property and getting themselves butchered by Shy lock's army. Lamar (Mo.) Industrial Union. The Atchison Champion, speaking of the present labor troubles, asks: "Where will it end?" It will never end AN UNHOLY ALLIANCE THE CAUSE AND ITS EFFECTS. The patriotic rebels who at Bunker Hill laid down their lives that the, republic might live have ever been enshrined in the grateful hearts of a free people The Tennessee miners have bled and died in defense of human rights. Future historians will ascribe to them a bright page in the annals of liberty. It may be true, as the pluto cratic press states to be the fact, that the free miners in Tennessee are in armed reballion against the law, but they certainly have justice and equity on their side. The nation called the United States is the outcome of an armed rebellion against law, but in the name of liberty and human rights. If the convict criminals are to be farmed out by the state at nominal wages, with the result of driving honest labor out of employment and to starvation, it is time that labor was taking steps to defend itself. If men e'an coin money out of the blood and groans of convicts and the tears of the wives of unemployed honest men and yet remain prominent and trusted leaders in political parties, it is time labor cast its vote so as to wipe out of existence the parties that countenance such a travesty upon justice and political wisdom. Geo. C. Ward. . nntil plutocracy takes a back seat in this republic and labor receives full justice. Chalk that down where you can look at it occasionally. Topeka Advocate. When a government becomes a means of oppression and a defender of the oppressor; when it legalizes robbery of the workmen; when it makes laws for the rich aiid against the poor; then it is time for the workingman to take a hand in the fight and cry halt'. Kansas City ,(Kan.) Sun., , . . Government loans to the people: 'Why should the government mingle its credit (paper money) with that of the banks when the -super km credit of the government could be extended di rectly to the community to the mutual benefit of both the government and the community." John C. Calhoun. Within the past two months the en tire militia forces of the stat of Penn- sylvania, Idaho, New York and Tennes see have been called into the field on account of labor troubles.' This in free America! Is it a condition or a theory 1 we are confronting? Is there not some thing radically wrong? New Forum. The labor troubles that are just now disturbing the peace of the militia men of New York, Pennsylvania and ; tennessee,. are becoming matters of grave significance. If anybody thinks there is no polities in the case he will learn better before long. This labor question is the essence of politics. Ad vocate. The issue is now fairly presented between government ownership of the railroads or railroad ownership of the government The people, if not this year, soon will have, must hare the courage to sign their verdict upon this question, and when signed it will be a righteous one. Minnesota Stock Farm and Ilome. ' . La&t Monday night two hundred representatives of the labor unions ol Denver, met and organized Loyal Labor league No. 1, meaning, ""loyal to truth, principle, ourselves and country." After careful deliberation they adopted the platform of the people's paty in toto, without a dissenting voice. Clay Center (Kan.) Graphic Organized labor was never so stirred up as now. In fact, even unorganized t labor begins to see that It must do something to be saved. There's a revo- lution on. On with the "campaign ef sducation" that the people May be en abled to vote, intelligently; vote right that the revolution may be ft tloodleaa I one. Chicago Free Press. AN UNEQUAL FIGHT. Tiie Executive Arm of the Mate and the Nation is liaised to strike Down talon Labor. It would seem from the following As sociated Press dispatches that the whole military force of the I nited States is al the service of the capitalistic monop lists. to assist in crashing out organized union labor: General Counsel A. S. Colyar. of the Tennessee Coal & Iron Co.. said at the Fifth Avenue hotel in New York in re gard to the convict labor troubles and the company's state lease: "One thing is certain, that when the Tennessee Coal & Iron Co. once gives up its lease it will never again employ convict la bor. One of the chief reasons which first induced the company to take up the system was the great chance which it seemed to present for overcoming strikes. For some years after we began the convict labor system we found that we were right in calculating that the free laborers would be loth to enter up on strikes when they saw that the com pany was amply provided with convict labor, and, as' I am one that does not approve of the convict system, I don't mind saying that for many years the company found this an effective club to be held over the heads of the free labor ers. But the clamorings of the people for the past few years, combined with the recent disgraceful events, have dis gusted the company with the whole business, and we shall all be glad when we are well out of it." "The officers of the Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Co. and the board of prison inspectors met in Nashville, Tenn., to consider the answer of the lessee to the orders recently made by the inspectors. The board decided to accept the proposition of the lessee and ordered that the convicts be returned to the branch prisons from which they were removed at the earliest practicable moment This means that the state will guard and protect the lessees against violence from mobs and that the mines will be re-opened and the convicts put at work. The latest from Coal Creek is that quiet prevails and that squads of miners are still being arrested and examined." All the saloons at this place have been closed and no one is allowed in the streets after 11 p. m.. The saloon keepers are strong sympathizers of. the miners and their places have been closed to preveat secret meetings of the union. The Poorman and Tigers mines are worked by union men who tendered support to those who were locked out To break up the union Gen. Curtis or dered a shut down In both mines and will not allow, union men to be em ployed at any point in the county. In order to hold the troops here and guard against a possible outbreak as a conse quence of the shut down, an order directing three companies to proceed to Cosur d'Alene City with prisoners has been suspended, and the troops will re main here until after September 1. Law-abiding citizens are beginning to ohaft under the restraint of martial law, and some assert tbt Curtis is abusing the power conferred upon Mia. Wardncr (Idaho) Pisp.it ck Commenting u;ou ti:c pres'-nt riep'or able condition of affairs, the I'itUburg Kunsan says. "Four staa in arms. One of taem in the wiM an i wliey west. Two in the cultivated, enlight ened and polished east; and one in the very heart of this great and glorious republic. Red handed, bloody war in these four, and the grim specter of war in the other forty states. It is no holi day parade, no festive procession of merry revelers on pleasure bent No'. But war, or rather butchery. "with Win chester rifles and Gatling runs, with the smoke and thunder of cannon, the shrieks of the wounded, the gory gar ments ol the dead, the terror of orohans. the low, unutterable moanings of wid ows. 'Tn this fierce war there is but one flag, the American one people, Ameri cansone language, American the citizens of one country. America. Yet the cruel bullets from the guns held in the hands of American soldiers, crash through the brains or tear the flesh of American citizens. In four states. Pennsylvania, the Keystone State, chief product and crowning glory of repub lican statesmanship, has 8,000 troopers sullenly standing guard with fixed am munition behind fixed bayonets over 3,000 plundered workingmen. Thirteen thousand armed sabers, including the famous Seventh .-egiment. are holding 300 outraged switchmen at Buffalo in subjection. New York. s the Empire State, commercial emporium of the con tinent, the industrial center of the re public, has, let us repeat it. tin army of 13,000 armed men with guns turned on the 300 honest, toiling 'railroad work men. The great central state of Ten nessee has concentrated all its milita strength in the Coal Creek district of east Tennessee, and from its headquar ters has issued orders to kill every miner; to take no prisoners; ' "The miners were guilty of the crime of objecting to work with convicts and in competition with convicts. These miners ure Americans every man of them. They appealed to the legisla ture year after year to have the odium of working with convicts, and the in justice of competing with them re moved, but Tom Piatt, of New York, who owns the mines, and the convicts, also owns the legislature, and their ap peal was unheeded. At last they rose in unorganized rebellion against the infamy of being classed with criminals, and lo! the army of Tennessee has been turned loose on them, and Gen. Carnes, commander-in-chief of Tom Piatt's butchers, has given orders to take no prisoners but to shoot- the miners at sight ; . "But it is in Wyoming where this carnival of military force is most lurid and damnable. The millionaire cattle men not only got out the 6tate militia to shoot down, murder, plunder and burn the ranchers, but, to the ineffaoe able disgrace of republicanism, got Ben Harrison to order out United States soldiers to aid in the hideous carnage. "Thus we have four states overrun with moss-troopers to do whati Yes what? Four states widely sundered, with diverse industries, but a homogen ous people, echoing to the tread of bat talions. And why? Distant and dis similar as are these states the casus belli is the same in alL It is capitalism against labor. It is plutocracy against the people. The plutarchs have inau gurated an era of terrorism and blood. The people are arousing from a dread ful dream. They have fondly believed this is a republic and are now begin ning to realize that it is a plutarchy. The plutarchs will not let go, and now, men and brethren, they invoke the strug gle by letting hell loose." In confirmation of the downward tendency of prices we quote from the United States department of agricult ure, the following astounding report: "The national wheat crop for 1SS9 was greater than that of 13SS, by 74,693,000 busheis; but owing to a fall of prices, sold for less money by W2, 756,223." The masses must rise against the classes at the polls. HOW SHALL WE VOTE? Ifa Man WNIirto Vote tor III Own In tereuM the Oue.ttiou U Katlljr An swered. This is a question that greatly con cerns us at the present time, especially the farmers and laboring classes, for we are in a great deal worse condition than we have any idea of, and we may never have another chance to vote our selves free from the money power; and under the present management of the government, and with the present mon etary system, the national bank system that we have in operation in this country in a few more years the com mon people will have nothing left, and will be servants and slaves to the money lords. The national banks are taking all the profits of labor out of the hands of the laboring classes and putting it into the hands of the monied class and will eventually dispossess every fanner and small property holder in this nation without a change. And with the na tional, state, municipal and individual indebtedness standing against us that labor must pay and no money scarcely to pay it with, there won't be any of us who own farms now that will have a home left for ourselves and chil dren at the end of twenty years, because the debt is so large, and the amount of money with which to pay it is so small that we can never get money enough to pay it, and it will take all the land owned by the common people to pay the debts. Joseph II. Walker, a wealthy congressman and n strong opponent of free silver, says that the whole indebtedness of the American people is f:;i,4'iS,000,000, and that the interest alone on that sura would amount to 1SS,!JO.OOO while tha amount of gold or debt paying money is only three per cent of the indebted ness, or three dollars to every hundred That is. that we only have three dol lars in money to pay a hundred dol lars in debts. Now how many times will we have to turn that three dollars to make it pay the hundred dollar debt, or can we pay it at all without stripping1 us of all we possess, and if we let the debts run and pay only the in terest will we not still be slaves to the money kings? Now, Mr. Walker seems to be a calamity howler, but he is tell ing the truth and is only stealing a lit tle alliance or people's party thunder when he says we have not money enough to pay the debts of the country. If he or any of the rest of the old party men think that we ought to have more money why don't they give us more. Why did they vote against free silver. But they don't want to give us more money and only talk that way to deceive the peo ple. They will talk one 'way and do another way, and are not to be trust ed, and we, as fanners and laborers, should vote for the men who repre sent our interests, it matters not what party we find them in. But we will not find many in the old parties that will work for our interest even if they be ' alliance men. For we elected about forty alliance democrats and republicans to congress last year and they have done no good because they are bound to party and have to obey the will of the money power who con trol the parties. The nine men who were elected on the alliance platform have done more for the. people than the whole forty, and all the men in the old parties, besides, because they worked for the interest of the people instead of working for the party. And now I want to say that every farmer and labor ing man can vote as he pleases, but as for myself, I am going for the people's party ticket clear through because I have the best of reasons to be lieve that the men on that ticket, if elected, will represent the great labor interest of this coun try, and beside I believe that the time is near at hand when we will either have to vote for homes or fight for them. And the great question before the American people to-day is, not the tariff but the money question. The do ing away with the national banks that is robbing the people and the govern ment to issue and control the money. It is said that in twenty years after the national bank was organizod in England that all the land passed out of the hands of the common people into the hands of the money class, and it will do the same here. They already have three-fifths of the wealth now, and in twenty years more they will have all our homes and we will become tenants and slaves to them. So let us vote for the labor party, the party that demands the abolition of the national banks. The government control "of railroads, the free coinage of both silver and gold, tariff reduction and the isst ing of more money to the people Cor., St Louis Monitor. SPECIOUS SOPHISTRIES. MonometallUts State a General Law and Then Make a Special Application. From Rhodes' Journal of Banking I clip the following: "Heal money has two functions. It furnishes a standard of value, and it is a medium of exchange. The thing by which value is measured must have value itself.. Therefore, . coins of the precious metals are the only real money that can perform all the functions of money. Paper representatives of real money can very well perform the' one function that of furnishing a medium of exchange. But when this function is performed, then those who desire to turn into something tangible the re sults of exchange transactions desire real money. Silver coin Is real money as much as gold coin, to the extent that it has real value. But a large portion of the nominal value of our silver coin to-day is based not on the real value of the silver contained in the coin, but upon a credit given to it by law. Law can give credit value to anything, but only to the extent of the credit of the government that enacts the law. The credit of a government, as far as its pa per money is concerned, is only good within its own boundaries; and to pay debts outside, gold and silver and other commodities are alone available. When commodities are not wanted, the precious metals are always taken at their real or market value. The great falling off is the market price of silver has depreciated it as a money metal in the eyes of mankind, and consequentlj gold, if it can be obtained, is always taken in preference. All of tha cur rency of the United States to-day rests on a gold basis as far as the ere Jit of the country can sustain it Virtually the United States by the act of 1S'.0, has promised to pay gold for all its out standing paper money." It would seem incredible that any considerable number of intelligent in dividuals could be hoodwinked into ad vocating a monetary system, a defense of which involved the indorsement of as many palpable absurdities as the above clipping contains. The whole paragraph is a string of flimsy fallacies and specious sophistries. Money is not a "measure of values'' in the commonly accepted meaning of that term, bnt if it was it would be a leiraL. not a natural measure; hence any value ii mignt possess as such measure would be legal and not "real." Money may be said to differentiate values, as numbers differentiate quantities, amounts and sums. The terms indicator or numera tor more clearly convey an idea of the province of money as relates to values. Articles possessing value, such as goods merchandise and commodities, are dif ferentiated in value not by comparing them with money, but by comparing them with each other, and money does but indicate the differences in 'value that exist between such articles. Gold and silver possess very little "real" value; indeed if the nations of the earth wrre to entirely demonetize both metals they would le compara tively worthless. 1 his is proved by the history of the. silver dollar, the bullion in which was worth in 1S73 more than the bullion in a gold dollar, but has since been, by adverse legislation, re duced in value 32 per cent, and which, if the silver law of 1SH0 were repealed, would probably lose as much as 23 per cent of its present commercial value. Gold is subject to the same law as silver, and if treated as silver has been treated would quickly demonstrate that the greater part of its present value is given to it by the fiat of law, instead of being, as monometallists delight to term it, ' real'' and intrinsic. The law to which both of these metals are subject may be state.! as follows. When any given quantity of any certain metal is given by law a monetary value of a certain denomina tion, and such metal is accorded the privilege of unlimited or unrestricted coinage, the whole product or supply of such metal takes to itself the coinage value given to it by law and the com mercial value becomes merged in the coinage value. That is exactly the po sition occupied by gold at the present time, and by silver up to the crime of 1S73. Take away the artificial value given to it by the flat of law and either gold or silver is at once reduced to the level of all other commodities and loses its value for use as money; L e., its coin age value. This law is recognized by gold standard England. The London Times of August 23 editorially declares "that the closing of the India mines against the coinage of silver would be a dangerous expedient, as inducing a con siderable difference between the value of the coined and the uncoined metal, thus stimulating unlicensed private coinage and that the artificial value given the rupee would deprive India of a monetary value of any kind." And yet, in the face of these indisput able facts, a journal which is the organ of the banking fraternity and aspires to be an authority upon finance and mon etary science gravely states the exact law which governs metallic money and triumphantly, applies it to the present status of silver money, but pretends an ignorance of the fact that gold money is governed by precisely the same iden tical law. The dollar and its value are idealities and would exist as affirma tively without a material embodiment as with it We may say by our Iuwb that so many grains of gold or silver shall constitute one dollar, but we are powerless to arbitrarily determine the value of the dollar, such, value being dependent upon the number of units in circulation and the volume of valuable commodities offered for exchange, and to some extent the whims and caprices of individuals. For, after all, value is but the measure of the desire of individ uals to possess certain objects or articles, while the ideal unit of value will just as surely measure such desires as do the Ideal Eoman numerals measure and differentiate numbers. Consider for a moment the absurdity of the monometallists' argument Find ing in 1873 a law that said 85.8 grains of gold (9-10 fine) and 4115 grains of silver (9-10 fine) should constitute one dollar, they abrogate the law as relates to silver and continue it In , force as to gold and then ascribe the fall in the value of silver to natural instead of le gal causes. , A never ending, constantly recurring circle of exchanges constitutes what is called commerce, and money, in its legitimate and proper analysis, is but the medium by which sua exchanges are effected. That this is the fact is a very comforting truth in view of the theories laid down by the Joufnal of Banking. We have in the United States, in round numbers, 165,000,000,000 of values and exchange annually many billions of dollars' worth of valuble products. 'As we are said not to have to exceed 11,000,000,000 in both gold and silver combined, if tha owners of one sixty-fifth part of our material values should get it Into their heads that they desired to "turn into something tangi ble the results of exchange transaction," and at the same time believe that noth ing was "tangible" except gold and sil ver, they would absorb our total supply of gold and silver and we should be left without any real (?) money. There is, possibly, as much as 1000, 000,000 in gold in the United States, which is probably enough to supply the demand for use in the arts and sciences for from thirty-five to fifty years. As the annual product of gold in the United States is easily twice as much as is demanded for nse in the arts, one can imagine the depreciation in vaiue which would overtake this "something tangible" were gold de monetized and the owners compelled te look to its intrinsic qualities (not value) for remunerative "result of fth M . change transactions." George C Ward, in ojuua uty Mail. EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES. Whr Should Not the Letter Postage Prl i rlple He Applied to the Transportation; of Freight? What is transportation on the postal system? It is forwarding freight any distance at an average cost for such service. Where do we find the most re liable data on which to base an average charge? In the inter-state commerce reports. Where do they get their in formation on which to make their re ports? From sworn statements of the railroads of the United States. In the fifth annual report for the year lS'Jt, on page seven, the average distance of haul is shown to be a fraction less than one hundred and twenty miles. The aver age receipt for carrying one ton of freight one mile is nine and forty one hundredths mills. Multiplying the average distance of haul by average gross revenue we find that one dollar and thirteen cents per ton, or less than six cents per hundred pounds was all the roads received on the average for all tonnage of freight they moved dur ing the year covered by that report. In other words, if the shipping public had bought of the railroads a freight stamp of five and three-quarters cents for every hundred or fraction of a hun dred pounds shipped any distance, re gardless of classification, tho roads would have received the same gross rev enue they did receive; they would have had the same income with which to pay interest on bonds, dividends on stock, operating expenses, betterment of roads, disbursements legitimate and illegitimate as they did receive and the public would have been treated exactly alike as they are now in cost of postage and postal . service. Let me quote a late editorial of the Omaha Bee, which will serve to show the average business intelligence and honesty of the corporation subsi dized press and how closely related to the jackass family many of the so-called "smorf (?) men are who suppose they shape public opinion. In order to show how crazy we independents are the Bee's man says: "A campaign orator of the people's party in Georgia is re ported as saying that 'the time will come when a poor man can stick a post age stamp on a mule and ship it from Georgia to Texas.' When that time does come there will be fine facilities for the colonization of voters by the people's party." The people of the country have heard a great deal about Iowa local freight rates being ruinously low. We know there is some power building up certain localities and tearing down others; we realize there must be a screw loose somewhere in freight transit, but it is hard for us who are not expert machin ists in science of railroading by tariffs to discover where it is. When we get a grand round-up of statistics laid before us, even though those facts have noth ing but the oath of a railroad manager to support them, and when we learn that one dollar and thirteen cents per ton per haul is all they charge on the average, we are led to believe that rail roading if administered to all alike makes very reajonablo charges for its service. Let us look at the practical fact as applied to us in the west on our level prairies and take the so-called low rates of Iowa as a basis. Let us ship a ton of groceries (not otherwise specified) for a distance of sixty miles under Iowa rates and the charge is four dollars and six teen centa If it is shipped one hundred and twenty miles the average distance of a haul for the whole country it is four dollars and forty-five cents (t4.43) Iowa rates against an average gross charge of one dollar and thirteen cents. To a man who rides on a pass at the ex pense of his neighbor this may look like no partiality was used against us. Groceries are luxuries and of course we ought to stand a large expense to get them. The fact is that Iowa local rates are fifty per cent too high if we continue to base reasonable charges on a ton per mile rate. Under the Iowa rates six teen of her roads have increased their local tonnage almost two millions of tons during the past year (see page 11 Iowa reporta of '81) and her receipts have in creased from over- thirty-seven millions dollars in '89 to over forty-three mil lion dollars in 1891, (see page 0 Iowa re ports '9L) The 'truthful (?) Jameses of Iowa, who manage railroads, swore under sol emn oath and in virtuous indignation that the business men's demands for rates which were put into force by the Iowa legislature would ruin them! If Ananias and Sapphira, the Bible char acters noted for careless handling of the troth, had been Inbred and all their progeny treated on the same scientific principle down to the present time to develop the highest genius in thorough bred lying the net result would not pro duce an equal to some of these traffic manipulators who claim Iowa rates are ruinously low. Fourth-class goods, Omaha to Kearney, are eight dollars a ton. First-class goods twelve dollars, and yet the railroads make such rates to more favored localities and classes that the average haul is but one dollar and thirteen cents. . In the face of this we have a majority of the state board of transportation, consisting of "clean" men who are renominated on the repub lican ticket, who have the power to re duce our local rates to the Iowa basis and yet they do not do it Kearney, Neb. A. J. Gustix. llare Bight. We hear a great deal of talk about "rights," etc These questions have been harped upon by the plutocratic press for years. The people ought to understand them pretty well by this time. We suggest, for a change, that the question of the rights of men and women be taken up now and discussed. We insist that men and women have rights as well as property and the signs of the times indicate that it is high time they were being considered. New Forum. Th Difference. When Carnegie's workingmen were arrested they were confined in jail until bail was furnished, but when Carnegie's arrogant officials were arrested they were permitted to send attorneys to represent them and furnish baiL Jus tice may be blimd, but in Pittsburgh she knows a capitalist from a working man. Eocky Mountain News.