People's voice. [volume], September 09, 1892, Image 7

About People's voice. [volume] (Wellington, Sumner County, Kansas) 1890-1917

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F. B. SNYDER, Compounds Strictly Pure Drugs. Take Your Family Receipesand Prescriptions to him. Accuracy Guaranteed. F. B. SNYDER.
FARMERS' ALLIANCE.
ALLIANCE NOTES.
Eight thousand troops at Buffalo,
N. Y., are protecting scab labor that
has taken the place ol organized labor.
Carnegie, Frick and others of the
steel trust make 10,000 a day. It is a
pity a good healthy income tax is not in
rogue.
We do not wish capital to be robbed
3f any of its just rights, but we object
to labor being robbed of any of its just
rights.
In Lawrence county, Ark, there
are only three democrats and one re
publican, the rest being people's party
men. Great West
The miners of Tennessee and the
switchmen of New York are harvesting
the crop they planted by voting for the
democratic and republican parties.
Lamar (Mo.) Industrial Lmon.
In free trade England the same
complaint comes from labor that we are
confronting in highly protected Amer
ica, and when a man savs free trade or
protection are at the bottom in either
country he is either a stupid ass or a
bar. New Forum.
If miners and switchmen would ex
ercise a' little common sense in voting
they would serve their interests in a
much better way than they can do by
striking' and destroying property and
getting themselves butchered by Shy
lock's army. Lamar (Mo.) Industrial
Union.
The Atchison Champion, speaking
of the present labor troubles, asks:
"Where will it end?" It will never end
AN UNHOLY ALLIANCE THE CAUSE AND ITS EFFECTS.
The patriotic rebels who at Bunker Hill laid down their lives that the, republic might live have ever been
enshrined in the grateful hearts of a free people The Tennessee miners have bled and died in defense of human
rights. Future historians will ascribe to them a bright page in the annals of liberty. It may be true, as the pluto
cratic press states to be the fact, that the free miners in Tennessee are in armed reballion against the law, but they
certainly have justice and equity on their side. The nation called the United States is the outcome of an armed
rebellion against law, but in the name of liberty and human rights. If the convict criminals are to be farmed out by
the state at nominal wages, with the result of driving honest labor out of employment and to starvation, it is time
that labor was taking steps to defend itself. If men e'an coin money out of the blood and groans of convicts and the
tears of the wives of unemployed honest men and yet remain prominent and trusted leaders in political parties, it is
time labor cast its vote so as to wipe out of existence the parties that countenance such a travesty upon justice and
political wisdom. Geo. C. Ward. .
nntil plutocracy takes a back seat in
this republic and labor receives full
justice. Chalk that down where you
can look at it occasionally. Topeka
Advocate.
When a government becomes a
means of oppression and a defender of
the oppressor; when it legalizes robbery
of the workmen; when it makes laws
for the rich aiid against the poor; then
it is time for the workingman to take a
hand in the fight and cry halt'. Kansas
City ,(Kan.) Sun., , . .
Government loans to the people:
'Why should the government mingle
its credit (paper money) with that of
the banks when the -super km credit of
the government could be extended di
rectly to the community to the mutual
benefit of both the government and the
community." John C. Calhoun.
Within the past two months the en
tire militia forces of the stat of Penn-
sylvania, Idaho, New York and Tennes
see have been called into the field on
account of labor troubles.' This in free
America! Is it a condition or a theory
1 we are confronting? Is there not some
thing radically wrong? New Forum.
The labor troubles that are just
now disturbing the peace of the militia
men of New York, Pennsylvania and
; tennessee,. are becoming matters of
grave significance. If anybody thinks
there is no polities in the case he will
learn better before long. This labor
question is the essence of politics. Ad
vocate. The issue is now fairly presented
between government ownership of the
railroads or railroad ownership of the
government The people, if not this
year, soon will have, must hare the
courage to sign their verdict upon this
question, and when signed it will be a
righteous one. Minnesota Stock Farm
and Ilome. ' .
La&t Monday night two hundred
representatives of the labor unions ol
Denver, met and organized Loyal Labor
league No. 1, meaning, ""loyal to truth,
principle, ourselves and country." After
careful deliberation they adopted the
platform of the people's paty in toto,
without a dissenting voice. Clay Center
(Kan.) Graphic
Organized labor was never so stirred
up as now. In fact, even unorganized
t labor begins to see that It must do
something to be saved. There's a revo-
lution on. On with the "campaign ef
sducation" that the people May be en
abled to vote, intelligently; vote right
that the revolution may be ft tloodleaa
I one. Chicago Free Press.
AN UNEQUAL FIGHT.
Tiie Executive Arm of the Mate and the
Nation is liaised to strike Down talon
Labor.
It would seem from the following As
sociated Press dispatches that the whole
military force of the I nited States is al
the service of the capitalistic monop
lists. to assist in crashing out organized
union labor:
General Counsel A. S. Colyar. of the
Tennessee Coal & Iron Co.. said at the
Fifth Avenue hotel in New York in re
gard to the convict labor troubles and
the company's state lease: "One thing
is certain, that when the Tennessee
Coal & Iron Co. once gives up its lease
it will never again employ convict la
bor. One of the chief reasons which
first induced the company to take up
the system was the great chance which
it seemed to present for overcoming
strikes. For some years after we began
the convict labor system we found that
we were right in calculating that the
free laborers would be loth to enter up
on strikes when they saw that the com
pany was amply provided with convict
labor, and, as' I am one that does not
approve of the convict system, I don't
mind saying that for many years the
company found this an effective club to
be held over the heads of the free labor
ers. But the clamorings of the people
for the past few years, combined with
the recent disgraceful events, have dis
gusted the company with the whole
business, and we shall all be glad when
we are well out of it."
"The officers of the Tennessee Coal,
Iron and Railroad Co. and the board of
prison inspectors met in Nashville,
Tenn., to consider the answer of the
lessee to the orders recently made by
the inspectors. The board decided to
accept the proposition of the lessee and
ordered that the convicts be returned
to the branch prisons from which they
were removed at the earliest practicable
moment This means that the state
will guard and protect the lessees
against violence from mobs and that
the mines will be re-opened and the
convicts put at work. The latest from
Coal Creek is that quiet prevails and
that squads of miners are still being
arrested and examined."
All the saloons at this place have
been closed and no one is allowed in
the streets after 11 p. m.. The saloon
keepers are strong sympathizers of. the
miners and their places have been
closed to preveat secret meetings of the
union. The Poorman and Tigers mines
are worked by union men who tendered
support to those who were locked out
To break up the union Gen. Curtis or
dered a shut down In both mines and
will not allow, union men to be em
ployed at any point in the county. In
order to hold the troops here and guard
against a possible outbreak as a conse
quence of the shut down, an order
directing three companies to proceed to
Cosur d'Alene City with prisoners has
been suspended, and the troops will re
main here until after September 1.
Law-abiding citizens are beginning to
ohaft under the restraint of martial
law, and some assert tbt Curtis is
abusing the power conferred upon Mia.
Wardncr (Idaho) Pisp.it ck
Commenting u;ou ti:c pres'-nt riep'or
able condition of affairs, the I'itUburg
Kunsan says. "Four staa in arms.
One of taem in the wiM an i wliey
west. Two in the cultivated, enlight
ened and polished east; and one in the
very heart of this great and glorious
republic. Red handed, bloody war in
these four, and the grim specter of war
in the other forty states. It is no holi
day parade, no festive procession of
merry revelers on pleasure bent No'.
But war, or rather butchery. "with Win
chester rifles and Gatling runs, with the
smoke and thunder of cannon, the
shrieks of the wounded, the gory gar
ments ol the dead, the terror of orohans.
the low, unutterable moanings of wid
ows.
'Tn this fierce war there is but one
flag, the American one people, Ameri
cansone language, American the
citizens of one country. America. Yet
the cruel bullets from the guns held in
the hands of American soldiers, crash
through the brains or tear the flesh of
American citizens. In four states.
Pennsylvania, the Keystone State, chief
product and crowning glory of repub
lican statesmanship, has 8,000 troopers
sullenly standing guard with fixed am
munition behind fixed bayonets over
3,000 plundered workingmen. Thirteen
thousand armed sabers, including the
famous Seventh .-egiment. are holding
300 outraged switchmen at Buffalo in
subjection. New York. s the Empire
State, commercial emporium of the con
tinent, the industrial center of the re
public, has, let us repeat it. tin army of
13,000 armed men with guns turned on
the 300 honest, toiling 'railroad work
men. The great central state of Ten
nessee has concentrated all its milita
strength in the Coal Creek district of
east Tennessee, and from its headquar
ters has issued orders to kill every
miner; to take no prisoners; '
"The miners were guilty of the crime
of objecting to work with convicts and
in competition with convicts. These
miners ure Americans every man of
them. They appealed to the legisla
ture year after year to have the odium
of working with convicts, and the in
justice of competing with them re
moved, but Tom Piatt, of New York,
who owns the mines, and the convicts,
also owns the legislature, and their ap
peal was unheeded. At last they rose
in unorganized rebellion against the
infamy of being classed with criminals,
and lo! the army of Tennessee has been
turned loose on them, and Gen. Carnes,
commander-in-chief of Tom Piatt's
butchers, has given orders to take no
prisoners but to shoot- the miners at
sight ; .
"But it is in Wyoming where this
carnival of military force is most lurid
and damnable. The millionaire cattle
men not only got out the 6tate militia
to shoot down, murder, plunder and
burn the ranchers, but, to the ineffaoe
able disgrace of republicanism, got Ben
Harrison to order out United States
soldiers to aid in the hideous carnage.
"Thus we have four states overrun
with moss-troopers to do whati Yes
what? Four states widely sundered,
with diverse industries, but a homogen
ous people, echoing to the tread of bat
talions. And why? Distant and dis
similar as are these states the casus
belli is the same in alL It is capitalism
against labor. It is plutocracy against
the people. The plutarchs have inau
gurated an era of terrorism and blood.
The people are arousing from a dread
ful dream. They have fondly believed
this is a republic and are now begin
ning to realize that it is a plutarchy.
The plutarchs will not let go, and now,
men and brethren, they invoke the strug
gle by letting hell loose."
In confirmation of the downward
tendency of prices we quote from the
United States department of agricult
ure, the following astounding report:
"The national wheat crop for 1SS9 was
greater than that of 13SS, by 74,693,000
busheis; but owing to a fall of prices,
sold for less money by W2, 756,223."
The masses must rise against the
classes at the polls.
HOW SHALL WE VOTE?
Ifa Man WNIirto Vote tor III Own In
tereuM the Oue.ttiou U Katlljr An
swered. This is a question that greatly con
cerns us at the present time, especially
the farmers and laboring classes, for
we are in a great deal worse condition
than we have any idea of, and we may
never have another chance to vote our
selves free from the money power; and
under the present management of the
government, and with the present mon
etary system, the national bank system
that we have in operation in this
country in a few more years the com
mon people will have nothing left, and
will be servants and slaves to the money
lords.
The national banks are taking all the
profits of labor out of the hands of the
laboring classes and putting it into the
hands of the monied class and will
eventually dispossess every fanner and
small property holder in this nation
without a change. And with the na
tional, state, municipal and individual
indebtedness standing against us that
labor must pay and no money scarcely
to pay it with, there won't be any of us
who own farms now that will have a
home left for ourselves and chil
dren at the end of twenty
years, because the debt is so
large, and the amount of money with
which to pay it is so small that we can
never get money enough to pay it, and
it will take all the land owned by the
common people to pay the debts. Joseph
II. Walker, a wealthy congressman and
n strong opponent of free silver, says
that the whole indebtedness of the
American people is f:;i,4'iS,000,000, and
that the interest alone on that sura
would amount to 1SS,!JO.OOO while tha
amount of gold or debt paying money
is only three per cent of the indebted
ness, or three dollars to every hundred
That is. that we only have three dol
lars in money to pay a hundred dol
lars in debts. Now how many
times will we have to turn that three
dollars to make it pay the hundred dollar
debt, or can we pay it at all without
stripping1 us of all we possess, and if we
let the debts run and pay only the in
terest will we not still be slaves to the
money kings? Now, Mr. Walker seems
to be a calamity howler, but he is tell
ing the truth and is only stealing a lit
tle alliance or people's party thunder
when he says we have not money
enough to pay the debts of the country.
If he or any of the rest of the old party
men think that we ought to have more
money why don't they give us more. Why
did they vote against free silver. But they
don't want to give us more money and
only talk that way to deceive the peo
ple. They will talk one 'way and do
another way, and are not to be trust
ed, and we, as fanners and laborers,
should vote for the men who repre
sent our interests, it matters not what
party we find them in. But we will
not find many in the old parties that
will work for our interest even if they
be ' alliance men. For we elected
about forty alliance democrats and
republicans to congress last year and
they have done no good because they
are bound to party and have to obey
the will of the money power who con
trol the parties. The nine men who
were elected on the alliance platform
have done more for the. people than the
whole forty, and all the men in the old
parties, besides, because they worked
for the interest of the people instead of
working for the party. And now I
want to say that every farmer and labor
ing man can vote as he pleases, but as
for myself, I am going for the people's
party ticket clear through because I
have the best of reasons to be
lieve that the men on that
ticket, if elected, will represent
the great labor interest of this coun
try, and beside I believe that the time
is near at hand when we will either
have to vote for homes or fight for
them. And the great question before
the American people to-day is, not the
tariff but the money question. The do
ing away with the national banks that
is robbing the people and the govern
ment to issue and control the money.
It is said that in twenty years after
the national bank was organizod in
England that all the land passed out of
the hands of the common people into
the hands of the money class, and it
will do the same here. They already
have three-fifths of the wealth now, and
in twenty years more they will have
all our homes and we will become
tenants and slaves to them. So let us
vote for the labor party, the party that
demands the abolition of the national
banks. The government control "of
railroads, the free coinage of both silver
and gold, tariff reduction and the isst
ing of more money to the people Cor.,
St Louis Monitor.
SPECIOUS SOPHISTRIES.
MonometallUts State a General Law and
Then Make a Special Application.
From Rhodes' Journal of Banking I
clip the following:
"Heal money has two functions. It
furnishes a standard of value, and it is
a medium of exchange. The thing by
which value is measured must have
value itself.. Therefore, . coins of the
precious metals are the only real money
that can perform all the functions of
money. Paper representatives of real
money can very well perform the' one
function that of furnishing a medium
of exchange. But when this function
is performed, then those who desire to
turn into something tangible the re
sults of exchange transactions desire
real money. Silver coin Is real money as
much as gold coin, to the extent that it
has real value. But a large portion
of the nominal value of our silver coin
to-day is based not on the real value of
the silver contained in the coin, but
upon a credit given to it by law. Law
can give credit value to anything, but
only to the extent of the credit of the
government that enacts the law. The
credit of a government, as far as its pa
per money is concerned, is only good
within its own boundaries; and to pay
debts outside, gold and silver and other
commodities are alone available. When
commodities are not wanted, the
precious metals are always taken at
their real or market value. The great
falling off is the market price of silver
has depreciated it as a money metal in
the eyes of mankind, and consequentlj
gold, if it can be obtained, is always
taken in preference. All of tha cur
rency of the United States to-day rests
on a gold basis as far as the ere Jit of
the country can sustain it Virtually
the United States by the act of 1S'.0,
has promised to pay gold for all its out
standing paper money."
It would seem incredible that any
considerable number of intelligent in
dividuals could be hoodwinked into ad
vocating a monetary system, a defense
of which involved the indorsement of
as many palpable absurdities as the
above clipping contains. The whole
paragraph is a string of flimsy fallacies
and specious sophistries.
Money is not a "measure of values'' in
the commonly accepted meaning of that
term, bnt if it was it would be a leiraL.
not a natural measure; hence any value
ii mignt possess as such measure would
be legal and not "real." Money may be
said to differentiate values, as numbers
differentiate quantities, amounts and
sums. The terms indicator or numera
tor more clearly convey an idea of the
province of money as relates to values.
Articles possessing value, such as goods
merchandise and commodities, are dif
ferentiated in value not by comparing
them with money, but by comparing
them with each other, and money does
but indicate the differences in 'value
that exist between such articles.
Gold and silver possess very little
"real" value; indeed if the nations of
the earth wrre to entirely demonetize
both metals they would le compara
tively worthless. 1 his is proved by the
history of the. silver dollar, the bullion
in which was worth in 1S73 more than
the bullion in a gold dollar, but has
since been, by adverse legislation, re
duced in value 32 per cent, and which,
if the silver law of 1SH0 were repealed,
would probably lose as much as 23 per
cent of its present commercial value.
Gold is subject to the same law as silver,
and if treated as silver has been treated
would quickly demonstrate that the
greater part of its present value is
given to it by the fiat of law, instead of
being, as monometallists delight to
term it, ' real'' and intrinsic. The
law to which both of these metals
are subject may be state.! as
follows. When any given quantity of
any certain metal is given by law a
monetary value of a certain denomina
tion, and such metal is accorded the
privilege of unlimited or unrestricted
coinage, the whole product or supply of
such metal takes to itself the coinage
value given to it by law and the com
mercial value becomes merged in the
coinage value. That is exactly the po
sition occupied by gold at the present
time, and by silver up to the crime of
1S73. Take away the artificial value
given to it by the flat of law and either
gold or silver is at once reduced to the
level of all other commodities and loses
its value for use as money; L e., its coin
age value. This law is recognized by
gold standard England. The London
Times of August 23 editorially declares
"that the closing of the India mines
against the coinage of silver would be a
dangerous expedient, as inducing a con
siderable difference between the value
of the coined and the uncoined metal,
thus stimulating unlicensed private
coinage and that the artificial value
given the rupee would deprive India of
a monetary value of any kind."
And yet, in the face of these indisput
able facts, a journal which is the organ
of the banking fraternity and aspires to
be an authority upon finance and mon
etary science gravely states the exact
law which governs metallic money and
triumphantly, applies it to the present
status of silver money, but pretends an
ignorance of the fact that gold money
is governed by precisely the same iden
tical law. The dollar and its value are
idealities and would exist as affirma
tively without a material embodiment
as with it We may say by our Iuwb
that so many grains of gold or silver
shall constitute one dollar, but we are
powerless to arbitrarily determine the
value of the dollar, such, value being
dependent upon the number of units in
circulation and the volume of valuable
commodities offered for exchange, and
to some extent the whims and caprices
of individuals. For, after all, value is
but the measure of the desire of individ
uals to possess certain objects or articles,
while the ideal unit of value will just
as surely measure such desires as do the
Ideal Eoman numerals measure and
differentiate numbers.
Consider for a moment the absurdity
of the monometallists' argument Find
ing in 1873 a law that said 85.8 grains
of gold (9-10 fine) and 4115 grains of
silver (9-10 fine) should constitute one
dollar, they abrogate the law as relates
to silver and continue it In , force as to
gold and then ascribe the fall in the
value of silver to natural instead of le
gal causes. ,
A never ending, constantly recurring
circle of exchanges constitutes what is
called commerce, and money, in its
legitimate and proper analysis, is but
the medium by which sua exchanges
are effected. That this is the fact is a
very comforting truth in view of the
theories laid down by the Joufnal of
Banking. We have in the United States,
in round numbers, 165,000,000,000 of
values and exchange annually many
billions of dollars' worth of valuble
products. 'As we are said not to have
to exceed 11,000,000,000 in both gold and
silver combined, if tha owners of one
sixty-fifth part of our material values
should get it Into their heads that they
desired to "turn into something tangi
ble the results of exchange transaction,"
and at the same time believe that noth
ing was "tangible" except gold and sil
ver, they would absorb our total supply
of gold and silver and we should be left
without any real (?) money.
There is, possibly, as much as 1000,
000,000 in gold in the United States,
which is probably enough to supply
the demand for use in the arts and
sciences for from thirty-five to fifty
years. As the annual product of gold
in the United States is easily twice as
much as is demanded for nse in the
arts, one can imagine the depreciation
in vaiue which would overtake this
"something tangible" were gold de
monetized and the owners compelled te
look to its intrinsic qualities (not value)
for remunerative "result of fth M .
change transactions." George C Ward,
in ojuua uty Mail.
EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES.
Whr Should Not the Letter Postage Prl i
rlple He Applied to the Transportation;
of Freight?
What is transportation on the postal
system? It is forwarding freight any
distance at an average cost for such
service. Where do we find the most re
liable data on which to base an average
charge? In the inter-state commerce
reports. Where do they get their in
formation on which to make their re
ports? From sworn statements of the
railroads of the United States. In the
fifth annual report for the year lS'Jt, on
page seven, the average distance of haul
is shown to be a fraction less than one
hundred and twenty miles. The aver
age receipt for carrying one ton of
freight one mile is nine and forty one
hundredths mills. Multiplying the
average distance of haul by average
gross revenue we find that one dollar
and thirteen cents per ton, or less than
six cents per hundred pounds was all
the roads received on the average for
all tonnage of freight they moved dur
ing the year covered by that report.
In other words, if the shipping public
had bought of the railroads a freight
stamp of five and three-quarters cents
for every hundred or fraction of a hun
dred pounds shipped any distance, re
gardless of classification, tho roads
would have received the same gross rev
enue they did receive; they would have
had the same income with which to pay
interest on bonds, dividends on stock,
operating expenses, betterment of
roads, disbursements legitimate and
illegitimate as they did receive and the
public would have been treated exactly
alike as they are now in cost
of postage and postal . service.
Let me quote a late editorial
of the Omaha Bee, which will serve to
show the average business intelligence
and honesty of the corporation subsi
dized press and how closely related to
the jackass family many of the so-called
"smorf (?) men are who suppose they
shape public opinion. In order to show
how crazy we independents are the
Bee's man says: "A campaign orator
of the people's party in Georgia is re
ported as saying that 'the time will
come when a poor man can stick a post
age stamp on a mule and ship it from
Georgia to Texas.' When that time
does come there will be fine facilities
for the colonization of voters by the
people's party."
The people of the country have heard
a great deal about Iowa local freight
rates being ruinously low. We know
there is some power building up certain
localities and tearing down others; we
realize there must be a screw loose
somewhere in freight transit, but it is
hard for us who are not expert machin
ists in science of railroading by tariffs
to discover where it is. When we get a
grand round-up of statistics laid before
us, even though those facts have noth
ing but the oath of a railroad manager
to support them, and when we learn
that one dollar and thirteen cents per
ton per haul is all they charge on the
average, we are led to believe that rail
roading if administered to all alike
makes very reajonablo charges for its
service. Let us look at the practical fact
as applied to us in the west on our level
prairies and take the so-called low rates
of Iowa as a basis. Let us ship a ton of
groceries (not otherwise specified) for a
distance of sixty miles under Iowa rates
and the charge is four dollars and six
teen centa If it is shipped one hundred
and twenty miles the average distance
of a haul for the whole country it is
four dollars and forty-five cents (t4.43)
Iowa rates against an average gross
charge of one dollar and thirteen cents.
To a man who rides on a pass at the ex
pense of his neighbor this may look
like no partiality was used against us.
Groceries are luxuries and of course we
ought to stand a large expense to get
them.
The fact is that Iowa local rates are
fifty per cent too high if we continue to
base reasonable charges on a ton per
mile rate. Under the Iowa rates six
teen of her roads have increased their
local tonnage almost two millions of tons
during the past year (see page 11 Iowa
reporta of '81) and her receipts have in
creased from over- thirty-seven millions
dollars in '89 to over forty-three mil
lion dollars in 1891, (see page 0 Iowa re
ports '9L)
The 'truthful (?) Jameses of Iowa,
who manage railroads, swore under sol
emn oath and in virtuous indignation
that the business men's demands for
rates which were put into force by the
Iowa legislature would ruin them! If
Ananias and Sapphira, the Bible char
acters noted for careless handling of
the troth, had been Inbred and all their
progeny treated on the same scientific
principle down to the present time to
develop the highest genius in thorough
bred lying the net result would not pro
duce an equal to some of these traffic
manipulators who claim Iowa rates are
ruinously low. Fourth-class goods,
Omaha to Kearney, are eight dollars a
ton. First-class goods twelve dollars,
and yet the railroads make such rates
to more favored localities and classes
that the average haul is but one dollar
and thirteen cents. . In the face of this
we have a majority of the state board
of transportation, consisting of "clean"
men who are renominated on the repub
lican ticket, who have the power to re
duce our local rates to the Iowa basis
and yet they do not do it
Kearney, Neb. A. J. Gustix.
llare Bight.
We hear a great deal of talk about
"rights," etc These questions have
been harped upon by the plutocratic
press for years. The people ought to
understand them pretty well by this
time. We suggest, for a change, that
the question of the rights of men and
women be taken up now and discussed.
We insist that men and women have
rights as well as property and the signs
of the times indicate that it is high
time they were being considered. New
Forum.
Th Difference.
When Carnegie's workingmen were
arrested they were confined in jail until
bail was furnished, but when Carnegie's
arrogant officials were arrested they
were permitted to send attorneys to
represent them and furnish baiL Jus
tice may be blimd, but in Pittsburgh
she knows a capitalist from a working
man. Eocky Mountain News.